Understanding Urban Adaptation Policy and Social Justice: A New Conceptual Framework for Just-Oriented Adaptation Policies

Abstract

Climate change poses one of the most urgent challenges for cities today, creating unprecedented risks for individuals, communities, and various types of infrastructure—social, spatial, and physical. In response, many cities have begun developing and implementing adaptation policies aimed at enhancing their resilience and sustainability. This paper raises an important question about the fairness of these emerging policies and plans: how are adaptation policies and their practical measures distributed equitably among different urban areas, and how do they affect social, racial, ethnic, and other marginalized groups? However, the existing literature on urban adaptation measures is fragmented across various fields of knowledge. There is a notable lack of a cohesive conceptual framework that integrates these adaptation measures. This absence hinders our understanding of the social dimensions of these policies and their equitable distribution among diverse urban groups and neighborhoods, especially when many of them are implemented simultaneously. This paper aims to analyze the socially just aspects of urban adaptation measures and to explore their impact on socially, demographically, ethnically, and gender-diverse populations and groups. The central argument of this paper is that adaptation policies and their associated measures are not merely tools for implementation; rather, adaptation measures serve as significant carriers of social justice. This paper reviews multidisciplinary climate change adaptation policies and measures at the city scale. This analytical review is grounded in Jabareen’s multidisciplinary theory for building a conceptual framework. The analysis yields a new conceptual framework, which we refer to as the Conceptual Framework for Just-Oriented Adaptation Policies. This framework consists of six interconnected concepts of adaptation, with each concept encompassing various measures that collectively contribute to specific aspects of social justice. At the core of this framework lies the ontological concept of defensibility, which underpins adaptation policies aimed at protecting people and urban systems while enhancing the resilience of cities.

1. Introduction

Climate change is one of the most pressing threats facing cities in the 21st century, posing substantial challenges across all major social, spatial, and physical urban systems. It is projected to cause an increase in global temperature, intensified storms, prolonged droughts, rising sea levels, and heat waves [1,2], impacting the social, economic, ecological, and physical fabric of urban areas [3,4,5,6,7]. Jabareen [6], in his book The Risk City, addresses the physical, social, and financial impacts of climate change on cities. He claims that projections of climate change in urban areas threaten to “increase strains on materials and equipment, create higher peak electricity loads and voltage fluctuations, disrupt transport, and escalate the need for emergency management.” [6] (p. 8). Furthermore, climate change is expected to pose risks to and disrupt the availability of essential needs in urban areas, such as the contamination of drinkable water, shortages in food stocks, and energy infrastructure [6,8,9,10]. On a social level, climate change impacts on cities challenge the urban fabric and systems, safety, community survival, and the likelihood of mass migration from regions affected by climate-related events [5,6,11,12]. In addition, climate change poses a threat to the physical, mental, and emotional health and well-being of urban communities due to extreme climatic events [5]. For instance, heat waves cause an increase in mortality and morbidity rates among urban communities, especially among groups vulnerable to heat [13]. The above effects are unevenly and disproportionately distributed among different urban groups and likely exacerbate urban social and environmental inequalities [6,14]. Research consistently shows that certain demographic groups, such as low-income populations, racial and ethnic minorities, women, children, and the elderly, bear a disproportionately heavy burden of the impacts of climate change [15,16,17,18,19,20,21]. The heightened vulnerability of these groups stems not only from increased exposure, such as residing in coastal and floodplain areas, but also from their limited adaptive capacity and inadequate resources to prepare for, confront, and recover from climatic events [19,22,23,24].

In recent years, cities have increasingly recognized the critical importance of adaptation policies and their measures in addressing the impacts of climate change, enhancing the resilience of the physical and social systems, and alleviating vulnerabilities [25,26,27,28,29]. Adaptation is defined as “the process of adjustment to actual or expected climate and its effects in order to moderate harm or exploit beneficial opportunities.” [2] (p. 2). To do so, cities incorporate adaptation measures that serve as essential tools in the process of enhancing resilience by boosting urban infrastructure, bolstering different social systems, and countering the impacts of climate change [30,31]. Adaptation measures are “strategies implemented to counteract the adverse effects of climate change while capitalizing on potential beneficial opportunities.” [30] (p. 6).

