Mapuche Worldview, Territory, and Language: Narratives of Mapuche Speakers and Elders

Abstract

This article addresses the relationship between worldview, territory, and language among the Mapuche people. Our research aims to explore, through the voices of Mapuche elders, the sociocultural, political, and territorial knowledge that guides the teaching and transmission of Mapuzugun to new generations. In alignment with the proposed objective, we have adopted a socio-critical approach to explore Mapuche identity through the territorial and communal dimensions that underpin linguistic revitalization. The findings reveal that the elders possess a vast source of knowledge, serving as primary cultural bearers through epistemology centered on the unity of language and territory.

1. Introduction

1.1. Characterization of the Mapuche Population and the Conservation Status of the Language

The indigenous population in Chile totals 2,185,792 people, representing 12% of the national population. The Mapuche people account for 84% of the indigenous population, while the Aymara, Diaguita, Atacameño, and Quechua peoples make up 15% [1].

The ancestral territory of the Mapuche people, which predates Spanish colonial occupation, spans southern Chile and Argentina, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean. Soto [2] explains that “over the centuries, due to the encroachment on their lands, they have been forced to migrate to nearby areas or to the capitals of the present-day states, crossing the historical borders of Wallmapu. These events have resulted in a series of cultural changes that have, in general, affected the lives of this people”.

The latest population census in Chile, conducted in 2017 [1], reports that the indigenous population has not experienced major changes since the 1990s. The population self-identifying as indigenous totals 2,185,792 individuals, representing 12.8% of the country’s total population (17,076,076). In terms of representation, the Mapuche are the largest group, with approximately 1,800,000 people, of whom only 250,000 are speakers of the Mapuche language, “mapuzugun”. The Aymara population ranks second with around 156,000 people, followed by the Diaguita with 88,000 people. Trends show a steady increase in the urban indigenous population compared to rural areas, with 87.8% living in urban zones versus 12.2% in rural areas.

The highest concentrations of the Mapuche population are found in two regions of the country. In Araucanía, their region of origin, 33.6% of the Mapuche population resides, while 30.3% live in the Metropolitan Region. This reflects a migration and urbanization process with significant cultural implications.

Regarding socio-economic characteristics, it can be noted that the Mapuche people have been confined to poverty and exclusion due to the dispossession of their territories. For Rodríguez, Padilla, and Suazo [3], the high correlation between indigenous populations and poverty is a constant in official statistics, which many researchers explain as state-imposed poverty. Davison and Candía [4] provide additional data, such as 30% of the Mapuche population living in poverty, 80% of household heads having less than four years of education, and less than 3% of the total population achieving an educational level higher than secondary school.

In terms of economic activity, agricultural production and community organization constitute the traditional activities of the Mapuche people in their historical territory (Wallmapu or Araucanía). However, today most of the Mapuche population resides in cities, primarily Santiago. During the mass migration process in the second half of the 20th century, Mapuche women joined the labor force mainly in domestic service, while Mapuche men primarily worked as construction laborers and bakery workers. Today, the economic participation of the new generations of urban Mapuche is not distinguishable from that of other salaried populations.

As mentioned, it is estimated that there are approximately 250,000 speakers in Chile with varying levels of language proficiency, among them active speakers, who can speak and understand the language, and those with passive competence, who can understand but not speak the language.

The National Indigenous Development Corporation’s [5] assessment highlights that the indigenous population under 30 is the most affected by the loss of their native languages, primarily due to the lack of speakers as role models, internal migrations that have altered the makeup of native communities, assimilation into the dominant culture, among many other causes.

Indeed, Mapuzugun has become marginalized, and its use has lost ground in social contexts, especially within the educational system. As noted by Romero and Gamero [6], today, the decline and erosion of the indigenous native and ancestral language identity are evident, with initial assessments pointing, at least pedagogically, to the introduction of conventional teaching methods subordinated to a globalized culture. Cultural, educational, and social practices imposed from outside fail to promote the sense of life, internal sociohistorical dynamics, and unique processes of indigenous communities. Consequently, the way of life of native cultures has been deeply fragmented, affecting the worldview and lived experiences of indigenous peoples.

The processes of linguistic displacement and the need to preserve the Mapuche language have become an emerging research agenda within social and human sciences, aligning with UNESCO’s extensive documentation on language revitalization processes and endangered language programs. According to Olate [7], the variables that have significantly impacted language loss rates, the interruption and breakdown of intergenerational transmission circuits, and an unequal distribution of languages are multidimensional. These include historical, economic, social, and political factors that influence the current situation and contribute to mechanisms of language replacement.

At this stage, it is possible to state that the Mapuche language has faced displacement for various reasons. However, two factors are particularly relevant to its revitalization: the intergenerational transmission factor, which is closely linked to vitality indices and allows classification of the language in terms of conservation status; and a second factor, sociolinguistic attitudes, which greatly influence the language’s future and its space within society.

1.2. Mapuche Territory and Knowledge

In terms of identity, Che (people) and Mapu (land) are inseparable. As mentioned earlier, the Mapuche understand a person’s identity as inherently linked to their land and territory. To be Mapuche is a human condition rooted in a specific place [2]. In this context, inhabiting the land carries an ethical, value-laden responsibility that encompasses norms and knowledge.

