Teachers’ Perspectives on the Impact of Community Violence on the Educational Climate in Arab Society Schools in Israel

Abstract

This qualitative study examines the impact of societal violence on the school climate in Arab society in Israel, focusing on teachers’ perspectives. Violence is conceptualized as an extreme, intentional form of aggression aimed at causing physical, psychological, or emotional harm. In the Israeli context, Arab society, constituting about 21% of the population, experiences disproportionately high rates of violent crime, reflecting historical marginalization, structural inequality, under-policing, and sociocultural transformations. Within schools, these societal dynamics are reported to negatively affect the learning environment, including diminished teacher motivation, concerns about teaching quality, heightened perceptions of unsafety, strained parent–school relationships, and increased parental aggression. Sixteen teachers participated in semi-structured interviews. Thematic analysis of the data revealed that financial pressures, emphasis on personal honor, and erosion of family values are perceived as key drivers of violence in the community. Teachers also reported adverse effects on students’ emotional, social, and behavioral functioning, as well as academic performance. These findings underscore the urgent need for interventions that enhance school safety, provide trauma-informed teacher training, expand psychological services, and strengthen parental collaboration. Future research should include students’ and parents’ perspectives, examine geographically diverse schools, and explore cross-cultural comparisons to better understand the educational consequences of societal violence.

1. Introduction

The Arab society in Israel has been increasingly affected by a wave of violence and crime in recent years, including a surge in homicides, organized criminal activity, and firearm-related events [1,2]. The human cost is stark: over 430 Arab citizens were killed violently in just 2023 and 2024, representing over 74% of all victims of violence in the country during that period, despite Arabs constituting only about 21% of the population [1]. This alarming trend has eroded the sense of security within Arab society in Israel, with surveys consistently showing higher levels of fear and perceived personal risk compared to Jewish citizens [3]. Within this unique sociopolitical context—characterized by historical marginalization, unequal resource allocation, and tense relations with state institutions—violence has become not only a criminal or social issue but also a reflection of broader structural inequalities in Israeli society.

While public discourse frequently addresses the political, economic, and policing facets of this growing violence, the social and educational repercussions within Arab society in Israel remain relatively underexplored. Research shows that schools, as central community anchors, are not isolated from their surrounding environments [4,5]. Exposure to community violence has been linked to adverse student outcomes, including heightened anxiety, impaired concentration, and reduced academic performance [6,7,8]. Teachers, too, are affected, with studies documenting how violence undermines their sense of safety, professional engagement, and well-being [9,10,11,12,13]. These dynamics can erode the overall educational environment, particularly in Arab schools in Israel, where educators must navigate not only pedagogical challenges but also the social consequences of ongoing community violence.

This study examines the educational implications of the widespread violence in Arab society in Israel, with a particular focus on its influence on Arab schools in the North District. By analyzing the perspectives of educational staff in our local schools, the research aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how community violence impacts their operation.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Violence

Violence is defined here as an extreme, intentional form of aggression aimed at causing serious physical, psychological, or emotional harm [14,15,16,17]. Intent is central: behavior is considered violent when the goal is to harm, regardless of whether injury occurs.

Violence exists on a continuum—from minor acts such as pushing to severe acts such as homicide. While all violent acts are aggressive, not all aggression is violent. Beyond physical harm, violence encompasses verbal or emotional abuse that inflicts lasting psychological distress [18,19]. It may occur as isolated incidents or as chronic, intergenerational patterns within families or communities [14,20,21]. Collective manifestations include bullying, gang activity, riots, and cyberviolence [22]. Within this study, violence is viewed as both a societal and structural phenomenon permeating schools and reflecting broader community dynamics, including relational, dating, and sexual violence [23,24]. Thus, it encompasses not only individual acts of harm but also systemic and environmental forces shaping educational climates and the well-being of teachers and students in Arab society in Israel.

2.2. Risk Factors for Violence

Violent behavior results from multiple, interacting risk factors. Severe forms of violence (e.g., assault or homicide) are typically associated with multifaceted causes. Research distinguishes between two categories of risk factors: person-related (internal) and environmental (external) influences [25,26].