Adaptation measures are related to social justice, as they are resources implemented in cities and have implications for the adaptive capacity of social and physical systems. The distribution of these resources among different communities and neighborhoods in cities has implications for social justice, as Rawls argues in his A Theory of Justice [32]. According to Rawls [32], social justice is linked with distribution, describing it as “justice as fairness”. Thus, the primary goal is to ensure the fair distribution of resources among all communities, regardless of their affiliation, such as gender, age, and socio-economic status. Therefore, from our point of view, social justice is about the fair distribution of resources among different urban communities and neighborhoods.

Existing studies about the distribution of adaptation measures among different groups, such as class and ethnic groups, indicate unfair distribution in cities (e.g., Garrison [33]; Zhao et al. [34], Houghton & Castillo-Salgado [35]; Zhou & Noonan [36]; Xu & Chen [37]). Anguelovski and colleagues [38] argue that the prioritization of wealthier groups is “acts of omission” where adaptation planning and strategies “protect economically valuable areas over low-income or minority neighborhoods” (p. 2), which contributes to the enhancements of the social gaps between the different communities. For instance, Hurricane Katrina impacted the disadvantaged groups (communities of color) due to already-existing vulnerabilities [39,40,41], and the recovery plan from the hurricane was implemented to prioritize the wealthier white neighborhoods over lower-income black neighborhoods [38].

Given the crucial role of adaptation measures in augmenting the resilience of urban communities and physical systems, it raises the question of the role these measures fulfill in cities through the lens of social justice and raises the question about their distribution among different urban groups. Therefore, this paper addresses the following two crucial questions: How does the literature analyze the role that adaptation measures play in cities through the lens of social justice? How does the literature analyze the distribution of these measures among different urban groups?

However, the existing literature on urban adaptation measures is fragmented across various fields of knowledge. There is a lack of a unified conceptual framework that integrates these adaptation measures and allows us to understand the social dimensions of these policies and their equitable distribution among diverse urban groups and neighborhoods, especially when many of them are implemented simultaneously. Furthermore, the literature includes few empirical studies that investigate how these measures are distributed among different urban groups. Thus, this paper aims to analyze and categorize adaptation measures according to their social roles in urban adaptation efforts.

We argue that adaptation measures are carriers of social justice, and they should not only be seen as policy tools but also as strategies that play significant social roles in cities, ultimately contributing to social justice. Consequently, the distribution of these measures among various groups within the city carries important social implications regarding fairness and equity. In other words, while adaptation measures are intended to enhance resilience, their implementation might lead either to inequities or to advancements in social justice within urban environments.

This paper consists of five sections, where the first is concerned with the methodology used to collect the data for this review. The next section presents the different concepts of adaptation measures and discusses them through the lens of social justice. The next section presents the conceptual framework for adaptation measures, and the final section ends with concluding points stating the contribution of this paper to theory.

2. Methods

This paper analyzes the literature relating to the multidisciplinary climate change-oriented literature that focuses on adaptation policies and measures at the city scale. The development of the conceptual framework of adaptation policies and measures is based on the conceptual analysis method of Jabareen [42]. This method is a grounded theory tactic that intends to “generate, identify, and trace a phenomenon’s major concepts, which together constitute its theoretical framework. […] each concept has its own attributes, characteristics, assumptions, limitations, distinct perspectives, and specific function” (p. 53). The methodology delineates the following stages in the building of a conceptual framework: (a) mapping multidisciplinary data sources; (b) reviewing the literature and categorizing the selected data; (c) identifying and naming the concepts; (d) deconstructing and categorizing the concepts; (e) integrating the concepts; (f) synthesis, re-synthesis, and making it all make sense; and (g) validating the conceptual framework.

The literature used for developing the framework was identified through searches on Web of Science and Scopus, using the keywords “adaptation measures” and “urban areas” or “cities”. These databases were chosen for their extensive collection of high-quality, peer-reviewed studies across disciplines. While the initial search produced a large body of literature, the process was refined to include 55 articles and 13 reports of grey literature and studies in targeted areas. The grey literature included publications from the C40 Cities Climate Leadership Group and other municipal adaptation policies for their relevance to this paper. The search methodology and refinement process are illustrated in Figure 1.

