1. Introduction
Alcoholic beverages have different strengths, and one way to reduce intake of ethanol (pure alcohol) in the general population is to substitute higher-strength beverages with lower-strength ones [
1]. Three potential pathways to achieve this goal have been distinguished. First, a beverage type with higher alcoholic strength (e.g., spirits with 40% alcoholic strength) can be replaced or partly replaced by lower alcoholic strength beverages (e.g., by beer or wine). One important example for this pathway can be seen in Russia, where the partial substitution of vodka with beer has often been credited as being one of the main drivers of the overall reduction in the level of alcohol consumption and attributable harm [
2,
3]. This substitution tactic was part of Russia’s national attempt to reduce alcohol abuse and alcohol dependence in the population from 2010 to 2020 [
4].
The second and third pathways, which are addressed in detail in this contribution, concern the reformulation of products with lower alcoholic strength, and the introduction of products with low or no alcohol content. To date, reformulation has mainly been done for beer (e.g., a beer with 4.8% alcoholic strength reduced to 4.5% [
5]). The brand name has also occasionally been changed, i.e., the new beer has been given a different name. The third pathway concerns the introduction of products with low or no alcohol content, where the term low-alcohol beverage refers to a beverage with an alcoholic strength by volume (ABV) of between 0.05% and 1.2%, and the term no-alcohol beverage refers to beverages with an ABV below 0.05% [
6,
7]. This market is currently dominated by beer and wine products, but there have also been mixed drinks, liqueurs, and spirits produced with similar alcoholic strengths [
7]. Specifically, we examined the public health consequences of these pathways, operationalized via postponed deaths (averted deaths in a year).
We began with a scenario which assumed that the alcoholic strength of all beverages in six large Western and Central European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, and the UK) were reduced by 10%. This provided a rough estimate of the potential for reduction in alcoholic strength. More concretely, a 10% reduction would translate, in most countries, to a standard beer with an average of ~5%to ~4.5%, wine from 12.5% to 11.25%, and spirits from 40% to 36% (standard values from WHO, see [
8]). While actual average values varied from country to country, using a beverage-specific 10% reduction of the current adult (age 15 and older) alcohol per capita consumption (APC) for each country allowed us to take country variations into account, as APC is based on ethanol (pure alcohol) (see [
9]). A 10% reduction in alcoholic strength was chosen because there was good experimental evidence that changes of this magnitude would likely go undetected by consumers, and there seemed to be no titration effect ([
10,
11]; for a smaller scale analysis on the effects of reformulated products in the UK, see [
12]).
By the end of 2022, the potential of using substitution as a tactic to reduce consumption had not been reached because of market forces or a lack of pledges made by the alcohol industry [
12]. As such, the following analyses focused on the potential tax increases necessary to achieve this 10% reduction in alcoholic strength for all alcoholic beverages. These analyses were undertaken using the UK and Spain as examples, as we had the most detailed data on lower strength products for them.
The last analysis was based on actual changes in purchases of no-alcohol beers and wines (ABV < 0.5%) which occurred in Great Britain and Spain (for details, see
Appendix B), two countries/regions where this market segment has been very important [
13]. We modeled the public health impact of averted deaths during a 6- or 5-year period, respectively, assuming that changes in Great Britain could be extended to the UK as a whole.
To summarize, this paper aimed to:
- (1)
outline the public health potential of reducing strength of alcoholic beverages in 6 Western European countries (France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain, UK);
- (2)
indicate the taxation changes necessary to achieve this potential in Spain and the UK;
- (3)
analyze the real changes following the introduction of no-alcohol beers and wines in Spain and the UK.
2. Materials and Methods
In the following, we present the methodology employed for the three objectives discussed above (i.e., the mortality reduction associated with a 10% reduction in alcohol strength leading to a 10% reduction in adult (age 15 and older) alcohol per capita consumption (APC) for beer, wine, and spirits; the increase in excise taxation necessary to obtain this 10% reduction; and the mortality reduction associated with the introduction of non-alcoholic beer and wine in the UK and Spain).
2.1. Causes of Death Attributable to Alcohol Use
We based our selection of causes of death which were fully or partially attributable to alcohol use on the overview of Rehm and colleagues [
14]. Mortality data, i.e., number of deaths by cause, sex, and age groups, were obtained from the website of the Global Burden of Disease study [
15]. For liver cirrhosis, following the tradition of
The Global Status Reports on Alcohol and Health [
8], we estimated the proportion attributable to alcohol by attributable fraction methodology (see below). The International Classification of Diseases, 10th revision (ICD-10) codes for all causes of death attributable to alcohol consumption can be found in Shield et al. [
16].