To understand the meanings and values associated with the places inhabited by the Mapuche people, it is useful to distinguish between the concepts of land and territory, as developed by Mansilla and Imilan [8]. The notion of land aligns more closely with the idea of space, connecting physical or material, social, and symbolic dimensions. However, when we refer to territory, we introduce a dimension of power, which is materially and subjectively impacted by the practices of coloniality.

According to these authors, the effects on territory are evidenced in the marks of structural violence resulting from forestry, mining, and other development models that provoke conflicts and territorial resistance. In this sense, territory encompasses the spatial-temporal interactions and ways of living of the Mapuche people, which have come to be known as indigenous territorial studies.

From this perspective, we can identify four distinct territorial identities of indigenous peoples in Chile: the Mapuche identity extends across the territory, with the Lafkenche primarily concentrated in the northern coastal area, as well as the Williche and Pehuenche. This variety shows that Mapuche identity is not monolithic, and within it, symbolic shifts between territories also occur. According to Núñez, Riquelme, Salazar, Maturana, and Morales [9], it is essential to understand these territories from an indigenous perspective because, in the Mapuche worldview, the separation between nature and culture is impossible, as is the separation between individual and community. These are fundamental elements in planning any intercultural program.

The dispossession of land has been the primary driver of Mapuche migration from ancestral lands to urban centers, primarily among young people seeking wage labor. This creates a challenging cycle in which large forestry companies have historically appropriated significant parts of Mapuche land, leading to intensive exploitation, desertification, and impoverishment of the territory.

At this point, we might ask how Mapuche knowledge relates to territory and what the main limitations have been in the field of education. One explanation can be found in the work of Quintriqueo and collaborators [10], who state that knowledge about land, territory, and geography are essential educational contents, ideally transmitted to younger generations through family education and sociocultural practices. However, in practice, topics are often approached from a Western, Eurocentric perspective, as seen in subjects like history and geography, where school texts focus on constructing an idea of a singular, physical, and centralized territory.

Schools have also generally neglected discussions around the ecological transformations affecting Mapuche territories, including water shortages, monoculture, and the loss of native plants, which have directly impacted communities. Considering that territory represents a fully integrated concept with deep spiritual, philosophical, social, political, and cultural significance for the Mapuche people, Mapuche educational knowledge about territory and geography should be incorporated into school curricula to contextualize educational content within these communities’ lived experiences.

For Echeverría [11], the presence of “representations of Mapuche life, art, and spirituality in all the urban territories they inhabit is an expression of their way of understanding and relating to the land. In this sense, these are acts of decolonization that challenge the ways in which the dominant society systematically denies such relationships through celebratory narratives of modernity”.

This Mapuche worldview entails a complex spiritual ecosystem. The expression “Taiñ Mapuchegen Mew1” relates to the idea of self-recognition within the collective identity of the Mapuche people. It is also seen across various Mapuche territories, Wallmapu, encompassing groups, such as the Lafkenche, Pewenche, and Williche2, who identify with the same worldview. This demonstrates that these groups continue to align with a community-based understanding of reality and their bond with nature.

A sense of belonging plays a vital role in self-definition, making it significant that these expressions are used within the Mapuche language to reaffirm their identity through distinct thought processes. In this perspective, this expression closely resembles the Western notion of the self-determination of the Mapuche nation [12].

Language also provides a way to approach an understanding of the Mapuche world; for instance, expressions like “Taiñ mapuchegen mew ta wiñokintumeketuyñ ta kuyfike zugu” or “taiñ mapuchegen mew ta wiñotutuayñ taiñ mapu” are frequently used by kimches (community sages) to affirm the collective Mapuche identity (a notion that can be figuratively equated to the Western concept of nationhood). These phrases express a view towards the past regarding the Mapuche existence in mapu (land) and project into the future the collective will to recover and maintain their territory, to exist and make decisions as a community. This collective will is grounded in a strong sense of shared belonging and conveys the right to exist as a people [13]. As we can infer, the right to be Mapuche is embedded in all kinds of expressions and manifestations when spoken in their own language.

Furthermore, intense territorial disputes and demands for self-determination were the primary reasons that spurred conflict with the Chilean state, private companies, and even non-Mapuche groups. Indeed, the dispossession of what is central to the Mapuche worldview—namely, the land—has been the starting point for struggles and demands.

Bengoa [14] points out that the settlement and colonization policies in southern Chile, along with land division and the granting of land titles, not only represent an invasion and appropriation of territory but also led to the forced acculturation of the Mapuche people. Thus, the historical context of the conflict involving the Mapuche people is primarily against the State of Chile, and their main demand for autonomy is based on territorial control and political and economic independence concerning specific aspects of their culture and well-being [15].

