Muddling Through Water Governance and Water Quality—Comparative Lessons from Three Governance Regimes

Abstract

This paper addresses water governance in the context of dissolved organic matter emissions into water bodies and cultural eutrophication. Through a comparative interdisciplinary analysis of cases from Norway, the Czech Republic, and China, it seeks to identify core principals of effective water governance and suggest strategies for achieving good ecological and chemical status of raw water. The analysis presents each case by exploring natural and societal processes, emphasising the interdependence between society and nature, and applying a theoretical framework. In this way, the paper contributes to the broader field of water governance studies. The central conclusion is that raw water quality results from “muddling through” processes involving stakeholders with diverse and sometimes conflicting interests. Building the capabilities to manage such contingencies is essential for successful governance. Four critical dimensions are identified as key to this capability: (i) robust environmental knowledge and literacy; (ii) stronger representation of non-human interest; (iii) regulatory measures and economic incentives to enhance raw water quality; and (iv) integrated multi-level governance combining top-down and bottom-up approaches. Strengthening these dimensions can also help mitigate the structural economic pressure driving the exploitation of “cheap nature”.

1. Introduction

Water, in both sufficient quantity and quality, is essential for the well-being of all species. However, its availability and quality are shaped by a complex interplay of natural and societal factors across spatial and temporal scales. Given the intricacies of water processes and the diverse challenges in water governance, this paper focuses on water quality in surface raw water sources supplying drinking water treatment plants (DWTPs), with particular attention to challenge emerging from cultural eutrophication. Definitions of cultural eutrophication vary. One source stated that it is an “excessive plant growth resulting from nutrient enrichment by human activity”, illustrated with examples such as “clearing forested catchments causes long-term increases in the loss of nutrients” into water bodies, and that “fertilized soils can become nutrient saturated, leaking nutrients into receiving waters for decades after external nutrient additions are reduced or discontinued” ([1], p. 201). Another provides a more elaborated definition: “Eutrophication is characterized by excessive plant and algal growth due to the increased availability of one or more limiting growth factors needed for photosynthesis [and] occurs naturally over centuries as lakes age and are filled in with sediments [but] human activities have accelerated the rate and extent of eutrophication through both point-source discharges and non-point loadings of limiting nutrients, such as nitrogen and phosphorus, into aquatic ecosystems (i.e., cultural eutrophication), with dramatic consequences for drinking water sources, fisheries, and recreational water bodies” ([2], p. 1). This is exemplified by pond managers adding fertilisers to increase fish biomass, thereby also causing eutrophication of water bodies.

For the study presented in this paper, primary nutrient sources include agricultural runoff, sewage effluents and leakages, background fluxes along with dissolved organic matter (DOM) from forest catchment soils. Across much of the Northern Hemisphere, DOM concentrations have increased in freshwater systems, mainly due to reduced acid rain deposition and climate change [3,4].

In addition to nutrient inputs, algal blooms (one of the main consequences of eutrophication) are influenced by physical factors such as temperature regimes and light availability. DOM exacerbates these pressures by enhancing lake thermal stratification, reducing light penetration and altering its spectral distribution [5], contributing background phosphorus, and serving as an energy source for heterotrophic and mixotrophic microorganisms [6]. Climate change intensifies cultural eutrophication by causing prolonged wet and dry periods, flash floods, and rising temperatures, all of which increase the mobility and bioavailability of phosphorus and intensify algal blooms.

Maintaining good ecological and chemical status in water bodies requires catchment-based mitigation measures, advanced wastewater treatment, and broader societal and environmental interventions. While DWTPs can mitigate some societal impacts through optimisation and new technologies, these measures alone do not prevent ecological degradation of watercourses or ensure compliance with regulatory frameworks such as the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD). Biological indices, such as those used in the WFD, help classify the ecological status of water bodies. Addressing these interconnected challenges requires interdisciplinary research and transdisciplinary approaches that integrate the dynamic interactions between natural and societal systems. As noted, “Not only are complex socio-ecological challenges such as catchment management redolent of wicked problems, so are our entangled attempts to govern them” ([7], p. 2545).

Transdisciplinary processes have gained momentum in recent years as ways to make science more societally relevant [8,9,10]. Central to this approach is stakeholder involvement, which brings governance systems into focus. Effective stakeholder participation within multi-level (network) governance, encompassing both horizontal and vertical dimensions, is widely endorsed. Multi-level governance (MLG) can take two forms [11]: Type I, structured around formal governmental systems, and Type II, involving more autonomous, purpose-specific actors that can adapt flexibly to changing conditions. Both forms include bottom-up and top-down interactions, though Type I typically emphasises top-down control, while Type II favours bottom-up approaches.

Collaboration is fundamental to governance processes, often framed through concepts like co-production, co-design, co-creation, and co-construction. These terms are frequently used interchangeably [12] and inconsistently [13]. For clarity, this paper uses ‘collaboration’ as a general term for actors working together toward shared goals.

Water management affects the life and welfare of both human and non-human species, and any assessments should therefore take into account the interests of both. The conventional nature–society dualism has historically justified environmental exploitation. In contrast, Moore’s concept of ‘double internality’ views society as part of nature and nature as embedded within society, forming a ‘web of life’ with shared environmental histories [14]. According to this perspective, exploiting “cheap nature” has been central to economic systems aimed at capital accumulation. While human labour is part of this “cheap nature,” the focus in this paper is on the natural environment.

This paper supports integrating natural and societal dimensions in research while recognising the analytical value of distinguishing between them. It challenges the conventional dualistic view that treats ecosystems solely as resources for human use, advocating instead for recognising the rights of wildlife and ecosystems within water governance.

Institutional structures play a critical role in shaping governance contexts. This study addresses an important gap through an in-depth comparison of governance regimes across three distinct contexts: bottom-up Type II MLG in Norway, post-communist transition in the Czech Republic, and authoritarian developmentalism in China. This comparative perspective enriches institutional analysis in water resource management.

Conflicts over water use arise not only between humans and nature but also among various stakeholder groups. These conflicts often relate to land use and become especially pronounced during extreme climate events such as droughts and floods. Typical tensions emerge between agriculture and nature conservation, and between urban development and ecosystem preservation. Both forms of conflict contribute to biodiversity loss and weaken ‘ecosystems’ capacity to provide regulatory services such as flood control, water purification, and climate regulation.

Lindblom’s [15] concept of “muddling through” and incrementalism offers a useful lens for analysing the complexity and conflict inherent in water governance. While critiques of synoptic planning have been robust, assessments of incrementalism remain mixed ([16], pp. 201–202). Given the intricacies of modern socio-natural challenges, incremental approaches remain both relevant and instructive, but not at the expense of transformational changes.

Ideally, transdisciplinary processes rely on consensus and coordinated action. However, barriers such as societal readiness for transdisciplinary discourse and challenges in initiation, preparation, case handling, and post-processing often arise [8].

The objectives of this article are to:

• Disentangle conflicting interests between society and nature stakeholders, examining how these conflicts unfold under different governance models and contextual conditions.
• Theorise these conflictual processes and explore how multi-level governance strategies can be designed to manage and negotiate them, facilitating participatory water resource governance.