2.2.1. Person-Related (Internal) Factors

One of the most studied internal predictors of violent behavior is sex. While males tend to exhibit higher levels of physical aggression and are overrepresented in violent crime statistics, especially in young adulthood [27,28], this pattern is more nuanced in the context of domestic violence. A substantial body of research suggests that men and women perpetrate and experience domestic violence at roughly similar rates (e.g., [29,30,31,32]), although the severity and consequences may differ, with women more likely to suffer serious injury or death. These findings challenge simplistic gender-based assumptions and highlight the need to consider context, type, and impact of violence.

Biological and sociocultural explanations include gender norms emphasizing dominance and control [25,33]. Gendered socialization also shapes expression and reporting of violence, influencing observed differences.

Early aggression is another consistent predictor. Longitudinal studies over five decades show that childhood aggression forecasts later antisocial and violent conduct [34,35,36]. Personality traits and emotional dysregulation further elevate risk: adolescents prone to anger or poor emotional control are more likely to act aggressively [37,38]. The “dark tetrad” traits—narcissism, psychopathy, Machiavellianism, and sadism—also predict violence due to shared features of low empathy and exploitative tendencies [25,39].

Neuropsychiatric conditions, including ADHD, conduct disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, and mood or impulse-control disorders, impair emotional regulation and inhibition, increasing the aggression risk [40,41,42,43]. These findings underscore the interaction between biological, psychological, and social factors in shaping violent tendencies.

2.2.2. Environmental (External) Factors

Environmental conditions strongly shape violent behavior. Social exclusion, peer victimization, and isolation increase risk, especially when adolescents develop resentment toward rejecting groups [44,45,46].

Family and neighborhood instability—such as divorce, child abuse, domestic violence, unemployment, or exposure to crime—further contribute [47,48]. Violent media exposure, substance use, and chronic stress amplify aggression [49,50,51,52].

Culturally sanctioned practices, including physical punishment or honor-related violence, may legitimize aggression and perpetuate intergenerational harm [53,54,55,56]. Such norms illustrate the interplay between culture, family, and community in sustaining violence.

2.3. Violence in Arab Society in Israel: Structural and Sociopolitical Context

Violence and crime in Arab society in Israel have reached alarming levels and must be interpreted within broader structural and sociopolitical frameworks [57,58]. Although Arabs comprise about one-fifth of Israel’s population, they constitute the majority of homicide and property-crime victims [53].

These disparities reflect systemic inequality, limited state resources, and insufficient law enforcement [59,60].

Historical marginalization, restricted municipal development, and exclusion from decision-making have maintained socioeconomic gaps that foster insecurity [61,62]. Weak policing in Arab towns further erodes trust and enables organized crime [63,64].

Rapid sociocultural transitions—from extended patriarchal to nuclear family structures, and exposure to global media—have weakened traditional authority without replacing it with stable civic frameworks [65]. Consequently, violence reflects not only cultural shifts but also structural violence driven by political marginalization, inequality, and institutional neglect. Schools mirror these conditions, shaping both teachers’ and students’ sense of safety and belonging.

2.4. Impact of Violence in Society on Children’s Functioning at School and the School Climate

Violence exerts profound effects on children’s mental health and development. Post-traumatic stress disorder and depression are common consequences, but exposure to violence also impairs cognitive functioning, attention, and academic performance [66,67,68,69]. The more stress and violence children experience, the greater the difficulties they face in mental health, learning, and relationships [70].

Importantly, the impact of domestic and family violence on children’s adjustment depends on the identity of the victim and perpetrator. While violence against women has been widely documented to predict children’s anxiety, depression, and lower school engagement [71,72,73], emerging evidence also highlights that violence against men can have comparable negative consequences for children’s emotional and behavioral development [74,75].

Recent child maltreatment data show that both mothers and fathers can be perpetrators of abuse, and in many cases, they act together as co-perpetrators [75,76,77]. Some reports even indicate that mothers may be slightly more likely than fathers to engage in certain forms of child abuse, emphasizing the need for a gender-inclusive and contextualized understanding of family violence.

Beyond the family, community violence negatively affects children’s classroom behavior, parents’ stress responses, and the overall school environment [69,78,79,80,81,82,83,84,85,86,87,88,89]. Poverty-related disparities in exposure to violence partly explain inequalities in school readiness and learning outcomes. Although a few studies report mixed effects [80], most link community violence with reduced academic achievement and attendance and greater behavioral problems [81,82].