2.2. Exposure
For our first aim, for all six countries, we used adult alcohol per capita consumption data from the World Health Organization [
17]. For the distribution of overall alcohol consumed by sex and age, the data were obtained from Manthey and colleagues [
18].
The differences in the number of deaths, given changes in consumption levels, were obtained by taking the difference between the deaths calculated using the current APC and the deaths derived using the modified APC. For the case of the 10% reduction for Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Spain, and the UK, the new APC value was calculated to be the equivalent of 90% of the APC for 2019.
For our third aim—modeling the reduction of APC associated with the introduction of non-alcoholic beer and wine—the procedure was the same. However, while we already knew the overall sex- and age-distribution for the consumption of alcohol, the specific distribution for drinking beer and wine was unknown.
We therefore applied Formula (1), where, for example, APCbeer is the contribution to the total APC from beer consumption and %B is the percentage of APC due to beer. Only these three beverages were considered, and the sum of their percentages was set to equal 1.
Splitting the APC into the contributions from each beverage type—and knowing how each one decreased—allowed us to calculate the resulting APC.
The specific exposure data on the impact of introducing non-alcoholic beer and wine in Great Britain and Spain were obtained from the work of Anderson and colleagues (for details, see
Appendix B and
Table A3).
Finally, consistent with the procedures for the comparative risk assessment by the WHO [
8], all effects were assumed to occur in the same year, with the exception of cancer, where a 10-year gap for effects from cancers was assumed due to a lag effect [
19] and therefore the exposure rate for the 10 years prior was used. We assumed that the APC, the percentage of current drinkers, and the percentage of heavy episodic drinkers decreased by the same proportions.
2.3. Calculating the Number of Deaths Averted in 2019
Deaths averted due to changes in APC were estimated by applying alcohol-attributable fractions (AAF) methodology [
20,
21]. For partially alcohol-attributable diseases, we estimated the alcohol-attributable mortality for the year 2019, and then repeated the same estimates with the assumptions based on the different exposure scenarios. For fully alcohol-attributable disease categories (alcohol use disorders; alcoholic cardiomyopathy), the methodology proposed by Churchill et al. [
22] was used.
The formula for the AAF is shown in Formula (2) where P
i is the prevalence for a particular consumption group i, and RR
i is its relative risk (the relative risks were taken from Shield et al. [
16]), the groups considered are the abstainers (
abs), the former drinkers (
FD), and the current drinkers (
CD).
By multiplying the total number of deaths for the respective causes by the AAFs obtained, the deaths attributable to alcohol were determined.
For totally attributable diseases, the AAF methodology from the formula above could not be used because AAFs are 100% alcohol-attributable by definition. In this case, Formula (3) below was used, where N is the number of deaths, S is the total population number, dF(x;μ) is the gamma distribution for a mean consumption μ, and p(x;k,t) is the function developed in Formula (4). In Formula (4), x is the alcohol consumption, t is the threshold for heavy drinking—40 g/day for women and 60 g/day for men—and k is an unknown parameter that fits Formula (3).
For this calculation, the only unknown parameter in Formula (3) is k. To obtain the value that fit for our cases, the Newton–Raphson method was applied. Once this value was obtained, it was used in the modified scenario with the reduced consumption to find the resulting number of deaths.
2.4. Required Taxation
A decrease in alcohol consumption could be achieved by increasing the taxes on alcoholic beverages and, consequently, their prices. The relationship between both changes would be dependent on the price elasticity (see Formula (5), where %∆Q is the change in the percentage of consumption, Qi is the consumption before this change, Qf is the consumption after this change, and %∆P is the increase in the percentage of price).
The literature showed that price elasticity on alcoholic beverages did not differ widely across different countries [
23,
24,
25,
26,
27]; it was mostly differentiated between alcoholic beverages and their degree of popularity. This was because the most preferred alcoholic product had elasticities closer to 0 than those that were not as widely appreciated. For the most preferred beverage type in each country, −0.36 (95% CI: −0.48, −0.24) was used. Likewise, −1.2 (95% CI: −1.44, −0.96) was use for the least preferred alcoholic beverage and, since three beverage types were considered (beer, wine, and spirits), −0.6 (95% CI: −0.72, −0.48) was used for the third [
23,
28]. Additionally, heavy drinkers had lower elasticities due to their stronger dependence on these beverages (often without a clear preference for a particular beverage type). For this reason, the value elasticity we used was −0.28 (95% CI: −0.37, −0.19) [
27]. No cross-elasticities were considered, as the current scenarios implied the same proportional reductions for each alcohol beverage type.