A review of the water governance literature shows that paradigms such as “integrated water management,” “participatory and collaborative governance,” and “community-based management” are frequently associated with successful outcomes ([17], p. 9). Yet, these approaches are not universally applicable, and their reported success may be influenced by biases and political dynamics. Power asymmetries can significantly shape governance outcomes.

While each paradigm offers valuable insights, this paper rests on the basic premise that collaboration is foundational to effective water governance. Improving raw water quality necessitates ‘change’, and collaborative processes can support incremental, transitional, and transformational changes, analytically distinct, but often overlapping in practice [18,19]. As highlighted, developing “groundbreaking ideas for sustainable transitions must acknowledge the complexity and contextualisation of real-world settings” ([10], p. 1033), and, moreover, such contextualisation should also account for sectoral differences. A key question explored here is how incremental, transitional, and transformational changes manifest within the water sector.

In short, the novelty of this study emanates from examining governance regimes across three distinct contexts within the framework of “muddling through”, combined with a qualitative methodology for comparing different institutional cases.

The paper is structured as follows: Section 2 outlines the empirical basis and methodology. Section 3 presents key findings from the case studies. Section 4 offers discussion and concluding reflections.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Materials

The empirical foundation of this article is based on prior research examining water quality, specifically drawing from studies conducted by the authors in three countries with distinct MLG structures.

The Norwegian study, Eutropia (2009–2013), examined cultural eutrophication in Lake Vansjø, a raw water reservoir supplying drinking water to approximately 30,000 residents in the Moss region, along the Oslo Fjord. This research was prompted by Lake Vansjø’s designation as a WFD pilot site. Efforts to combat eutrophication, primarily targeting the agricultural sector, were largely driven by bottom-up initiatives.

The Czech study, DWARF (2021–2024), investigated DOM in sub-catchments of the Upper Vltava River Basin in South Bohemia. The study responded to growing concerns over increasing DOM loads in the Otava River, which places added strain on the Písek drinking water treatment plant (DWTP) serving nearly 30,000 residents. It examined both bottom-up and top-down dynamics, reflecting a governance system in transition.

The Chinese study, SinoTropia (2011–2015), focused on eutrophication in the YuQiao Reservoir, the primary water source for approximately 6.5 million residents in the Tianjin metropolitan area. Eutrophication in this region is intensified by agricultural runoff, livestock and fish farming, and sewage discharge. The study explored farmers’ knowledge, environmental attitudes, and actions within a predominantly top-down governance framework.

The choice of cases in the three studies was done on the basis of a combination of factors: first and foremost, challenges related to chemical and ecological status of water bodies, with an urgency for coping with deteriorating water quality as well as stakeholder engagement, as described above; secondly the availability of time series measures of water quality; and thirdly, thematic priorities by public authorities and research grant funders.

2.2. Methods

This study builds on previous research that integrated both quantitative and qualitative approaches, as well as comprising researchers from different scientific disciplines. On the social science side, semi-structured interviews were employed as the primary qualitative method in all three cases. In addition, in the Chinese study, a questionnaire survey was administered and analysed using quantitative techniques, including multivariate regression.

The semi-structured interviews addressed comparable themes, such as knowledge and practices, motives and attitudes, and actions taken, but were adapted to the specific context of each case. A saturation strategy was applied, with questions adjusted and refined throughout the interview phases. Similarly, the questionnaire in the Chinese study covered topics aligned with those in the interviews but used closed-ended response options.

On the natural science side, temporal fluctuations and spatial differences in water quality were assessed to identify the biogeochemical processes shaping water chemistry and their responses to various pressures. Key temporal pressures included rainfall intensity, recovery from acid rain, and agricultural activities. Source identification was performed by analysing spatial flux patterns and linking them to land use differences. Furthermore, semi-quantitative models developed from these environmental assessments were used to predict future impacts of climate change on water chemistry and ecosystem dynamics. To enable cross-case comparison, similar analytical methodological principles were applied across the three studies, while the specific instruments used and chemical parameters that were studied were adapted to the ecological and institutional contexts of each site.

The analysis presented in this article employs a qualitative methodology. While it does not provide a comprehensive comparative analysis, it offers an in-depth comparison of three selected cases and addresses the research questions through interpretive judgments based on findings and insights drawn from them. To enrich the contextual understanding of water governance and quality management relevant scientific studies are also incorporated. Theoretical dimensions are introduced to strengthen the interpretive analysis, though the study does not attempt to quantify the effects of varying MLG structures on the ecological and chemical status of water bodies.

Although interdisciplinary in scope, this analysis is rooted in inter- and transdisciplinary research efforts. Achieving high-quality drinking water and maintaining good ecological and chemical status require active engagement in transdisciplinary processes. Accordingly, the discussion of strategies for meeting water quality targets also considers transdisciplinary approaches and methods for navigating the challenges posed by conflicting demands.

When assessing reliability and validity, it is important to distinguish between the publications forming part of the three case studies, and the present article. The former have been published in peer-reviewed international journals, and their reliability and validity are therefore well established. As noted above, the interviews, questionnaires, and biogeochemical methods used to analyse water and soil conditions provide a basis for comparing the three case studies. We argue that the reliability and validity of the analysis presented here are acceptable. Methodologically, the study adheres to a critical realist approach: beginning with theory, introducing empirical findings, returning to theory, and ultimately addressing policy implications.

3. Results

3.1. The Norwegian Case

The landscape is characterised by a mix of land uses: 78% is primarily forested, 15% is agricultural land, and 7% consists of water bodies. The unconsolidated soil material has been significantly shaped by post-glacial land uplift following the retreat of the last Ice Age. Below the marine limit of 214 m above sea level, sandy deposits formed on slopes, while fine marine clays accumulated in valley bottoms, creating some of the region’s most fertile soils. In contrast, above the marine limit, soils are predominantly composed of coarse moraine. The upper, northernmost part of the catchment is dominated by forested landscapes growing on moraine soils mainly derived from igneous gneiss [20].

3.1.1. Agricultural Runoff and Phosphorus Pollution

By the late 20th century, agricultural runoff had become a major contributor to nutrient loads in the catchment’s water bodies. Long-term over-fertilisation had led to the accumulation of substantial phosphorus (P) pools in agricultural soils, making agriculture a major source of anthropogenic P inputs to surface waters. In response, the Morsa watershed and its main lake, Vansjø, were designated as a pilot area for combatting cultural eutrophication.

The eroded P-rich particles and hydrogenous P minerals (e.g., Al and Fe hydroxides) mainly originate from agricultural land, while organic P bound to DOM derives from sewage. Subsurface drainage systems in clay-rich soils contributed significantly to P transport, with most of the flux occurring via clay aggregates, particularly during stormflow events.

The Morsa Project was launched in 1999 as collaboration among municipalities, regional authorities, and local stakeholders to improve water quality in the Vansjø watercourse. At the time, P was the main focus in freshwater management, whereas reactive nitrogen (N) has gained attention more recently. Erosion of P-rich marine clay soils further amplified P pollution. The WFD provided a regulatory framework, with stakeholder involvement and scientific input playing key roles in shaping mitigation strategies. Between 1990 and 2010, approximately €125 million was invested in efforts to reduce cultural eutrophication in the Vansjø watershed, including both mandatory and voluntary measures by farmers.