School climate—the quality of relationships, values, and practices within schools—also deteriorates under the influence of societal violence [83,84]. Exposure to community and domestic violence, regardless of gender of the victim or perpetrator, contributes to students’ aggression toward teachers and undermines norms of safety and respect [85,86].

Discrimination, Hate Speech, and Intergroup Conflict in the Educational Context

Discrimination and intergroup tension further shape the educational experience of Arab youth. Structural inequalities, biased media, and intergroup hostility affect identity, self-esteem, and belonging [87,88,89].

Perceived discrimination predicts aggression, alienation, and poor academic outcomes among marginalized youth [90,91,92]. In Israel, these dynamics are intensified by majority–minority tensions and weakened trust in state institutions. Schools, seen as extensions of the state, may therefore become spaces of insecurity and resistance, where violence reflects accumulated sociopolitical marginalization rather than mere community disorder.

2.5. Impact of Violence in Society on Teachers

Teachers in high-violence contexts face direct and indirect exposure to aggression from students and communities. Some students bring risky behaviors such as fighting or weapon-carrying to school, while others display trauma symptoms from family or community victimization. These dynamics endanger both student development and teacher well-being [93,94].

Although research on children’s exposure to violence is extensive, studies addressing teachers remain limited. Violence that spills into schools reduces teachers’ motivation and sense of safety [95]. Broader factors—domestic violence, poverty, and unemployment—also influence school dynamics and teacher morale [96].

2.6. Research Rationale and Objectives

The rising levels of crime and violence in Arab society in Israel constitute not only social and law enforcement challenges but also critical educational concerns. As violence becomes embedded in Arab towns and cities, its repercussions increasingly affect schools. Teachers work amid fear and instability, while students experience emotional distress, behavioral difficulties, and disruptions to learning.

Prior research shows that community violence undermines students’ socio-emotional development and teachers’ professional engagement [97,98]. In Arab schools, where such violence is prevalent, these effects on school climate, student well-being, and academic achievement are likely substantial. However, empirical evidence focused specifically on this context remains limited. A deeper understanding of these processes is essential for developing interventions that foster resilience and stability within educational settings.

Accordingly, this study explores teachers’ perceptions of how crime and violence in Arab society in Israel influence the educational environment. It examines four interrelated domains: teacher motivation, school culture, student emotional and behavioral functioning, and academic performance. These dimensions represent the core components of a healthy educational ecosystem. By addressing them, the study aims to clarify how community violence penetrates school life and disrupts its functioning, thereby filling a critical gap in the literature concerning the intersection of societal violence and school dynamics in Arab society in Israel.

2.7. Research Questions

Based on the objectives above and the need for a systematic, multi-dimensional analysis, this study addresses the following questions:

(1)

Teacher Motivation: How does exposure to community violence affect teachers’ perceived motivation in Arab schools? Previous research suggests that fear and instability can reduce teacher engagement, impacting the human capital essential for student success [97,99].

(2)

Organizational Culture: In what ways does community violence influence the organizational culture within Arab schools? Studies indicate that violence can disrupt school cohesion, shared norms, and collective practices [83,100].

(3)

Student Socio-Emotional Development: Does the prevalence of violence affect students’ emotional, behavioral, and social functioning? Evidence links community violence to increased anxiety, aggression, and social difficulties, which can hinder effective learning [11].

(4)

Academic Achievement: To what extent does exposure to violence impact students’ academic performance? Prior studies suggest that stress and trauma from community violence can impair learning outcomes and academic attainment [68].

3. Methodology

3.1. Method

This study employed a qualitative research approach, which was chosen to gain a deep and nuanced understanding of a complex social phenomenon from the perspectives of the individuals experiencing it [101,102]. Given the sensitivity and multifaceted nature of the topic, a qualitative approach allows for an in-depth exploration of teachers’ lived experiences, emotions, and perceptions regarding the impact of societal violence on their schools, rather than the perspectives of students. The core of this method is the belief that individuals construct their own realities, and therefore, an understanding of this phenomenon must be derived directly from their narratives [103,104].