As noted above, if the %∆Q desired was known, the %∆P that must be applied could also be calculated. Moreover, the total price of the alcoholic beverages was considered as the sum of the production price and the taxes. However, since we knew the percentage of taxes in the final price, the prices could be expressed in an alternative way, as provided in Formula (6). Then, the definition of %∆P could be found in Formula (7):
[Formula 7]
where P
i is the price before the change, P
f is the price after the change, %tax is the percentage of the total price due to taxes, and %tax’ is the percentage of the total price required to generate the amount of tax required to achieve the desired %∆Q. Thus, by combining Formulas (5) and (7), the value of this %tax’ could be found (see Formula (8)).
All of the above depended on the assumption that there was a full pass-through between taxation and price, i.e., that the alcohol producers and sellers pass on the higher taxes fully to the purchaser in the final price [
29].
The data on current alcoholic beverage prices and their taxation levels were extracted from Neufeld et al., 2022 [
30].
2.5. Required Taxation
We did a sensitivity analysis, modeling the effects of a 5% reduction of alcoholic strength and the required taxation.
4. Discussion
This study had three aims: to estimate the public health potential of reducing the strength of alcoholic beverages in six Western and Central European countries, to indicate the taxation changes necessary to achieve this potential, and to analyze the real changes that followed the introduction of no-alcohol beers and wines in Spain and the UK.
Reduction of alcoholic strength clearly demonstrated public health potential. An examination of a scenario in which the strengths of all beverages were reduced by 10% showed the potential for preventing thousands of deaths in six European countries. Even a reduction in strength of alcoholic beverages by 5% resulted in substantial mortality gains. However, the way to achieve these gains remained unclear, as the alcohol industry has shown no inclination toward reducing the alcoholic strength of beer, wine, or spirits via a reformulation on a large scale. Introducing taxation to achieve the public health gains of such a reduction would result in markedly increasing prices—a situation which is unlikely to occur in Europe, where alcohol has traditionally been very affordable [
30], and where even adjustments for inflation have rarely been made [
31]. We discussed potential alternatives below. Finally, the introduction of beer and wine with alcoholic strengths of less than 0.5% in two countries led to some substitution of higher-strength beverages but did not have a marked public health impact.
Prior to further discussion, we felt it important to point out some potential limitations of this work. Regarding the potential public health impact of a reduction of the alcoholic strength of all beverages, more empirical evidence is needed at the population level. We would need to examine more examples of reductions based on reformulations of existing alcoholic beverages, such as was done in the UK [
12]; however, most of the effects involved reformulated beer, and in the UK, a single case study accounted for most of the effect. Clearly, more such natural experiments would be necessary for different countries. With respect to the taxation models, the taxation increases necessary to effect such a change could be overestimated in our model even though we used standard elasticities. Recent analyses (e.g., [
32]) showed marked underestimation of the beneficial effects of taxation using the standard elasticities from meta-analyses conducted a decade ago [
23,
24,
25,
27] when compared with direct estimates of interrupted time-series analyses. However, more recent meta-analyses showed similar values [
33]. Finally, all models were based on relative risks derived from meta-analyses for dose–response relationships [
34], and these could pose challenges when applied to reductions in drinking and its consequences.
Assuming that 1) the reduction of alcoholic strength in alcoholic beverages shows great potential, 2) the alcohol industry shows no inclination toward reformulating their products, and that 3) huge increases in excise taxation are improbable, one possible solution might be to use different taxation strategies. For example, Corfe [
35] suggested a fixed duty per gram of alcohol, which would be multiplied by the alcoholic strength, but be steeper at lower strengths to incentivize low-strength products. Another potential answer, which was associated with reducing harm in the Northern Territory of Australia, was the implementation of a levy on all beers having an alcoholic strength greater than a threshold value of 3.0% [
36,
37]. However, as other measures were implemented at the same time, causality could not unequivocally be established. Authorities in countries and supranational organizations such as the EU should test different ways to achieve reductions in alcoholic strength, and how best to implement them. Currently, the knowledge base is not large enough to predict exactly what would happen with different forms of taxation (for general principles, see
[38]).
Finally, while—against some predictions to the contrary—the introduction of no- and low- alcohol beverages has led to general substitution effects [
5], the uptake of such products by the general population has not been large enough to produce sizable public health effects. It would, therefore, be up to the industry to demonstrate that there could be conditions under which a public-health relevant substitution would take place.