As can be observed, territory is a vital source for the preservation of the Mapuche language and knowledge. For this reason, Quintriqueo and Quilaqueo [16] propose the recovery of Mapuche epistemology through an integrative and experiential approach to knowledge that incorporates traditional educational practices. They highlight a method of inquiry known as “inatuzugu”, which entails developing skills such as learning by listening, observing, and doing within the territory. It is essential to understand that intercultural education must be contextualized within the indigenous framework; therefore, educational methods should align with the culture and worldview of the Mapuche, whose essence lies in oral tradition. This includes various narrative expressions and conversational practices that would foster a relevant model of intercultural education with social, cultural, and territorial roots.

1.3. Linguistic Revitalization: The Role of the Elders and Oral Tradition

Any proposal for language revitalization must be grounded in an intercultural approach. In this work, we adopt the perspectives of Maldonado, Arjona, and Johnson [17], who state that Mapuzugun is a language intrinsically connected to the territory, where nature and spirituality serve as central pillars in the Mapuche worldview, giving meaning to the reality of its inhabitants. In this sense, the critical intercultural approach from which we operate values the narratives of the elders not merely as data but as expressions of life and emotions deeply marked by dispossession and violence.

From this perspective, a critical intercultural approach is understood as a dialogue between knowledge systems [18], enabling the inclusion and appreciation of alternative knowledge and practices, thus overcoming the postcolonial structure.

In particular, Arias and Quintriqueo [10] argue that the implementation of Bilingual Intercultural Education for the Mapuche people necessitates traditional educators who work from the Mapuche pedagogical epistemology in a dynamic context that facilitates the everyday experience of the language and culture. This approach aims to connect individuals with social memory and the environment. In this regard, the role of the Mapuche elders is central to transmitting knowledge to new generations, as they convey the political projects rooted in their history and culture. In this context, various forms of leadership within Mapuche politics are observed, all of which are traditional leadership roles associated with figures of authority in the community. Among these are the machi, who serves as a spiritual authority and guide; the longko, who is the usual political leader; the werken, or community spokesperson; and the weychafe, or warrior [19].

The literature reveals a number of studies related to the individual and collective power structures of Mapuche political organizations. Notably, the work by Valenzuela, González, and Mella [20] provides a detailed description of the groups, leadership styles, strategies for struggle, and spiritual authority within community and political organizations across different areas of the Araucanía region.

Valenzuela, González, and Mella [20] highlight research on the Council of All Lands, which is community-oriented and focuses on territorial recovery, cultural revitalization, and self-determination, with the werken acting as the leader. Conversely, the Arauco Malleco Coordinator (CAM), which has a strong presence in the provinces of Arauco and Malleco, advocates for political leadership aimed at raising awareness and confrontation, employing community-driven political actions to reclaim land through “land occupations” and, at times, sabotage against forestry companies.

An important element of Mapuche culture to consider regarding leadership construction and the acquisition and development of trades is kupalme, which refers to family lineage. This concept recognizes knowledge that has been inherited through blood relations; thus, the skills and knowledge are intrinsic values within the individual [21]. In this tradition, there are a series of social roles and functions, such as those of the longko and machi, which are fulfilled by individuals belonging to families that inherit this knowledge.

In all processes of cultural and linguistic transmission, those who are respected and recognized by the community play a crucial role. This highlights the significance of the role that Mapuche elders and wise individuals have in the transmission and revitalization of the language.

As observed, the studies presented recommend that the linguistic revitalization processes should move away from Western logics and incorporate elements unique to indigenous education. This includes considering functions such as orality in its various genres and cultural practices, which are typically overseen by individuals specialized in preservation—generally the adults/elders, or wise individuals within the Mapuche community.

Based on the information presented, we inquire about which elements of the Mapuche worldview provide meaning to the teaching of the language to new generations and how these elements relate to territorial and community aspects.

2. Methods

2.1. Approach and Design

A sociocritical paradigm is chosen [22], which is grounded in social critique, with a strong self-reflective character. It considers that knowledge is always constructed from interests arising from the needs of groups; it aims for the rational and liberating autonomy of human beings, achieved through the training of individuals for participation and social transformation [23]. The research design corresponds to a case study, which involves understanding reality while being immersed in it [24]. In this sense, the researcher seeks to preserve multiple realities, diverse perspectives, and even contradictory viewpoints. Ultimately, the case study does not intervene in the daily life of the case but rather comprehends, observes, and then interprets, always striving to safeguard the various realities of what occurs. One of the advantages of the case study is that it allows for the development of diverse data production strategies; in this case, discussion groups enable the triangulation of the experiences of the Mapuche elders and speakers.

2.2. Context and Participants

A non-probabilistic intentional sampling was chosen [25], wherein key informants are called upon to facilitate the selection of appropriate and information-rich cases. The samples consist of captive informants or volunteers, primarily depending on accessibility, ease, and speed of access to the participating subjects. Specifically, 25 adults participated, referred to as “Mapuche elders and/or speakers”, who are recognized and respected within the indigenous community and serve as cultural bearers through oral storytelling practices, which constitute intangible cultural heritage. Of this group, 11 individuals were traditional educators, and 14 were kimches and/or native speakers of Mapuzugun, with 16 individuals identifying as women.