Specifically, a qualitative case study methodology was used to conduct an in-depth analysis of one school in the “Triangle” area—a city known for its challenges with violence and crime. This single-case design allows for a rich, contextual exploration of the phenomenon in its natural setting, providing an illuminating and representative account of the perceptions of teachers in a community affected by violence [105,106]. The primary focus of this research is on the process—the “how” of teachers’ experiences and perceptions—which is central to qualitative inquiry [107,108].

3.2. Participants

Participants were selected through purposive sampling, ensuring that those included could provide rich, relevant information about the research questions [109]. The sample consisted of 10 homeroom teachers from two elementary schools and 6 teachers from a middle school, all located in the Triangle area—an area characterized by high levels of crime, violence, and low socioeconomic status [110,111].

The individual interview group (n = 10) included six women and four men, aged 29–51 (M = 40.1, SD = 7.09), with teaching experience ranging from 9 to 25 years (M = 15.6, SD = 5.80). All were employed as homeroom teachers in regular education. The focus group participants (n = 6) included three women and three men, aged 29–44 (M = 36.83, SD = 4.94), with 5–16 years of experience (M = 11.67, SD = 3.50). Data saturation was reached when no new themes emerged in subsequent interviews or focus group discussions.

3.3. Research Instruments and Data Collection

Data were collected between March and June 2024 using two primary methods: semi-structured, in-depth interviews and a focus group.

Individual interviews were guided by a protocol designed to explore teachers’ experiences and perceptions of societal violence. This approach allowed for flexibility, enabling the researchers to delve deeper into emergent themes while maintaining consistency with the research questions [112,113]. The interviews were conducted in Arabic, audio-recorded, and lasted between 60 and 90 min.

The focus group served as a second data collection instrument, allowing for a dynamic exploration of shared attitudes and perceptions [114,115]. The group discussion was facilitated by two of the researchers and guided by a protocol with thematic similarities to the interview guide. Two sessions, each approximately two hours long, were held at the middle school and were video-recorded with the principal’s permission.

Before their participation, all teachers received a verbal and written explanation of the study and provided informed consent. Their participation was voluntary, and confidentiality was assured.

3.4. Data Analysis

Data were analyzed thematically using Shkedi’s [102] two-stage process. First, interview and focus group transcripts were coded inductively to identify initial themes emerging from the data. In the second stage, related themes were grouped into broader categories to map connections and patterns across cases. Analysis was conducted iteratively, moving between raw data and conceptual categories to ensure interpretations remained grounded in participants’ accounts.

3.5. Trustworthiness and Validity

The trustworthiness of this qualitative research was established through strategies aligned with the criteria of credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability [102]. Credibility, or internal validity, was enhanced by the researchers’ extensive professional experience in the Ministry of Education, which provided a deep contextual understanding of the participants’ environment. We also used consistent interview and focus group protocols and engaged in an iterative process between the data and our conceptual framework. Transferability, or external validity, was addressed by providing a detailed and comprehensive description of the research context and findings, enabling readers to assess their applicability to similar settings. Dependability, or reliability, was ensured by a transparent description of all research stages, from participant recruitment to data analysis, allowing for an examination of the study’s logic and plausibility. Confirmability, or objectivity, was achieved by grounding our interpretations in the data and providing illustrative quotes from the participants to demonstrate the foundation of our findings. All interview and focus group transcripts were securely stored for potential external review.

4. Findings

This section presents the central themes emerging from the analysis of 10 individual interviews and one focus group with 6 teachers. The study aimed to explore how societal violence and crime in Arab society in Israel affect schools, with a focus on teachers’ experiences, perceptions, and professional challenges. Findings are organized into four levels: societal, teacher, school, and student. Each theme connects directly to the research objectives, highlighting both commonalities and differences among participants.

4.1. Societal-Level Factors: Reasons for Violence and Crime

Teachers identified three interrelated drivers of violence and crime: financial incentives, ego and honor, and the erosion of family values.

4.1.1. Financial Incentives

All teachers emphasized the role of economic pressure and the desire for rapid wealth. One participant noted, “People want to get rich quickly, so they join criminal organizations to make easy money”, while another linked this to socioeconomic inequality: “Young people realize that with all their education, they still cannot afford a home or land, so they start looking for alternatives”. These accounts suggest that financial hardship interacts with social pressures to foster engagement in crime.