Following a comprehensive review of the selected texts and the extraction of adaptation measures, a supplementary search was conducted using Google Scholar to identify empirical studies examining the distribution of these measures among different urban demographic groups.

After extracting all the measures, each adaptation measure was analyzed based on three primary questions: what climatic scenario does each measure address, what functional roles does the measure serve in urban settings, and which urban groups does the measure target, if specified? The measures were then organized into a table that included the following data: measure, the climatic threat it addresses, its functional role in the city, and the intended urban groups, where mentioned. Then, the adaptation measures were categorized to highlight their social functions based on their roles in urban systems. For example, measures that mitigate flooding effects and enhance the resilience of physical and social systems were categorized under their protective social roles. This approach was applied to all extracted measures.

Categories with similar characteristics were grouped into broader clusters, representing overarching concepts. Each concept reflects a distinct aspect of social justice embodied in the adaptation measures. Finally, the conceptual framework was synthesized by integrating these concepts into a cohesive structure. Rather than simply compiling mere elements, the framework represents an interconnected system where each concept plays a critical role and interacts with others. Each concept encompasses several adaptation measures that emphasize their social role in the city.

3. Findings

This study identified six categories that together represent the adaptation measures related to urban justice. The categories are defensibility, which refers to measures enhancing the resilience to cope with climatic uncertainties; accessibility, which refers to measures that increase the access of urban groups to different services to enhance their resilience; necessities, which refers to measures that increase the affordability of basic needs and the availability of resources to groups; public engagement, which refers to the efforts to increase awareness and knowledge and to increase the inclusion of groups in the planning process; empowerment, which refers to measures that intend to close social gaps and provide tools to enhance adaptive capacity; and finally health, which refers to the measures that enhance resilience through improving the health and well-being of groups.

The following part will discuss each category, the measures it represents, and which urban groups these measures intend to affect. Finally, it will discuss the empirical studies that examined the distribution of adaptation measures among different urban groups.

3.1. Concept 1: Defensibility

This concept entails measures that safeguard groups and physical systems in cities from the projections of climate change. The protection from intense heat and the occurrence of the urban heat island phenomenon, coastal and inland floods, and sea level rise illustrates the defensibility of these measures. We adopt the idea of defensibility from Oscar Newman’s work on “Defensible Space”. Newman’s idea highlights that intentional urban and architectural design is vital in fostering safe, resilient communities [43,44,45,46,47].

The literature proposes various climate adaptation measures that aim to protect groups and physical systems against coastal storms and sea level rise. For example, the cities of Venice and Miami incorporated adaptation measures to cope with the rise in sea levels and coastal storms. While Miami focused on beach nourishment and expensive technological solutions, Venice combined several measures to enhance the resilience of social and physical systems to the anticipated threats, such as the elevation of low-lying parts of the city, the dredging of canals, and the use of coastal wetlands [48]. Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, incorporated ring dikes, dry proofing for buildings, and the elevation of low-lying parts of the city to protect against sea level rise and coastal floodings [49]. Similarly, de Ruig and colleagues [50] show that the combination of 35–45% dry proofing of buildings and 55–65% elevating buildings is the most effective combination of measures for coastal cities that protect them against coastal flooding and sea level rise. Elevation as an adaptation measure against coastal storms helped coastal and inland communities to be protected on Bolivar Island during Hurricane Ike [51]. Similarly, seawalls helped to protect downtown Galveston, Texas, during Hurricane Ike, as the same protection was granted by low seawalls constructed on the shore of Thailand that helped to “dissipate some of the wave energy from the Indian Ocean tsunami.” (p. 6). However, despite the protection that seawalls might grant to coastal community lives, they can have negative social, financial, ecological, and physical impacts, including the loss of biodiversity, a reduction in property value, and coastal erosion [52].

In addition, the literature proposes nature-based solutions for coastal defense. These measures are considered cost-effective, compared to grey infrastructure, to protect against erosion and flooding [53]. Nature-based solutions for coastal protection include sand dunes, wetlands, mangroves, seagrass, and coastal reefs. For instance, South Australia implemented living shoreline projects, including “mangrove, seagrass, and oyster rehabilitation for erosion control.” (p. 5), while New Jersey, the United States, used beach and dune construction as shoreline defense against coastal storms and erosion [54].