Different land uses yield distinct P fractions. Forested areas primarily contribute organic P bound to DOM, while agriculture contributes both particulate-bound P and as free orthophosphate (PO₄³⁻). Estimates indicated that natural background P flux, mainly bound to DOM, accounted for about 65% of the total P loads [21]. Although surface runoff carrying eroded soil was recognised as the main transport mechanism, widespread subsurface drainage further contributed to phosphorus mobilisation. Internal P loading from lake sediments may also be significant in some contexts but was not found to be a dominant factor in Vansjø [22].

Due to climate change and reductions in sulphur deposition, previously the dominant anion in southern Norway’s acid lakes, non-marine sulphate levels have decreased by 80% [3], increasing the mobility and bioavailability of P. Concurrently, climate change with more frequent heavy rainfall events and rising winter temperatures by approximately 2 °C have already intensified surface runoff and soil erosion, increasing P transport.

In the Morsa river basin, abatement strategies primarily focused on total P assessments. However, only a small fraction of total P is bioavailable. This limitation reduced the effectiveness of cost–benefit analyses for mitigation. Improved methodologies for P fractionation were essential to support better management strategies.

3.1.2. Consequences of Recovery from Acid Rain and Climate Change

The combined effects of recovery from acid rain and climate change have increased DOM concentrations [23] and altered DOM characteristics [24,25], potentially boosting the flux of allochthonous P and organic material that serves as energy sources for heterotrophic and mixotrophic algae.

During the acid rain period, sulphur-induced acidification elevated labile aluminium (LAl) concentrations, limiting phosphorus availability. Following an 80% reduction in non-marine sulphate levels, LAl concentrations dropped from nearly 150 µg L⁻¹ in 1990 to about 50 µg L⁻¹ by the early 2000s [1]. LAl strongly binds and precipitates PO₄³⁻, reducing its mobility and bioavailability. As LAl levels declined, more P from agriculture and sewage remained available for assimilation, exacerbating eutrophication.

A major flood in 2000 further increased P leaching [4]. Under normal conditions, iron-rich soils in the region effectively bind phosphate via oxidised ferric iron (Fe(III)). However, soil inundation during flooding causes oxygen depletion, reducing Fe(III) to ferrous iron (Fe(II)), which binds phosphate poorly. This transformation released previously immobilised phosphate into freshwater. Additionally, floodwaters overwhelmed sewage systems, flushing bioavailable P through floodgates.

3.1.3. Engaging Farmers in Cultural Eutrophication Mitigation

A key aim of the Morsa Project was to engage farmers in reducing P emissions. Initial resistance was strong, with many considering phosphorus fertilisation as “putting money in the bank”. Over time, several strategies increased farmer participation. Influential farmers led by example, demonstrating that due to already high soil P levels, reducing fertiliser use did not necessarily reduce crop yields. The Agricultural Extension Service provided critical technical support.

Many farmers adopted mitigation measures such as constructed wetlands and buffer strips along watercourses. However, other measures—such as avoiding autumn tilling—met resistance due to uncertainty about their effectiveness. Despite these efforts, water quality improvements fell short of expectations, leading some farmers to question the value of their contributions.

3.1.4. Policy Challenges and Scientific Disputes

Acid rain had severe consequences for lakes and rivers in southern Norway, including the Morsa watershed [26]. International regulations and industrial reforms in the 1990s significantly reduced acid deposition [27]. The Eutropia project underscored the roles of declining acid rain, LAl, increased flooding, and iron dynamics in shaping water quality (see Section 3.1.2). However, the roles of LAl and iron in eutrophication remain debated, contributing to diverging scientific interpretations.

As part of the ongoing multi-level water governance (MLG) process, scientific uncertainty led to differing perspectives on cultural eutrophication and nutrient management, sparking policy tensions and even public debate. During the Morsa Project’s early years, internal disagreements at the County Governor’s Office in Østfold were publicised by local media, prompting an official statement reaffirming support for the project. Furthermore, some municipalities considered withdrawing from the Morsa Project. However, scientific evidence and political support helped maintain momentum. Findings from the Eutropia Project reassured farmers that their efforts were not in vain, though debates over biogeochemical and management processes persist.

3.1.5. Farmers’ Environmental Knowledge and Long-Term Governance Implications

The Eutropia Project revealed that farmers are highly knowledgeable about crop production and actively participate in peer learning networks. However, their understanding of P cycling and its role in cultural eutrophication was more limited. While generally aware of cultural eutrophication, they lacked deeper knowledge of site-specific P cycling processes essential for evaluating mitigation effectiveness.

Norwegian agriculture is highly regulated, with annual negotiations between farmer associations and the government determining subsidy levels—subsequently approved by Parliament. Financial support for P mitigation is embedded within this system. The top-down dimension of MLG in farming is strong, but while financial incentives encouraged participation, they proved insufficient on their own. Long-term success requires environmental literacy, enabling farmers to make informed decisions that balance productivity with environmental stewardship.

Farmers who voluntarily commit time and resources to environmental actions often express frustration when others meet only the minimum requirements or less. This disparity, if sustained, can lead to disengagement—especially if water quality improvements are not apparent or if economic pressures grow.

3.1.6. Broader Implications: The Nature–Society Dynamic in Water Governance

The history of acid rain and LAl dynamics in Norway illustrates the complex interdependencies between society and ecosystems. Historically, industrial activities externalised environmental costs by exploiting “cheap nature” [14], emitting sulphur dioxide that caused acid rain in neighbouring regions. International opposition led to regulation and restructuring, reducing acidification in Norwegian freshwater systems.

While this benefited aquatic ecosystems by lowering toxic LAl levels and aiding fish recovery, it also increased the mobility and bioavailability of PO₄³⁻, inadvertently intensifying eutrophication in agricultural landscapes like Morsa.

More importantly, as with industry, agriculture also relies on “cheap nature,” using natural water bodies as recipients of excess nutrients. Yet unlike industry, farming is deeply rooted in place, making local relationships, social norms, and reputations powerful motivators for environmental stewardship.

3.2. The Czech Case

The lowlands of the South Bohemian landscape, located in the southwestern Czech Republic, are straddled with an extensive network of ponds. It is well documented that the construction of ponds near monasteries started in the 11th Century to raise fish for use as fasting food. The construction of pond increased considerably in the 14th to 16th centuries, mainly for fish farming, but also because of the need of water in the villages for firefighting, water supply and to power mills and sawmills, which gradually led to a network of thousands of ponds [28]. This expansion coincided with the rise of the ‘man-nature’ dualism, a period that laid the groundwork for exploiting “cheap nature” under capitalism [14]. However, many of these ponds fell out of use between the 17th and 19th centuries [28], due to wars, changes in agricultural practises and the colder phases of the Little Ice Age. While these climatic shifts were driven by natural forces, their impacts were amplified by societal changes, including far-away events like the reforestation of the Americas [29]. The result was a transformation in land and water use within Czech society.