4.1.2. Ego and Honor

Teachers described personal honor and ego as strong motivators for violence. “Even children fight because of personal honor—parents encourage them to hit anyone who bothers them”, one teacher explained. Conflicts often escalate over minor slights, highlighting a cultural dimension that amplifies aggression.

4.1.3. Erosion of Family Values

The weakening of family and communal authority emerged as a pervasive concern. One teacher remarked, “Fathers can no longer influence their sons; youth drift toward crime and violence”. Teachers agreed that diminished family guidance leaves students more vulnerable to negative social influences, linking societal violence to the breakdown of traditional moral structures.

4.2. Teacher-Level Impacts

Teachers reported that societal violence affected both motivation and teaching quality, though reactions varied.

4.2.1. Motivation

Most teachers described decreased motivation: “I no longer want to go to school; violence around us kills motivation and makes it hard to teach”. However, some viewed the situation as a call to action: “What is happening increases my motivation… We need to educate them on values”. This divergence illustrates the complex ways teachers interpret and respond to their social environment.

4.2.2. Teaching Quality

Opinions on professional impact were mixed. Some felt unaffected: “It doesn’t affect me professionally. I teach the same way as before”. Others reported reduced effectiveness due to emotional strain: “Teachers are suffering and afraid to deal with students, not knowing how they or their parents will react”. The data indicate that emotional well-being and professional resilience are closely linked in contexts of pervasive violence.

4.3. School Level

4.3.1. Protection and Safety

Teachers consistently described schools as unsafe. One stated, “No one feels safe… children carry knives and razor blades”. Parental aggression compounded the sense of insecurity. Focus group participants expressed being “threatened at any given moment”, indicating that teachers experience constant vigilance and anxiety within the school environment.

4.3.2. School–Parent Relationships

Teachers described a significant change in school–parent relations since the rise in violence. Parents have become more intrusive, often overstepping boundaries. One teacher observed: “After a violent event, the school is full of parents—you can’t tell who’s a teacher and who’s a parent”. Another added, “Parents wander around freely; it’s hard to work in such conditions”.

All participants agreed that both verbal and physical aggression by parents toward teachers has increased, further undermining safety and professional respect.

4.4. Student Level

4.4.1. Emotional, Social, and Behavioral Functioning

Teachers reported significant declines in students’ socio-emotional functioning, including aggression, impulsivity, emotional dysregulation, and diminished self-confidence. One noted, “Students have lost self-confidence. Some act impulsively, while others withdraw in fear. We see fights daily; it’s frightening”.

The focus group confirmed these findings, describing increased frustration, insecurity, and emotional instability among students exposed to constant violence.

4.4.2. Academic Performance/Learning Abilities

Violence also undermined learning: “Achievement depends on where the child comes from and how much violence they’re exposed to”. Teachers highlighted that exposure to unsafe environments reduces concentration and engagement, creating cascading effects on academic outcomes.

4.5. Analytical Summary

Overall, teachers perceive violence as impacting all layers of school life: societal structures, family guidance, professional motivation, school safety, parent–teacher dynamics, and student well-being. While some educators exhibit resilience and increased commitment, most describe pervasive insecurity, emotional strain, and diminished effectiveness. These findings highlight the interconnections between societal violence and the educational ecosystem, emphasizing the role of schools as both vulnerable to and potential buffers against these forces.

5. Discussion and Conclusions

The study examined how violence and crime in Arab society in Israel affect school climate from teachers’ perspectives. Drawing on qualitative interviews and a focus group with 16 teachers, the findings reveal interconnected themes concerning teacher motivation, school safety, parent–school relations, and students’ socio-emotional and academic well-being. These insights reflect not only educators’ daily realities but also broader structural and sociopolitical forces shaping the educational system.

5.1. Structural Drivers of Violence

Teachers attributed the escalation of violence to socioeconomic hardship, weakened family structures, and erosion of traditional values. While these perceptions align with cultural and subcultural theories of violence [116,117], they also point to deeper structural causes—poverty, discrimination, and insufficient institutional protection.