Using nature-based solutions is effective against coastal storms, which will likely contribute to reducing damage. Marino and colleagues [55] showed that sand dune constructions and seagrass meadows reduced coastal flooding damage by 66% across the investigated shoreline in Sicily, Italy. Similarly, coral reefs are found to be a cost-effective adaptation measure against coastal storms and reduce wave energy by 97%, which can protect coastal communities and significantly reduce the risk of residing in low-lying coastal areas [56].

On the other hand, Du and colleagues [57] suggest combining hard and soft measures as the most effective protection of the city of Shanghai, China, against sea level rise, which includes using dikes and coastal wetlands as nature-based solutions.

In addition to incorporating measures to enhance the resilience of cities’ coastal lines, the literature proposes a less conventional measure to protect coastal communities: managed retreat. This measure protects coastal communities against sea level rise and coastal storms while also addressing the cultural and social needs of the retreated communities [58].

This concept also entails measures that help cities cope with inland flooding caused by heavy precipitation and enhance their resilience. These measures are gray and green infrastructure implemented in urban areas. An example of gray infrastructure is illustrated in the flood resilience planning of Bangkok, Thailand, which relies mainly on gray infrastructure that includes raising dikes alongside the river and constructing larger pipes with higher drainage capacity [59]. As for green infrastructure, the literature proposes different measures that aim to boost the ability of cities to cope with heavy runoff and reduce stress on conventional drainage systems. For example, green roofs are an effective green measure to reduce pressure on drainage systems for frequent storms of small magnitude when implemented diffusely around the catchment areas in cities [60]. Other studies suggest rain gardens and bioswales as effective green measures in managing stormwater and reducing pressure on conventional drainage systems in urban areas [61,62]. In addition, trees are incorporated as a nature-based solution to manage stormwater during flooding in urban areas [63]. By absorbing the rainfall, which eventually evaporates, through the canopy, trees may reduce peak flows during low-intensity rainstorms [64]. Another measure proposed to help manage stormwater during heavy precipitation is the land purposed for urban agriculture. Open spaces for urban agriculture have proven to be effective stormwater management in Taipei City, Taiwan, that can assist cities in dealing with heavy runoff, along with the other advantages of urban agriculture [65].

Moreover, the literature suggests rainwater harvesting measures as a green infrastructure for stormwater management that includes rain barrels, cisterns, and ground-level pits. For instance, Cleveland, Ohio, distributed 4000 barrels to households to reduce stormwater runoff during heavy precipitation [66]. Lin and colleagues [67] examined rain barrels and rain gardens’ effectiveness in alleviating inland flooding in Saitama City, Japan. The results show that the combination of rain barrels and rain gardens effectively reduced the impact of excess runoff during a short duration of rain. In contrast, over a long duration, the combination effectively reduced the first peak of rainfall. Lastly, permeable pavement installation is a measure used in urban areas to help manage stormwater during heavy precipitation. Li and colleagues [68] examined the effectiveness of permeable concrete in cooling and managing stormwater, and they claim that permeable interlocking pavers have the highest permeability and infiltration rate, which help absorb water and reduce runoff flow on the surface.

In addition to coastal and inland flooding and sea level rise threats, cities are projected to experience intensive and prolonged heat waves and an intensified urban heat island phenomenon [69,70], all of which urge cities to implement adaptation measures to reduce temperature. Cities utilize different measures to reduce indoor and outdoor temperatures such as installing green roofs, light roofs, tree plantations, shrubs and grass, parks, permeable pavements, and more. Studies show that the installation of only green roofs has a minimal impact on street air temperature reduction [71]. Similarly, a study conducted in Paris, France, shows that green roofs were found to be effective in reducing indoor temperature, rather than outdoor temperature, which caused a reduction in energy consumption, while shrubs, trees, and grass showed a high efficacy in lowering street air temperature [72].