2.3. Data Production Techniques

For the study, discussion groups were employed, a qualitative technique that involves convening and forming a group of individuals with the aim of inducing the production of social discourse. While these conversations may take a free format, in our case, they were intended to identify, from the voices of the Mapuche elders and speakers, the linguistic revitalization strategies that are meaningful for those communities.

According to Ibáñez [26], the data from discussion groups are linguistic. In the study, the communicative interactions were focused on the importance of the language, the contextual elements influencing its learning, and the significance of the language for young Mapuche individuals. In

Table 1. Temporality and conversation topics.

Discussion Group Number	Date	Participants Number	Topics for Focus Groups (1–4)
1	18 October 2023	8	1. Loss of language (intergenerational approach).
2	25 October 2023	6
3	6 November 2023	6	2. Language Education.
4	7 November 2023	5	3. Ancestral knowledge.

Source: Own elaboration.

, we observe the topics addressed in the discussion groups, highlighting that in all cases, the same scripts were used to promote comparison and consistency in the narratives. (See Table 1).

For Martín Criado [27], the discussion group is a social situation, created to construct a common understanding among individuals who do not constitute a pre-existing group; that is, the participants do not know each other beforehand. The group moderator merely facilitates the dialogue, ensuring that the interpretive framework is a product of the participants.

The topics of the discussion groups emerge from a review of the literature; thus, ancestral knowledge guides the identification of knowledge that is transmitted to new generations through an exercise in historical memory. The loss of the language aims to understand the causes that have led to the intergenerational break of Mapuzungun, considering experiences within families, communities, and institutional spaces such as schools. Finally, language education seeks to explore how the language is taught in community contexts and traditional education.

Four discussion groups were conducted between October and November 2023. These meetings lasted approximately one hour each. The guidelines outlined by Canales [28] were followed, which emphasize giving meaning to words in order to foster the participant’s awareness and their relationship with the ideology of their group. Efforts were made to ensure equal opportunity for all participants to contribute to the conversation.

2.4. Procedure and Data Analysis

For the data analysis process, the method of grounded theory (GT) was employed, which, in the words of Mucchielli [29], aims to inductively produce a theory of a social, psychological, or cultural phenomenon based on the understanding and reflective relationship of the empirical data generated by the actors in their discourse. The GT method focuses on studying social life [30], which is why we considered it appropriate for the purposes of this study. According to Mucchielli [29], grounded theory allows for the development of different levels of analysis.

The coding process facilitated the identification of emerging themes from the discourse of the Mapuche elders, followed by the construction of categories in which codes were grouped according to themes, identifying the elements that configured them within the analyzed discourse.

The relationship between categories involved a greater level of complexity, in which the discourses were contrasted with theory and conceptualized through the interrelation of the previously constructed categories. In summary, the process encompassed coding, categorization, and the relationship of categories for the generation of new theory.

3. Results

The results are organized based on categories and subcategories that emerge from the discussion groups. The first category is territory, with narratives referring to nature, symbolic elements, land dispossession, and internal migration (see

Table 2. Temporality and conversation topics.

Category	Subcategory	Declarative Discourse
Mapuche Territory and Language	Natural Environment in Oral Transmission	“We need to speak where we will be surrounded by trees, where we will feel the breeze, where the birds will be, where we will be in our traditional clothing and ready to receive all that newen (energy) from everyone; the Ngen (spirits that protect the land) are in that space” (FG1).
	The Ruka and the Fire as Symbolic Elements	“Now we have the Ruka (Mapuche house, home), which is very beautiful because now we can sit around the fire, we play the cultrún (Mapuche musical instrument), we feel like singing, celebrating with music. And the children are growing. Our children and our youth are growing and are witnessing this” (FG1). “I acquired oral skills in those instances where the use of Mapudungun becomes vital, such as during ceremonial gatherings or when we played with simple things in the ruka” (FG3).
	Migration and Land Dispossession	“We had to migrate; we are immigrants. It is not only foreigners; we, in our own land, are also immigrants. And I don’t know if we will recover it, because in my community, Manuel Echeverría, there are about 400 hectares of land, and those 400 hectares of land do not belong to us Mapuche; they belong to the Erdener and Taladriz, who are large landowners. We are living in a reserve, a very small space; we call it a reserve, not even a community; they are reserves where we, the Mapuche people, live” (FG4).

Source: Own elaboration.

).

3.1. Mapuche Territory and Language Transmission

To understand the relationship of the Mapuche people with nature, we draw on the insights of Beltrán et al. [31] (p. 8), who state that “nature is the center and essence for the Mapuche, from which they cannot be isolated, as they are born from it, live, traverse, develop, and subsequently die, returning to it”. In this sense, the Mapuche maintain empathy, love, care, and respect for nature, as they share and belong to the land, thus constituting their existence. As observed in the narratives, a woman who migrated to the city was in search of other Mapuche individuals living in Santiago and reconstructed a community space where Mapuche people could gather to keep the language and culture alive.

The search for a sense of belonging and community linked to a natural environment is a distinctive element of the cultural practices of the Mapuche people. The Mapuche worldview is associated with knowledge, history, expectations, relationships, and self-image that individuals construct in relation to family, community, nature, and spirituality. According to Cayuqueo and Quiroga [32], “historically, Mapuche society has been built on the premise that human beings are made to help one another, that from the moment we live in community, we are interdependent, and that solutions to any problem are more effective when conceived collectively” (p. 251).