These accounts correspond with theories of structural and social disorganization [118,119], emphasizing how inequality and neglect foster violence. Teachers described how weak law enforcement, limited social services, and minimal state accountability heighten community tensions. The intersection of gender, politics, and socioeconomic exclusion further sustains cycles of aggression [56,120]. Overall, violence in Arab society appears not merely cultural but structurally reproduced—an understanding essential for interpreting its impact on schools and educators.

5.2. Impact on Teachers

Teachers’ testimonies revealed mixed effects on motivation and professional identity. Many reported declining morale and instructional quality, consistent with prior research on violence exposure [121,122,123]. Others expressed strengthened commitment, viewing their role as an act of resilience and moral resistance [124,125]. This ambivalence reflects the concept of critical hope [126], where educators in marginalized settings position themselves as change agents challenging inequality.

However, persistent insecurity and limited institutional protection impose psychological and professional strain. These experiences underscore how structural and ideological violence—including gender-based threats and political marginalization—shape teachers’ motivation, identity, and capacity to sustain engagement.

5.3. Impact on Students and School Climate

Violence profoundly undermines students’ emotional, social, and academic development. Teachers described heightened aggression, emotional dysregulation, diminished respect, and lower self-confidence among students—patterns consistent with trauma [69,127]. The absence of adequate protection and access to mental health resources reinforces these challenges, normalizing fear and mistrust.

Schools increasingly mirror their external environments, becoming spaces marked by insecurity and fragile trust [128,129]. Strained parent–school relationships further erode the educational climate, reflecting broader community mistrust toward state-affiliated institutions [130]. Consequently, school dynamics cannot be separated from wider patterns of marginalization.

5.4. Schools as Sites of Reproduction and Resistance

Schools in Arab society in Israel represent both the microcosm and battleground of broader social inequalities. They reflect the structural violence that pervades society—under-resourced systems, community mistrust, and political marginalization—but also embody spaces of resistance and renewal.

Teachers’ commitment to their students, despite persistent insecurity, illustrates an ongoing struggle to sustain hope and promote resilience [131]. Yet, without systemic reform, schools alone cannot offset the effects of structural neglect. They remain caught between reproducing the social conditions of violence and striving to challenge them through education, empathy, and collective agency.

5.5. Research Conclusions and Recommendations

The findings demonstrate that community violence in Arab society in Israel deeply affects schools, influencing teachers’ motivation, safety, and relationships with students and parents. Violence disrupts both learning processes and schools’ roles as protective environments.

Addressing these challenges requires coordinated, multilevel interventions. Teacher education programs can emphasize trauma-informed approaches, classroom management, and resilience-building strategies. School leadership may foster positive relationships, enhance safety protocols, and expand psychological and emotional support for both students and staff. Strengthened collaboration with families can promote emotional coping and reinforce trust, while governmental efforts can target the mental health and social needs of marginalized communities.

The results resonate with findings from other contexts—including the United States, South Africa, India, and Latin America—where community violence undermines school functioning and teacher well-being [9,11,132,133]. Evidence from these contexts suggests that trauma-informed education, safe school environments, and multi-stakeholder partnerships offer effective pathways for resilience.

In summary, mitigating the effects of community violence demands sustained collaboration among educators, families, and policymakers. Integrating local realities with international evidence can inform comprehensive strategies that promote both educational stability and social cohesion.

5.6. Research Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

While the study offers important insights, several limitations should be acknowledged. The relatively small sample size—typical of qualitative research—and the focus on a single geographic area (a city in the Triangle region) may limit the generalizability of the findings to other parts of Arab society in Israel. Future studies could expand the sample to include teachers from diverse regions and school types to examine whether similar patterns emerge across different contexts.

The exclusive focus on teachers’ perspectives, although valuable for understanding their professional and emotional experiences, provides only a partial view of the broader educational ecosystem. Including the voices of students and parents in future work would yield a more comprehensive picture of how societal violence affects learning, emotional well-being, and school relationships. Comparative analyses across stakeholder groups could further clarify differences and commonalities in coping and perception, informing more targeted interventions.

Finally, the study’s focus on Arab society in Israel may limit the applicability of its conclusions to other cultural settings. Cross-cultural or cross-national research in communities facing comparable forms of violence could identify universal mechanisms as well as culturally specific responses. Such comparative approaches would deepen understanding of how social context mediates the educational consequences of violence and support the design of contextually sensitive, evidence-based intervention strategies.