Other studies indicate that installing green and white roofs and permeable pavements in Lenz, Austria, positively impacted the temperature and alleviated the urban heat island phenomenon [73]. Similarly, Oswald and colleagues [74] indicate that heat reduction measures (cool roofs, green roofs, grass, and trees), when applied together in Klagenfurt, Austria, caused up to 44% heat reduction. Moreover, studies indicate that implementing cool roofs alone in highly dense neighborhoods, such as areas of low-income communities and people of color, effectively reduces the temperature [75,76].

Trees are multifaceted adaptation measures that help manage stormwater and reduce high temperatures due to their evaporative function and canopy shading. For instance, planting trees in Oslo, Norway, is more effective in reducing the temperature than using shrubs [77]. Similarly, Abdulateef and Al-Alwan [78] found that areas covered with trees, hedges, and fountains in Baghdad, Iraq, have lower temperatures than other parts of the city. In addition to trees, parks contribute to temperature reduction in cities and serve as a natural green shelter for people during heat waves [79]. A study conducted in Madrid, Spain, showed that parks contribute to a temperature reduction of between 2.40 and 2.80 °C during heat waves [80]. Similar results were found in Antwerp, Belgium, where parks effectively reduced the temperature during the day, while a reduction was also observed around the parks [81].

Temperature reduction in urban areas can be achieved using technical measures such as water spraying to reduce the street-level temperature [82]. The measure was found to be relatively effective, yet more interventions were needed to significantly reduce the street temperature. Similarly, Takebayashi and colleagues [83] examined the effectiveness of combining the water sprinkling technique with water surfaces, tree canopies, and sunshades in Kobe City, Japan. They found it to be highly effective in reducing the street temperature.

Despite the effectiveness of these measures in reducing high temperatures and tackling climatic events, their distribution in the city among different urban groups is not always to the benefit of those in need. Garrison [33] examined the 100 million trees project initiated by the cities of Los Angeles and New York, which aimed to plant a million trees in underserved neighborhoods between 2007 and 2015. The findings reveal that New York City focused on existing tree canopies, intensifying their volumes while neglecting underserved areas with low or no tree canopies. In contrast, Los Angeles planted fewer trees citywide, but the distribution was more equitable than in New York City. The city prioritized high-need areas by planting trees at higher densities in regions with lower existing tree canopies, higher poverty rates, and a higher proportion of non-white residents.

As for green building strategies that help ameliorate high temperatures and manage stormwater, a study conducted in Austin, Texas, and Chicago, Illinois, indicates that these initiatives are less prevalent in densely populated neighborhoods exhibiting heightened susceptibility to extreme heat and flooding [35]. In contrast, Zhao and colleagues [34] indicate in their study that the construction of new schools using green building practices does not exhibit preferential treatment towards specific socio-demographic groups in the United States. African American, Hispanic, low-income, and affluent students are more likely to access newly constructed green schools.

Table 1. Adaptation measures that provide defensibility against extreme events.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
	Beach nourishment	Increasing resilience to coastal flooding	[48]
	Elevations		[48,49,50,51]
	Dry proofing of buildings		[49,50]
Coastal flooding	Wet proofing of buildings		[84]
	Constructing dikes and sea walls		[49,51,57,59]
	Managed retreat		[58]
	Mangroves		[54]
	Seagrass		[54,55]
	Sand dunes		[55]
	Coral reefs		[56]
	Coastal wetlands		[48,57]
	Rain gardens	Increasing resilience to inland flooding	[61,62,67]
	Bioswales		[61]
Inland flooding	Planting trees		[63,64]
	Permeable pavements		[68]
	Green roofs		[60]
	Rainwater harvesting		[66,67]
	Construction of larger drainage tunnels		[59]
	Urban agriculture		[65]
	Ponds and wetlands		[84]
Heat waves	Planting trees	Increasing resilience against heat waves	[72,74,77,78]
	Urban parks		[79,80,81]
	Urban greenery (grass, shrubs, hedges)		[72,74,78]
	Fountains		[78]
	Permeable pavements		[73,85]
	Cool roofs		[73,74,75,76]
	Water spraying		[82,83]
	Shading tools		[86]
	Green roofs		[71,72,73,74]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of defensibility.