A symbolic element for the Mapuche people is the ruka (Mapuche house), which serves as a space that brings together various cultural practices, the most important being the transmission of culture through intergenerational oral traditions. Young people and children listen to stories or narratives from adults while playing and sharing in the preparation of food. Oral practices are linked to intangible and symbolic aspects of Mapuche culture.

Firstly, the ruka represents the home and contains various spiritual elements; for example, the entrance of the ruka faces east, where beneficial spiritual forces reside, while the round roof replicates the wenu mapu, or sacred space where ancestors dwell. The organization of the interior space reflects the ceremonial order, which is arranged from right to left. The furniture is positioned around the fire in an order that simulates the movement of the Sun, which is the center around which Mapuche families share and preserve communal and ancestral memory.

We can observe that the identification and description of spaces from a cultural perspective demonstrate a significant difference compared to those in Western society. There is greater diversity in cultural denominations, showcasing a richness that evidences a difference in the cultural worldview of the environment, which, as expressed in the indigenous population, integrates the natural and the spiritual.

A final element relates to land dispossession and internal rural-urban migration. The process of urban insertion and cultural adaptation of Mapuche people migrating to the city appears central in the discussion groups, manifesting in the ancestral valuation of their identity and an assertion of identity. The wise elders recount their experiences within their families, who had to migrate due to the dispossession of their lands, which are now in the hands of large companies primarily engaged in construction. Once in the city, the Mapuche maintain their heritage and narrate a constant struggle of feeling alienated and seeking to rebuild that community sense alongside others.

Cultural assimilation processes stemming from internal migrations have led to language loss for many Mapuche speakers. From our perspective, this confirms the premise that language is intimately connected to the land; this duality bestows identity and belonging upon the collective. We draw upon Villalobos’s [33] (p.8) idea that in the Mapuche worldview, “all living beings come from and belong to Mother Earth”, which introduces a sense of belonging that contrasts with the basic philosophical concept of modernity condensed into the idea of autonomy. This assumption could explain the relationship between language and identity.

3.2. Cultural Practices and Language

The second category refers to cultural practices, highlighting family traditions, productive activities, elements of intercultural medicine, and Mapuche spirituality. (See

Table 3. Cultural practices and language.

Category	Subcategory	Declarative Discourse
Cultural Practices and Language	Family Practices	“Children suffer because they don’t live in the time we did, which was so enriching. We lived in the countryside, with plenty of food, close to nature, always walking barefoot. People today get sick because they don’t touch the earth with their feet” (FG3). “The first thing we did was play the kultrún and dance the choique purrún (Mapuche dance), that was in our blood… We would go to harvest hazelnuts. After that, we would make a fire, toast the hazelnuts, eat them, and make a necklace with pine nuts. My mom would say, ‘When you’re hungry, eat a pine nut’. We would milk the cow… I think it was the most important, the most beautiful part of my childhood” (FG4).
	Productive Activities	“My father worked the land, which is hard because there were no machines for planting or harvesting. For example, the Mapuche would get up early, before sunrise, to receive all that is good and to make use of good energy for a productive day” (FG3). “We went to town to sell vegetables, blankets, and xariwe (woven sashes) that our grandmothers made. My grandmother wove a lot, and when there was time, I would go with her to town to sell them. We went on horseback” (FG1).
	Intercultural Medicine	“For women who give birth in the city, it’s torture because it’s the opposite of the care Mapuche mothers give. They care for our wounds with extreme caution, being empathetic and putting themselves in our place. But in the hospital, when we’re giving birth, they tell us, ‘Shower’ and ‘Wash yourself’, but my mother would say, ‘No, she cannot do that; I have to prepare lawen (medicinal herbs) for her to wash herself’. We have been working with the health service to make some changes, to explain the Mapuche worldview in general. Small changes, but major ones for us” (FG1).
	Mapuche Spirituality	“A branch of maqui was taken, and a prayer was first made at the place prepared for sowing wheat. Then, on another date, a prayer was also made to the wheat as it grew, when it started to sprout, asking the spirits for a plentiful harvest, as part of a ngillatun (ceremony)” (FG4).

Source: Own elaboration.

).

Family practices are deeply rooted in the Mapuche language, customs, traditions, and values shared by communities, where knowledge passed down by grandparents, parents, siblings, and other relatives helps reconstruct the histories of their communities.

The elders report that knowledge transmitted within family groups follows an epistemology distinct from Western traditions, focusing on engagement with the natural and spiritual surroundings as well as active participation in productive activities, such as agriculture and animal hunting.

Two important aspects are worth emphasizing. First, the intergenerational oral transmission chain. Indeed, the stories shared by elders reflect how the language remains connected to family histories, passed down through generations.

A second point is the Mapuche understanding of childhood and education. According to the elders and speakers, adults pass Mapuche knowledge early on to children, recognizing their active capacity to understand and engage with their surroundings by involving them in adult activities (harvesting, preparing wool, participating in bartering, etc.). This active role contrasts significantly with Western culture, where children are often seen as unprepared for certain tasks or still in a learning phase.