The construction of ponds significantly altered the region’s hydrology, enhancing the landscape’s water retention capacity. Yet challenges soon emerged. Siltation has been a problem since the beginnings of pond construction, while cultural eutrophication, exacerbated by intensive agriculture and fish farming aimed at high yields, has been a problem since the second half of the 20th century [30]. Over time, fishery profoundly impacted the physicochemical properties of these water bodies, altering habitat conditions for wetland species and also affecting broader human activities and demand for good water quality in rivers and receiving reservoirs.

The change in pond management requires implementation of abatement measures to mitigate the resulting ecological consequences. In addition, the pollution of the river network from fishponds is not the only source of problems in South Bohemia. Other common sources of pollution are municipal wastewater, runoff from agricultural land [31], and runoff from managed spruce forests, which have become unstable due to intensive air pollution in the 1960s to 1990s and current warming associated with global climate change, and are often infested by pests such as bark beetles [32].

With the Czech Republic’s accession to the EU at the beginning of the millennium, a better understanding of the sources and socio-environmental processes controlling the fluxes of nutrients and dissolved organic matter (DOM) was needed for developing optimal emission reduction strategies. In addition, sustainable resource management requires adaptation to the future impacts of climate change.

Nutrient sources, how to reduce cultural eutrophication and improve water quality in South Bohemian reservoirs have been addressed in several projects during the last two decades, funded by the regional government [33] and the EU (REFRESH—Adaptive strategies to Mitigate the Impacts of Climate Change on European Freshwater Ecosystems; [34]. This also formed the foundation for the transdisciplinary project DWARF (Drinking Water Readiness for the Future), which investigated the causes of increased DOM in the Otava River.

3.2.1. Land Use and DOM Contributions

The Otava watercourse drains a landscape with a land cover typical of the whole South Bohemia, i.e., consisting of forest areas (43%), agricultural grassland used for husbandry (27%), arable land used mainly for growing cereals (25%), residential areas (2.4%), ponds for fish farming (0.6%), and recreational and other uses (0.7%). Each land use type affects the ecological and chemical status of water bodies differently, but importantly, primarily through nutrient emissions.

Agricultural land and ponds are mostly located in lowland areas (~350 m above sea level), while forested lands dominate the higher altitude Šumava mountain region, rising to 1400 m.

The DWARF analysis of DOM contributions to the Otava River, distinguished between allochthonous, autochthonous, and anthropogenic DOM sources. By assessing land cover effects on water quality and using DOM characterisation tools, they identified forests as the primary contributors of allochthonous humic DOM; aquatic systems as sources of autochthonous fulvic DOM; and urban runoff and fish farms as contributors of anthropogenic DOM, characterised by elevated protein-like content. Deforestation of spruce stands and subsequent changes in soil processes were responsible for an increase in runoff of DOM, nutrients and base cations in some river catchments in the Šumava [31,32].

3.2.2. Governance and Stakeholder Involvement

As part of its transition from Eastern European communism to Western European democracy and capitalism, the Czech institutional system has improved stakeholder involvement. It has moved towards a multi-level governance system, but remnants of its legacy top-down governance remain. Among potential stakeholders, environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) operating at the national level do not typically focus water quality. At regional and local levels, ENGOs often struggle with limited human and financial capacity. Their efforts are usually channelled toward environmental education, which may indirectly address water-related issues.

Politically, right-wing parties tend to show less support for environmentally focussed actions. The creation of many small municipalities in the 1990s decentralised decision-making, making local environmental action highly dependent on the priorities of individual political leaders. Environmental awareness and attitudes among local politicians vary widely, and in some cases, local environmentalists are dismissed or even met with hostility by mayors or council members.

The Ministry of Agriculture (MoA) holds greater influence over water policy and management than the Ministry of Environment, providing agricultural and aquaculture organisations significant sway due to their close alignment with the MoA. This often results in narrow farming interests overriding initiatives aimed at improving the ecological and chemical quality of water bodies.

Although environmental awareness among farmers has improved over time, economic priorities generally prevail. Additionally, strong private property rights can obstruct public authorities from implementing environmental measures such as erosion or flood protection along watercourses.

In short, involvement in relation to policies for good ecological and chemical status of raw water bodies seems to be dominated by strong sector interests, although in principle open for other interests.

3.2.3. Challenges Facing Water Resource Governance

While the Czech Republic’s water treatment sector, including both drinking water and wastewater management, is highly integrated and meets stringent EU quality standards, challenges remain regarding the ecological and chemical status of water bodies. The action plans for implementing the EU Water Framework Directive have had little impact on the state of nutrient pollution in the river network, and the state of cultural eutrophication has not changed or rather deteriorated over the last twenty years. The main source of conflict lies in the interactions between wastewater discharges, farming practices and water ecosystems, with aquaculture and agricultural activities continuing to contribute significantly to nutrient loading and water quality degradation.

For example, in the early 2010s, an inter- and transdisciplinary projects on the Orlík water reservoir (between Týn and Vltavou and Příbram) concluded that improvements to the reservoir’s water quality required coordinated efforts from wastewater treatment, fish farming, and agriculture [35,36]. While municipalities upgraded existing wastewater treatment plants (WWTPs) and built new ones [37], little progress was made in addressing emissions from aquaculture and agriculture.

Further complicating matters, lobbying by the Association of Water Supply and Sewerage of the Czech Republic (SOVAK ČR) has pushed for regulatory changes allowing smaller WWTPs to discharge most of the phosphorous in their effluent. Such regulatory shifts undermine broader water quality goals by enabling continued nutrient pollution, thereby worsening eutrophication and ecological degradation. Another setback for efforts to improve the quality of pond effluents was the amendment to the Czech Water Act achieved by the fishing lobby in 2013, so that plant-based fish feed, such as grain for carp, can now be used in ponds without restrictions, although this can mean a significant phosphorus surplus and continued pollution and cultural eutrophication [33].

3.2.4. Sectoral Conflicts and Governance Gaps

The DWARF case study highlighted significant conflicts between sectoral interests. Both agriculture and fish farming tend to prioritise their own production goals, showing either limited environmental literacy or indifference to downstream ecological impacts and cultural eutrophication. Even within these sectors, internal tensions exist; for example, large fish-farming companies often blame smaller operations for environmental damage, while associations representing small family farms argue that their practices are more sustainable than those of industrial-scale producers.

These conflicts are compounded by the absence of an Agricultural Extension Service in the Czech Republic, which limits the dissemination and implementation of environmentally sustainable farming techniques capable of meeting output expectations. Adding to the challenge, scientists are frequently co-opted by stakeholders to support policy positions, reinforcing the notion that problems like cultural eutrophication are “wicked” and inherently difficult to resolve.

Climate change is expected to further intensify these challenges. Rising temperatures and shifting precipitation patterns could lead to increased nutrient loading, altered hydrological cycles, and added pressure on water management systems. These dynamics are likely to exacerbate existing conflicts, underlining the need for more integrated, adaptive, and participatory governance approaches.

It seems plausible to conclude that those working for achieving good ecological and chemical status of water within the Czech MLG-system, exemplified by the South Bohemia case, are facing an uphill “muddling through” battle, characterised by an institutional structure and strong sector interests disfavouring environmental interests, and pursuing and keeping nature ‘cheap’.