Parenting is deeply influenced by cultural practices, as children are constantly learning from their elders. It is therefore unsurprising that the Mapuche educational model is primarily based in the home and on the land. According to Sadler and Obach [34], traditional education adopts the unique cultural forms of each group; within this context, children assimilate concepts of family life, human existence, relationship systems, and worldview more strongly than in the formal education system provided by schools.

This aligns with Loncon’s [35] assertion that Mapuche oral tradition enables and facilitates the transmission of values and attitudes through family activities, allowing for the construction of history and an important exercise in memory for the younger generations. Consequently, oral tradition and memory are essential categories for the systematization and cultivation of Indigenous knowledge.

Furthermore, speakers and elders describe the tensions that arise between Western medicine and Mapuche medicine, as reflected in the account of a woman narrating her own birthing experience alongside those of other Mapuche women. Indeed, as illustrated in this narrative, health is understood as closely linked to natural actions and the interventions individuals undertake to maintain it (for instance, the role of a machi in healing or the effectiveness of medicinal plants that alleviate ailments). From this perspective, Mapuche medicine is centered on seeking personal harmony through nature’s offerings; thus, the individual is not conceived of as an independent being but as part of the natural environment in which they are embedded.

Regarding Mapuche spirituality, ceremonies and prayers to the Earth stand out as essential to ensure its abundance, as well as the machitún, a healing ritual performed by a machi (an individual chosen by a spirit to serve as a healer both physically, psychologically, and socially).

The accounts indicate that the language cannot be considered separately from the Mapuche worldview, as it would be “like taking away its essence”. These discussions took place around the hearth, an element of great importance, as it burns constantly in the center of the home. According to tradition, it houses the Ngen kütral, which is how the spirit of fire is referred to Socias [36].

In fact, the stories demonstrate that ancestral knowledge, preserved through memory, is passed down via oral tradition. This knowledge seeks to explain reality, describe the benefits of the territory, and interpret events from a spiritual and supernatural perspective. These key concepts for the Mapuche culture contrast with traditional education.

The link between territory and spirituality appears strongly in the accounts of the speakers, who note that the land holds spiritual forces that protect animals, plants, and water sources. Therefore, individuals must adhere to a set of cultural norms that govern their relationship with the place.

The accounts from the elders who participated in the study primarily revolve around the connection between people and the universe—including the Earth, cardinal directions, the Sun, the Moon, and the stars. As a result, the understanding of life holds a mythological significance, transmitted orally through generations, shaping the subjective construction of Mapuche spirituality.

3.3. Mapuche Identity and Knowledge

The third category is Mapuche identity and knowledge, which highlights the perspectives of wise elders and speakers, cultural knowledge, and the role of women in language transmission processes (see

Table 4. Mapuche Identity and Knowledge.

Category	Subcategory	Declarative Discourse
Mapuche Identity and Knowledge	Identity and Position	“If I don’t know who I am, I don’t know what is mine. I have to learn and share Mapuzugun because it is a spiritual language. It’s not just a language you learn like others, no. There is context here. It affects our heart, our thoughts, our way of thinking and being. Knowing the Mapuche language has given me that, knowing who I am” (FG4). “I come from Lumaco; my origin is Lumaco, I am Nagche, people of the valley”. “I am MC; I come from Lonquimay; my land is called Wallen Mapu. My father is from Puel Mapu (Mapuche land in eastern Argentina), my mother from Lonquimay. We are many siblings, 20 in total”. “My name is Ll. I am a man from Galvarino, a Nagche man, meaning man of the lowlands” (FG1).
	Mapuche Knowledge	“We are rescuing our culture in different ways through food, crafts, weaving, stories, and knowledge. We use words in the process; for example, when someone arrives, we don’t just say ‘good morning’; we say ‘Mari mari chumleymi’ (good morning, how are you this morning). We are Mapuche and speak with basic words, and that, to me, is also a form of rescue—step by step. It’s been good for me” (FG4).
	Role of Women in Transmission	“My mother passed away at 90, but not because of her age; she would have lasted ten more years if it wasn’t for lung cancer. It’s terrible—when your mother is alive, hug her. She told me Epew (stories) in Mapuzugun, and I learned the language of my family. My grandmother would sit on a bench, and I would sit beside her. She spoke slowly and so beautifully, and that stayed with me, here in my heart” (FG3). “I come from Lumaco; my origin is Lumaco, I am Nagche, people of the valley. My mother had four children; I learned Mapuche from her womb, and I am very grateful to her for raising and speaking to me in Mapudungun” (FG3).

Source: Own elaboration.

).

One aspect that vividly illustrates Mapuche identity is observed in the greetings and self-introductions made during the discussion group. Each participant identifies themselves with their place/territory of origin, underscoring that Mapuche identity is inherently territorial.