3.3. The Chinese Case

At the dawn of the 21st century, cultural eutrophication had emerged in China as “the most important environmental problem in many lakes and thus brought a tremendous influence on sustainable development of society and economy in lake regions” [38] (p. 60). After the easing of the U.S. economic boycott and China’s opening-up in the mid-1970s, fertiliser production facilities were among the first major imports. By the 1990s, China had achieved self-sufficiency in fertiliser production, breaking the nitrogen barrier and significantly increasing agricultural output [39].

Compared with the Norwegian and Czech cases, China entered the ‘fertiliser age’ at a time when the environmental impacts of fertiliser use were already recognised. However, as cultural eutrophication and deteriorating water quality became increasingly pressing concerns, the political attention increased and pushing it upwards China’s policy agenda of critical environmental challenges.

3.3.1. The YuQiao Reservoir: Water Management Challenges

The YuQiao Reservoir, located in northern Tianjin Municipality, was constructed in 1959–1960 after several floods in the 1950s, with the 1958 flood the most severe, and in its early years, the reservoir was mainly used for flood control through regulating Ji River, while also serving irrigation purposes [40]. In 1983, it was connected to the larger PanJiaKou Reservoir via a water diversion project, increasing its water supply capacity, and was designated by the Ministry of Water Resources of China as a “key national drinking water source area”. Since then, it has become one of the major water supply sources for the entire Tianjin region.

By the early 2010s, approximately 120,000 people lived in the vicinity of YuQiao, mainly in farming villages on the reservoir’s northern side. Runoff from over-fertilised fields, livestock manure, and untreated sewage drained directly into the reservoir, especially during the rainy summer season, contributing to cultural eutrophication and triggering severe algal blooms in early autumn. Estimates indicate the relative contribution of bioavailable P to the reservoir as follows: 33% from excessive use of inorganic fertilisers; 52% from manure from livestock and poultry farming; and 15% from household sewage.

These stressors compromised the reservoir’s capacity to provide safe drinking water to Tianjin City. The SinoTropia project was established to investigate the sources and transport mechanisms of nutrient pollution and to support sustainable water management strategies. A key finding was that the widespread use of inorganic fertilisers, particularly in small vegetable gardens, was a major source of P runoff. Fertiliser was applied liberally, but much of the P failed to bind in the soil.

The region’s soil, characterised by low organic matter and inert kaolinite clay, has limited phosphorus retention and poor water infiltration capacity. To maintain crop yields, farmers frequently applied large doses of fertiliser, causing significant amounts of bioavailable P to enter the surface water system via overland flow. A similar study [41] conducted after SinoTropia reached comparable conclusions, despite apparent unawareness of the earlier publications.

3.3.2. Domestic Waste, Sewage, and the “Water Source Protection Campaign”

The ecological disequilibrium of YuQiao Reservoir is a principal driver of its declining water quality, with nutrient inputs serving as significant contributors to this imbalance. In addition, the rapid expansion of reservoir-based tourism has led to a marked increase in domestic pollutant loads. Prior to the initiation of the government’s water source protection initiative in the early 2010s, the reservoir perimeter was encircled by over one hundred fishponds and restaurants.

During peak tourist seasons, the influx of visitors to the reservoir vicinity led to substantial discharges of household waste and sewage. Moreover, with no proper treatment systems in place, livestock manure and domestic sewage were discharged directly into drainage ditches or fishponds. These pollutants were eventually flushed into the reservoir during rainfall events.

In short, in addition to agriculture, the scenery of the reservoir was attractive for tourists, enlarging the nutrient pressure on the reservoir. Since 2011, the local government has implemented the “Water Source Protection Campaign” to mitigate water quality degradation, with the overall principle of “no use, no pollution,” operationalised as “relocation from the southern area, and management of the northern area.” Relocation was combined with ecological restoration through afforestation and revegetation at the former village sites. From 2011 to 2018, 44 villages comprising a total population of 32,000 residents adjacent to the reservoir’s southern shoreline were resettled in Jizhou New Town, approximately 3 km from the Jizhou District urban centre. Over 100 fish restaurants were shut down, and more than 20,000 mu of fishponds were eliminated to further reduce non-point source pollution

On the northern bank, adhering to the recommendations from the SinoTropia project, dedicated sewage pipeline networks have been constructed in 68 villages to facilitate centralised wastewater collection and treatment. Additional interventions include the removal of selected aquaculture facilities and the optimisation of agricultural land use patterns. Furthermore, as part of taking actions, the authorities were imposing access restrictions, including fencing off the reservoir. Nevertheless, some locals continued fishing in the reservoir, selling the catch to people running restaurants in the nearby county-level city of Jizan, reflecting informal resistance. The government also promoted alternative livelihoods, such as cultivating Traditional Chinese Medicine plants, and eventually banning livestock farming in a designated belt north of the reservoir, without, however, relocating villages. According to public authorities, the above actions have improved the water quality of the reservoir [42].

Additionally, a policy initiative encouraging households to use biogas derived from sewage for cooking had unintended environmental consequences. While providing a renewable energy source, the process increased the bioavailability of nutrients in the resulting sludge, making them more readily assimilated by algae and further exacerbating blooms. This highlights the complex interplay between agricultural practices, waste management, and water quality, emphasising the need for integrated and adaptive governance. Similarly, unintended consequences also arose from introducing a centralised system of domestic waste collection, indicating a more general challenge of introducing new environmental practices without sound management practices.

From the above, we can disentangle overall nature–society interactions during the last half century: floods causing havoc to human societies and its built environment spurred the construction of flood protection facilities, including a dam at YuQiao. More people and development increased the demand for (drinking) water and YuQiao was developed into a water reservoir, but for the population the reservoir became attractive due to its scenery and a place for leisure activities as well as fish resources, eventually causing poor chemical and ecological status of the water reservoir. Actions had to be taken as, for example, relocation of villages and shutting down of restaurants in the south and management in the northern, mainly agricultural area, reflecting the overall grain first policy. However, as documented by the SinoTropia project, poor retention capacity of the soil made it a challenging task to avoid excess nutrient emissions to reservoir, requiring stronger actions also for the north area.

3.3.3. Farmers’ Role in Environmental Stewardship

The coexistence of pro-environmental and exploitative values among farmers and villagers reflects the complex trade-offs they face in daily life. Prolonged reliance on land resources fosters a deep ecological connectedness, enabling many residents to keenly observe and articulate shifts—particularly adverse ones—in local ecosystems. Conversely, the imperative to enhance household livelihoods frequently elevates immediate economic gains above environmental considerations. This value dualism does not represent a straightforward conflict but rather constitutes a pragmatic adaptation to the persistent tension between ecological conservation and subsistence-driven development.

The disjunction between environmental values and actual behaviours further reveals the constraints on farmers’ decision-making. Environmental values alone did not translate into action. The likelihood of adopting agro-environmental practices was more closely linked to certain economic, political, and social factors such as farming competence, Communist Party membership, and perceived social status. This reflects the place-bound nature of farming, making local social norms and reputations essential to fostering environmental responsibility.