As Loncon [35] (p. 69) explains, “there are territorial identities rooted in the mountains, such as the pewenche, ‘the people of the araucarias’, while others, like the lafkenche, identify their lives with the sea. When asked what connects them, the Mapuche response would be nature; both identities are founded upon their territories, the natural world they inhabit”. In this sense, their identity as “people of the land” is not separate from their language but rather forms the foundation of an ecosystem that is integral to life.

Regarding Mapuche knowledge, we observe that nature serves as the primary source of knowledge, from which practices of environmental care, productive activities, educational endeavors, and political participation are organized. Evidence of this can be seen in the way knowledge is acquired through the continuous use of the senses, primarily through exploration and language, to interpret the messages conveyed by adults. Elders are a vital source of knowledge, as they are responsible for passing it down to new generations through oral tradition and situated practice.

Spirituality is also a source of knowledge, as nature inspires practices related to care, sustenance, and survival. These pathways are complemented by conversations in Mapuzugun, where elders recount stories that children and young people listen to attentively. As Beltrán et al. [31] point out, Mapuzugun carries and mobilizes social, cultural, historical, and spiritual knowledge deeply rooted in the Mapuche worldview through communication.

Regarding the role of women in the transmission of mapuzugun, contrary to the established social discourse in modern societies that assigns a secondary role to which indigenous women have been relegated, the narratives demonstrate that they play a predominant role in political participation, territorial recovery, and linguistic revitalization.

The narratives reveal that once a woman marries, she moves to live in her husband’s community, which is how family lineages are united. They play a significant role in the transmission of language, customs, and cultural values, and also in the healing of illnesses through the machi (traditional healer).

The accounts show that women have been responsible for the care and education of children within Mapuche cultural practices. Among their daily tasks, they are notable for working in the garden for self-consumption and for sale in nearby towns, speaking the language of the land. They often visit local markets to sell their products while dressed in Chamal (traditional attire), as well as healing community members using medicinal herbs.

It is important to highlight a distinction that emerges from the narratives, which complicates the traditional role of women as transmitters of language and culture within the home. Indeed, they engage in a silent (and sometimes explicit) identity resistance that exists outside familial dynamics, configuring them as extra community leaders who strive to maintain the practices of the Mapuche people. A clear example can be found in the story of a Mapuche woman who migrates from the countryside to the city. In her search for community identity, she establishes a ruka (traditional dwelling) in the city, creating a space that attracts new members. Here, her capacity for agency and the re-appropriation of Mapuche identity transform the traditional roles assigned to women and breathe new life into identity dynamics and struggles in the city, with one of the main tasks being linguistic revitalization.

4. Discussion

To address the question of which elements of the Mapuche worldview give meaning to language teaching for new generations and how these elements relate to territory and community work, we will discuss the following: (a) worldview and the role of Mapuche elders/speakers, (b) territory and migratory processes, (c) orality as a medium for linguistic transmission, and (d) the role of Mapuche women in linguistic transmission.

Understanding the ancestral dimension of Mapuche knowledge is crucial for this study, as a pedagogical model for language teaching must adhere to a community-based epistemology, a fundamental resource for connecting language and culture. This approach contrasts significantly with the educational model favored in schools, which promotes competition and individualism over reciprocity and interdependence. The Mapuche worldview substantially shapes the knowledge (included in traditional pedagogy) that can be taught to young people, as conversations often revolve around Mapuche ceremonies and rituals, interaction with nature, and the bounties of the land. According to Cayuqueo and Quiroga [32], indigenous peoples perceive knowledge in a circular manner: “Nature is mother, the earth is mother, and the elements of the natural environment that exist in the territory are both material and spiritual entities that bring life, health, and harmony” (p. 251). This outlook influences their relationship with sustainable practices and respect for the environment, fostering a collaborative and community-oriented way of life among community members.

Mapuche sages are defined as individuals recognized by their indigenous community for their extensive knowledge of the social and historical memory of the people. This knowledge, passed down through family-based education, encompasses the language and culture, enabling them to convey it to younger generations following indigenous pedagogical and educational principles [37]. One of the sages’ primary concerns is that younger generations no longer speak Mapuzugun. Villarroel and Arias [38] describe this process as intergenerational trauma, where displacement detaches young people from their worldview and fosters a reluctance to identify as Mapuche due to fears of exclusion or discrimination. This situation has led many Mapuche to withhold knowledge from their children and grandchildren to protect them from the same abuses they endured.

In this context, the role that Mapuche sages and speakers assume is crucial for the transmission of language and culture through oral tradition. These individuals infuse cultural knowledge into linguistic practices, constantly reconstructing historical memory. Their purpose in this transmission role is to preserve ancestral knowledge, history, and identity within younger generations. Consequently, it is unsurprising that their narratives emphasize the family as an educational agent, drawing upon interaction with nature, spirituality, and community organization—foundational pillars of the Mapuche worldview.