Informal knowledge-sharing networks, grounded in kinship ties, local community bonds, and longstanding practices of mutual aid, play a pivotal role in shaping the processes and outcomes of agricultural technology diffusion in rural China. Unlike formal extension systems, these networks are predicated on trust and reciprocal relationships. Farmers thus demonstrate a greater propensity to adopt innovations based on first-hand experiences shared by peers, rather than relying on impersonal technical documentation. In the YuQiao Reservoir area, most farmers participated in informal knowledge-sharing networks, and those with broader networks often acted as key intermediaries, passing on information to others with fewer resources. However, it is worth noting that the current knowledge shared in these networks is still dominated by short-term practical technologies, while long-term ecological concepts—such as biodiversity conservation or climate adaptation strategies—are rarely involved.

3.3.4. Challenges in Governance and Local Participation

While China is often characterised as having a centralised, authoritarian governance structure with strong meritocratic features, already in the late 1980s scholars argued it could be better described as “fragmented authoritarianism” [43]. More recently, scholars have applied frameworks such as adaptive governance [44] and project governance [45] for characterising the system. Today, Chinese governance reflects a blend of traditional culture, socialist ideology, and Western modernisation principles. In the realm of spatial governance, recent reforms have strengthened central oversight over land planning and management, but local governments retain autonomy to pursue region-specific initiatives within the framework of national priorities [46]. The result is an authoritarian deliberative mode of governance, in which the Communist Party of China (CPC) plays dominant roles at all administrative levels. Its meritocratic nature is, for example, evidenced by the Chinese Academy of Sciences being granted ministry-level authority, providing scientific advice directly to the central leadership.

For the case of YuQiao Reservoir, a SinoTropia study found that the governance system remained highly hierarchical, excluding local communities from decision-making processes. Although residents expressed environmental concern, distrust in government and weakened community bonds led to what the authors termed “silent acquiescence”, a passive acceptance that undermined local stewardship. Consequently, local residents responded to the “no use, no pollution” management principle with a “no use, no protection” behavioural logic, demonstrating that exclusion from governance can reduce incentives for environmental stewardship. Environmental conservation efforts in this region were predominantly dependent on robust top-down oversight and proactive governmental intervention. Non-governmental stakeholders largely assumed a passive, compliance-oriented role, exhibiting minimal proactive engagement or initiative in environmental protection activities.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

4.1. Nature and Society

Despite the central role of nature–society interactions in water management, a persistent dualism remains evident in all three contexts, where human societies position themselves as master over nature. This perspective continues to frame nature as an unlimited and inexpensive resource, with biodiversity often losing out in political and economic decision-making across different spatial and temporal scales.

All three case studies illustrate how the interaction between natural and societal processes influences water quality, varying across spatial and temporal scales and shaped by distinct contextual factors. At the macro scale, Norway’s experience with acid rain highlights how external drivers can interact with local dynamics—such as labile aluminium (LAl) levels—to affect phosphorus solubility and water quality over the long term. In the Czech Republic, cultural eutrophication has been shaped by the historical construction of fishponds in a fertile agricultural landscape, where nutrient runoff from farming and aquaculture continues to impact water bodies. In China, the construction of the YuQiao Reservoir in an agricultural area reflected national priorities of food security amid rapid economic growth, leading to significant nutrient loading due to the soil structure and its poor retention capacity, and inadequate sewage infrastructure.

Although differing in context, all three cases exemplify ecosystem policies driven by instrumental logic. In Norway, the agricultural subsidy system externalised phosphorus pollution costs to public water bodies. In the Czech Republic, fishpond policy prioritised fish production economics at the expense of ecological and chemical water status. In China, the ‘grain-first’ policy sacrificed ecological functions of reservoirs. The underlying logic of “cheap nature” operates across all three cases, though its intensity varies: less pronounced in Norway and most prominent in the Czech case.

Each case also underscores the challenge of balancing farming interests with water ecology. Fundamentally, this is about how societies balance human and natural interests—or the type of socio-nature they produce. This dilemma is reflected in a proposed ethical framework [47], which argues that every entity is “entitled to enjoy the fullness of its own form of life”, recognising mutual dependence between all life forms and non-life forms (p. 189). The framework proposes principles for balancing diverse interests: “life has moral precedence over non-life (---) individualised life forms have moral precedence over life-forms which only exist as communities (---) individualised life forms with human consciousness have moral precedence over other life forms” (pp. 199–200).

In practice, applying such a hierarchy risk reinforcing global biodiversity decline, as has been emphasised by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services [48]. Upholding these ethical principles becomes increasingly difficult to justify against ongoing biodiversity loss and ecological degradation. This raises fundamental questions: How can societies prevent wildlife habitat destruction and reverse biodiversity erosion, both essential to sustainable human life-worlds?

Looking ahead, it is critical to develop governance models that not only acknowledge but actively integrate the needs of both human and non-human life. Water management strategies must contribute not only to human development but also to the resilience and dignity of ecosystems themselves.

Reflecting on nature–society relations, the cases of Norway, the Czech Republic, and China demonstrate the complex interplay between history, governance, and ecology in shaping cultural eutrophication. Though each case is shaped by unique circumstances, climate change, biodiversity loss, and governance limitations emerge as recurring, interconnected challenges.

4.2. Stakeholders and Multi-Level Water Governance

4.2.1. Bottom-Up Versus Top-Down MLG

The interaction and participation of stakeholders across socio-spatial governance scales are critical dimensions of any MLG model, and the interplay between top-down and bottom-up approaches are central to its functioning. The three case studies illustrate how this interplay shapes water governance outcomes. While local actors are essential for implementation, higher-level authorities exert substantial influence. Both levels can facilitate or hinder progress on water quality improvements. Examples from each case include:

• Norway: The national government played a pivotal role in supporting local initiatives in the Morsa watershed. By backing pro-environmental actions and countering local resistance, top-down policies reinforced bottom-up efforts, facilitating change.
• The Czech Republic: Weak enforcement and policy inertia at the national level sustained harmful practices, illustrating how entrenched institutional interests can undermine environmental progress.
• China: Top-down policies produced both positive and negative outcomes. The lack of local stakeholder involvement initially led to unintended consequences.

Together, these examples suggest that neither top-down nor bottom-up approaches alone are sufficient. Successful MLG requires dynamic interaction across administrative levels and governance scales. These interactions often resemble a process of “muddling through” emerging conflicts, where actors at different levels must continuously balance competing interests and institutional constraints.

4.2.2. The Role of Science

Although not representing specific stakeholder interests, science acts as a stakeholder in MLG through its role as a producer of knowledge. Science has thereby played a central role in all three cases, especially through interdisciplinary research combining natural and social sciences.

Interdisciplinary research featured more prominently in the Czech and Norwegian cases than in the Chinese case. The European Union has long emphasised interdisciplinary collaboration—specifically including both social and natural sciences—through its science policy framework. This emphasis has contributed significantly to advances in water governance, environmental management, and climate adaptation strategies. In contrast, in China collaboration between natural and social sciences has generally been limited [49], although interdisciplinary collaboration across natural science disciplines in China has been well-established for decades, supported by national science policies. At the same time, China’s meritocratic governance suggests that science plays a stronger role in policymaking than in many European countries. Given the increasing complexity of environmental challenges in China, a similar expansion of interdisciplinary collaboration, especially including social science perspectives, appears both timely and necessary for addressing issues such as cultural eutrophication more effectively.

Introducing transdisciplinary processes brings science into direct contact with other stakeholders, though increasing complexity. The three cases also show that science does not speak with a single voice—nor do natural processes reveal a single interpretation. For example, the role of acid rain and labile aluminium in shaping eutrophication in Norway is contested. In the Czech Republic, the significance of phosphorus removal from small WWTPs and the role of fishponds remain debated. In contrast, findings from SinoTropia in China have been validated by a subsequent study [41], indicating a higher level of scholarly consensus and a more stable scientific basis for policy design.

Scholz and Steiner [9] distinguish between science and practice, introducing process ownership as a defining feature of genuine transdisciplinary research. They argue that true transdisciplinary processes require co-definition, co-representation, co-design, and co-leadership between scientists and practitioners. Both groups must share responsibility for the research process and its outcomes, from initial design through implementation to results. From our perspective, this criterion of joint ownership presents both practical and principal challenges. Practically, stakeholders often have divergent agendas, and full co-leadership can be highly time-consuming, making it difficult to implement in many real-world contexts. Principally, project execution responsibilities and accountability for results may become blurred.

If a more flexible understanding of transdisciplinary processes is adopted, with restricted practitioner involvement, the findings from all three cases suggest that transdisciplinary processes are indeed possible across different institutional systems. For example, the YuQiao case demonstrated how strong top-down governance can lead to unintended consequences when local knowledge and participation are not sufficiently incorporated. Yet other Chinese examples, such as restoration efforts around ErHai Lake in Yunnan province, show that science-driven restoration can succeed when scientific messages are effectively communicated and understood by local stakeholders [50].

We adhere to the principle that science should play a central role in informing policy decisions. However, scientific findings are often contested, as seen in debates over (cultural) eutrophication management, where differing interpretations spur disagreements. Moreover, stakeholders frequently engage in selective use of scientific findings to support their own agendas, an inherent feature of political negotiation. While stakeholder access to scientific expertise is essential in governance, this access does thus not guarantee balanced or equitable outcomes.

In such contexts, collaborative processes may result in co-production, co-design, or co-creation, but power asymmetries often ensure that some actors benefit more than others, potentially fuelling conflict rather than resolving it. The key challenge, then, lies in navigating and managing conflicting interests to ensure that decision-making remains both inclusive and equitable.

4.3. Policy Strategies and Regulatory Challenges

4.3.1. Managing and Negotiating Conflicting Interests

Charles Lindblom’s concept of “muddling through” remains a useful lens for analysing how policies evolve in complex, contested settings [15]. While incremental steps are central to Lindblom’s theory, our analysis suggests that incremental change often coexists with elements of transition and transformation. To a certain degree, Lindblom’s discussion on disjointed incrementalism and partisan mutual adjustments [51] resembles the coexistence of different types of changes but not as fully as in this paper.

A study on water planning in Texas, U.S., conceptualised “muddling through” as a “middle-out” strategy—a hybrid governance approach that integrates top-down directives with bottom-up action within an MLG framework [52]. The study described this as adaptive planning, noting that transformation is often achieved not through grand reforms, but by navigating uncertainty through continuous learning and adjustment. Adaptive planning, it argued, requires regional empowerment, state capacity, and a diverse set of actors contributing to decisions. A stronger version of adaptive pathways has also been proposed [53], emphasising alternative scenarios, thresholds, flexible measures, monitoring, re-evaluation, and iterative risk management.

Although none of the three cases in this article explicitly adopted an adaptive planning model, elements of such approaches are present—most notably in the Norwegian case. However, this sometimes advanced and sometimes impeded progress toward ecological and chemical water quality goals. These findings point to a broader dynamic approach between generic/systemic strategies and context-specific conditions. Adaptive planning provides a possible systemic structure, while “muddling through” characterises the messy, contextual process by which these strategies are enacted.

As the ancient Chinese statesman and intellectual Yan Zi observed: “systems shape outcomes, while context determines effectiveness” ([54], p. 299). Therefore, understanding how “muddling through” is organised and navigated as part of MLG processes is essential for making governance systems capable of managing complex environmental challenges.

4.3.2. Transformation and Learning-Knowledge Processes

The accelerating pace of climate change and extreme weather events has prompted calls for transformational change in environmental governance. Social learning and local stakeholder involvement are increasingly cited as effective strategies for addressing these complex challenges. Yet, it remains unclear whether transformational change and community engagement alone are decisive for successful water governance.

The three case studies show that policy responses often follow developments rather than proactively shaping them, resulting in the kind of “muddling through” discussed above. Public authorities, tasked with reconciling conflicting interests, often implement incremental adjustments rather than comprehensive reforms. While transitional shifts may occur, transformational change—defined as a full restructuring of water governance—typically evolves gradually and unpredictably due to the complexity of nature–society interactions, thereby reinforcing “muddling through” dynamics.

Nevertheless, radical shifts—such as the collapse of Soviet-aligned regimes and the ensuing economic “shock therapy”—led to a marked reduction in mineral fertiliser use in Czech agriculture. However, the mind-set of large-scale farmers remained largely unchanged for several years [55]. Only in recent years has broader environmental awareness begun to take hold, though economic concerns continue to dominate decision-making. This dynamic suggests an unintentional blend of incremental and transformative change, further reinforcing the “muddling-through” trajectory. In short, radical, transformative changes are introduced, but making the system function accordingly commonly enters a “muddling through” character, with incremental adjustments processes taking place. Lindblom’s partisan mutual adjustments [51] regularly are part of those processes.

Social learning plays a central role in enabling transformational change. In the Norwegian case, farming communities in the Morsa watershed benefited from both formal knowledge-sharing platforms (i.e., the Agricultural Extension Service) and informal farmer peer networks, supporting shifts in fertiliser practices. In the Czech Republic, national and European forestry networks facilitated a transitional shift in forest management, although traditional practices persist. In contrast, while the Chinese case demonstrated the presence of information networks, social learning appeared less evident.

Given the complexity of biogeochemical processes governing the response in agriculture, farmers often resist radical changes without knowing the potential outcomes. Since they are also responsible for food production, incremental change is often preferred. However, as the Norwegian example showed, forerunner farmers can act as catalysts for wider transformation. Whether such efforts succeed or falter, they frequently reflect the “muddling-through” nature of contemporary environmental governance.

4.3.3. Policy Measures and Regulations

A common policy strategy for environmental management is the preservation of ecosystem services for the benefit of society. While this may incidentally benefit wildlife, framing conservation primarily around human benefit risks subjugating nature to instrumental logic. This means that ecosystems could be sacrificed to meet broader economic or development goals under the banner of “societal needs”.

Strengthening nature’s position in governance is pursued through strategies such as the precautionary principle, habitat conservation, ecosystem-based management, and recognising the legal rights of nature. A more promising approach is to integrate non-human species into decision-making processes through designated societal entities representing and advocating the interests of non-human species. However, representation alone is not sufficient. The critical issue is the power and influence granted to those advocating on behalf of wildlife.

Ultimately, avoiding the instrumentalization of nature requires policies that acknowledge its intrinsic ecological value, not only its utility for human welfare. Without this philosophical shift, tension between environmental protection and societal demands will persist, often to the detriment of biodiversity and long-term ecosystem integrity.