As discussed, one reason for the gradual loss of Mapuzugun is the internal migration from rural areas to urban centers, where Mapuche men and women were dispossessed of their lands or subjected to state violence, particularly in schools. This alienation has spurred numerous political struggles among the youth, whose “unrest” mobilizes them collectively in pursuit of new territorial and linguistic claims. These processes can only be understood within the historical context of rural-to-urban Mapuche migration, which led to family uprooting from culture, language, and traditions. Chauca [39] identifies the risk that youth migration to Santiago poses for language revitalization, as they risk “seeing their customs and defining ethnic traits diluted, shaping contemporary characteristics marked by cultural assimilation, which again reinforces the link between territory and identity; without the former, the latter tends to disappear. This underscores the importance of collective memory, which serves to counteract the forgetting of an oral culture” (p. 11).

Another finding of the study highlights orality as a means of linguistic transmission. Indeed, oral traditions have persisted over time, with study participants recounting experiences, singing, narrating, reciting poetry, or engaging in simple conversations spanning various activities and knowledge areas. Through these, they strive to spark curiosity among Mapuche children and youth, thus preserving cultural idiosyncrasies. According to Loncon [35], “languages are part of humanity’s memory, and indigenous languages are containers of knowledge, keys to insights about experiences, concepts, and expressions that in the language help us understand how our ancestors solved various problems in history, met their needs, posed questions, and interpreted the world” (p.74). Orality has also served as a survival mechanism, as Mapuche people have communicated through a primary oral technique [40], which involves expressing ideas without written symbols to convey messages, transmit knowledge, or create discourse. This method relies on phonetic representation. Additionally, the sages’ accounts confirm that speaking Mapuzugun in institutionalized settings serves as a form of resistance and visibility for Mapuche identity.

The defense of Mapuche orality is not arbitrary but reflects a way of being and relating to others, especially given the community-oriented nature of knowledge transmission. Therefore, any revitalization program must place this theoretical framework at its core. Developing orality involves skills in speaking and listening, as well as interpreting knowledge through roles of interaction that facilitate the exchange of meanings within a given communicative situation [41]. Moreover, oral tradition has enabled indigenous communities to perpetuate the oral narratives of wise elders or community representatives, who themselves embody the knowledge of their traditions and are recognized as repositories of memory and living oral heritage, as demonstrated by participants in this research.

Lastly, it is important to highlight the role of women in the transmission of the Mapuche language. Women have historically been and continue to be bearers and transmitters of cultures and languages in Chile. Despite the fact that indigenous women have been among the most affected by cultural transformations—reflected, among other things, in ethnoracial discrimination intertwined with gender and poverty biases—they have actively participated in significant resistance processes.

The involvement of women shows that they have been creating new community spaces with political agency. This finding aligns with the work of Ibarra, Rain, and Richards [42], who recognize new gender roles among Mapuche women who migrate to the city, where they reclaim the kitchen, gardens, textile work, Mapuzugun, and leadership in Western political organizations, as well as their own roles as Mapuche women.

5. Conclusions

Oral communication is a significant cultural aspect for indigenous peoples, not only because it is the primary communicative tool that humans use to convey messages, but because, for indigenous peoples, it represents more than mere interaction with others. It enables the establishment of human and spiritual connections with other beings and with nature [43]. Within this context, this study acknowledges the intergenerational gap in Mapuzugun, the language of the Mapuche people.

The loss of the language has hindered the acquisition of cultural, linguistic, and epistemic capital from their own worldview, limiting opportunities to explore their social, natural, cultural, and spiritual environments. The wise elders identify a family- and community-based pedagogy for the teaching of Mapuzugun, in which children and youth are educated within the family through knowledge and educational wisdom rooted in ancestral tradition.

The knowledge intended to be passed down to new generations originates from practices of production, care, and survival, as well as from traditional medicine practices, nature exploration, religious practices, knowledge of territory, geography, and the language itself.

The Mapuche elders identify a reivindicatory political discourse that denounces the dispossession of lands and the institutionalized violence embodied in the State and the School, as well as an educational model centered on orality as a means of linguistic transmission, where women play an active role in the revitalization and recovery of identity and territory.

On the other hand, the ability to listen, observe, and act is closely linked to the affective dimension of intercultural communication, which relates to the principles of indigenous education, where the transmission of values is a fundamental task. This element is relevant for the design of educational programs, as an intercultural pedagogy should help counteract racist and discriminatory attitudes, fostering educational and pedagogical principles centered on the sociocultural, political, and spiritual development of those participating in these educational communities.

The stories of the elders speak to us about the processes of assimilation to the majority language (Spanish) and the resistance of the minoritized language, defined as such because we recognize a power relationship within it. Assimilation is a strategy of acculturation and implies that those young Mapuche, by speaking Spanish, gradually lose their vernacular language, leading them to adopt identity configurations that resemble those of the majority group.

Identity processes have involved symbolic constructions shared by a community (such as ruka, ceremonies, and communal fires) with the aim of promoting shared dialogues and developing common frameworks for cultural and linguistic transmission that allow them to cohabit in a common space. Thus, it is possible to conclude that identity construction discursively manifests a communal identity.

As limitations of the study, we mention the scarcity of research on the intergenerational break of the mapuzugun, which has required significant effort in searching for theoretical references. Similarly, the distrust that has arisen between the Mapuche people and non-Mapuche individuals has made participation through genuine communication difficult, necessitating the establishment of bridges for intercultural dialogue.