In addressing cultural eutrophication, one approach—exemplified by the WFD—is the use of biological indicators and species composition thresholds to assess ecological status. These criteria serve as regulatory benchmarks for water quality. However, determining appropriate threshold values and selecting suitable indicator organisms is often fraught with scientific and political disagreements, as well as lobbying from interest groups. For example, in the Czech Republic, the fish farming industry has opposed stricter phosphorus limits, arguing that such regulations could harm production and economic sustainability. Similarly, agricultural lobbies have resisted tighter controls on fertiliser application, citing potential yield losses and increased financial pressure on farmers. Moreover, regulatory exemptions are also common, often justified by economic, technical, or political considerations. For example, certain small WWTPs in the Czech Republic have been granted waivers from phosphorus removal requirements due to high infrastructure upgrade costs. In Norway, some water bodies have received extended deadlines for meeting WFD targets based on the slow pace of natural recovery.

These examples illustrate that while regulatory tools, such as thresholds and indicators, are essential for managing water quality, their implementation is inherently political. The process is shaped by conflicting interests, economic trade-offs, and uneven institutional capacities, highlighting the need for more transparent and participatory regulatory frameworks.

4.4. Summarising the Cases, and Identifying Key Policy Mechanisms for Achieving Good Water Quality

All three cases are essentially created through nature–society interactions, producing contextualised socio-natural conditions framing how the ecological and chemical status of water bodies develops. Still, a nature–society dualism persists but with an increasing environmental awareness and efforts, although variegated, for improving raw water conditions. Of the three cases, the Czech appears as lagging, both regarding awareness and actions, especially related to agricultural farming and fish farming.

All three cases have seen an interaction between top-down and bottom-up actions, with the top-down dominated model of China and the bottom-up dominated model of Norway achieving the best raw water quality. For the Chinese case this has meant reducing farming activities, whereas farming production has been maintained in the Norwegian case. For the Czech case, the top-down power of the Ministry of Agriculture on water issues has meant poorer raw water quality, but the top-bottom focus on DWTPs has produced good drinking water quality.

While making ordinal or numerical rankings of cases is inherently problematic, the above discussion has emphasised that conflicting interests across socio-spatial, administrative, and species boundaries contribute to a persistent “muddling through” dynamic that is common to different water governance models. As Lindblom [15] argued, (disjointed incrementalism is often a practical response to complex policy problems. Yet, in light of today’s urgent environmental challenges, incrementalism on its own is insufficient. Instead, incremental–transformative dynamics are emerging.

As discussed in relation to adaptive planning, societies must engage in governance strategies that can respond flexibly to changing socio-natural conditions. While general principles of nutrient management, governance, and pollution control are broadly applicable, effective interventions must be adapted to the ecological, historical, and socio-political context of each case. Crucially, this must include a commitment to ensuring that biodiversity and ecological integrity are not sacrificed for short-term human development goals.

Table 1. Summary of governance contexts, key pressures, interventions, outcomes, and risks/constraints across the three cases.

Dimension	Norway—Lake Vansjø (Raw-Water Reservoir)	Czech Republic—Upper Vltava/Otava (DWTP Catchments)	China—YuQiao Reservoir (Tianjin Supply)
Governance context (MLG)	Variegated mix of top-down/bottom-up “muddling through” MLG
	Dominant bottom-up mixed with top-down actions; collaborative watershed body; co-financing mechanisms	Transitioning system: residual top-down and emerging bottom-up, with strong sectoral interests	Dominantly top-down, mixed with local experimentation; and campaign-style interventions
Key pressures	Socio-natural processes, fuelled by “cheap nature” drives
	Agricultural P/N loads; rising humic DOM from forested catchments/acid-rain recovery	Nutrient loads from agriculture and carp ponds; DOM increase; municipal discharges	Fertiliser and manure inputs from smallholder agriculture; domestic sewage; tourism growth; bloom-prone conditions
Principal interventions (policy & technical)	Voluntary/contracted agricultural measures; intensive monitoring; WWTP upgrades; DWTP optimisation for DOM (enhanced coagulation)	Point-source upgrades (WWTP) and DWTP process adjustments; new forestry practices; sectorial lobbying decisive impact on policies	Fertiliser/manure controls; wastewater upgrades; protected zones and rapid enforcement; source tracking; staged community engagement
Role of science & participation	Variegated environmental literacy of “muddling through” learning processes
	Strong science–policy interface; farmer engagement; iterative learning (‘muddling through’)	Evidence present but contested; lobbying influences uptake (‘uphill muddling through struggle’)	Science–policy linkage strong; local knowledge incorporated later to improve feasibility
Observed outcomes	Variegated blend of incremental and transitional changes
	Some reduction in bloom risk; DWTP coping improved; residual sensitivity to extremes	DWTP/WWTP improvements; water ecological status lags; limited catchment improvement	Reductions in key loads and episodic blooms; displacements; some unintended effects and weak participation
Key risks/constraints	Outcomes of “muddling through” power struggles
	Reliance on voluntary measures; climate intensification; local resistance	Power asymmetries; regulatory exemptions; slow/uneven implementation	Adequate infrastructure; policy rebound or displacement; compliance fatigue; need to sustain local buy-in

Notes: WFD = Water Framework Directive; DOM = dissolved organic matter; DWTP = drinking-water treatment plant; BMP = best management practice; P/N = phosphorus/nitrogen.

below summarises the three cases regarding governance and water quality.

While there is no universal blueprint for achieving good ecological and chemical water status, several overarching principles can guide context-sensitive, MLG-based policy efforts:

• Recognise the interconnectedness of land use, agricultural practices, and water quality in all relevant policy frameworks, as part of enhancing transdisciplinary collaboration to better integrate scientific knowledge into policymaking, while maintaining scientific rigour.
• Facilitate environmental knowledge by developing long-term environmental monitoring programs that chart and map natural baselines and changes, fostering environmental literacy among stakeholders, professionals, and the public.
• Introduce science-based regulations that clearly define thresholds for good ecological and chemical water status, supported by robust enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance.
• Establish institutional mechanisms that grant non-human species and ecosystems a meaningful voice in decision-making, ensuring their representation holds power comparable to human interest groups, thereby strengthening biodiversity and ecosystem resilience in governance processes.
• Promote localised policies and actions while ensuring coherent top-down frameworks capable of correcting cumulative environmental deterioration caused by fragmented or excessive local practices. This includes applying economic instruments, such as subsidies, taxes, or credits, to promote sustainable practices that minimise DOM emissions from land use and wastewater.

Ultimately, achieving sustainable water quality depends on both scientific insight and institutional design. It requires inclusive, knowledge-informed, and power-aware governance systems that can respond to complexity, uncertainty, and change without losing sight of ecological boundaries and ethical responsibilities toward both human and non-human life.

These policy principles would also help counteract, or at least mitigate, the effects of the economic logic that treats nature as “cheap” and expendable. By addressing power imbalances that disadvantage environmental advocacy groups and less powerful stakeholders, they can support a more balanced governance model. However, fundamentally changing this economic logic is not achieved overnight. The above principles may help guide long-term development toward creating an ecologically oriented system that also is capable of addressing structural dimensions.