3.2. Concept 2: Public Engagement

Public engagement refers to measures intended to raise awareness, educate, and increase the public’s knowledge of climate change impacts and ways to protect themselves. It also includes measures that aim to increase the engagement of different communities through collaborations or stewardships.

Raising awareness and increasing knowledge regarding climate change and its impact will likely increase the engagement of communities in adaptation policies and implementation [87]. There is growing evidence that knowledge and the perception of risk can impact the behavior of individuals and groups and, therefore, play an important role in adaptation policies for climate change [87,88,89]. Similarly, the Special Report published by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) on the impacts of global warming of 1.5 °C above pre-industrial levels specifically identified public participation in adaptation planning to enhance capacity to cope with climate change risks [1].

The literature proposes different methods to educate the public and raise their awareness, such as using smart tools to encourage the public to take personal measures to increase resilience [90,91]. Davids and Thaler [90] examined the use of smart tools (tailor-made advice) to raise public awareness and engagement around adopting private measures to increase resilience against flooding events. The study indicates that smart tools were effective among those already aware of the risks and eager to take measures but were found to be ineffective in recruiting new users. Similarly, The New York City Emergency Management team launched several platforms to educate New Yorkers about climate-related hazards and ways to mitigate the damage. For example, the city launched the “Hazard Mitigation Plan”, which aims to increase the public’s awareness and educate them about the different climatic hazards anticipated in the city [92].

Additional measures have been proposed to raise awareness through public campaigns and workshops. In 2003, the Netherlands led an educational campaign that educated the public and raised their awareness about the increased risk of floods due to climate change. The campaign offered several tools to the public that could assist them in handling floods and reducing damage [93]. Similarly, La Paz, Mexico, conducted educational workshops about the environment and climate change and disseminated educational brochures to raise awareness [94]. These measures, such as public campaigns and workshops, can be an effective way to encourage communities to take action to reduce their vulnerability. A survey conducted on Zurich’s, Switzerland, public campaign to building owners living in a flood-prone zone showed the following findings: “(1) It increased property owners’ intention to implement flood protection measures, (2) it increased their risk awareness, and (3) the adoption of the information provided was closely related to a positive evaluation of the communication campaign.” [95] (p. 11).

The literature proposes additional measures that are bottom–up, as opposed to the measures above. Quito City, Ecuador, engaged the public in both the planning and implementation phases. For instance, the city allows local communities, especially low-income communities and youth, to propose adaptation policies based on their specific needs and actively participate in their execution [96]. Such bottom–up approaches help communities be more aware of the crisis, facilitate policy development addressing community needs, and foster engagement in the implementation phase, potentially leading to a more effective adaptation process [97]. Similarly, Hughes [66] delves into the outcomes resulting from the engagement of local communities in the planning and execution of adaptation policies. The Detroit adaptation plan, as highlighted by Hughes, “strongly emphasized community engagement in developing the plan, both to inform the content of the plan and to raise awareness among Detroit residents of the importance of climate change.” (p. 38). This participatory process has given rise to the Detroit Climate Ambassadors program, a grassroots initiative to assist various underserved neighborhoods in combating climate change through education, addressing aging infrastructure, and enhancing comfort and accessibility [66]. Furthermore, the recognition of the needs of different groups is fundamental to social justice and coping with risk [98,99].

Another bottom–up measure proposed is collaboration with different local stakeholders such as NGOs, community-based organizations, or even local universities. Partnerships with scientists and local universities contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the local vulnerabilities and risks communities and cities face [100]. Many cities incorporate this measure as part of their adaptation policies, aiming to learn more about the varied needs of the different groups. For instance, the city of Quito, Ecuador, as part of its inclusive adaptation planning process, collaborated with different stakeholders to understand the needs of the local communities, particularly the vulnerable groups. The city collaborated with local NGOs, as a mediator, to learn more about the needs of the low-income communities in the city [96]. Additionally, Quito City used the output of the collaborations between local universities and the vulnerable groups of the city to “ensure that assessments are meaningful for the most vulnerable residents.” (p. 10) [96]. Similarly, Guardaro and colleagues [101] focused on collaborations with community-based organizations in low-income neighborhoods with high vulnerability to heat in Phoenix, Arizona. The collaboration aims to recruit local citizens and plan according to the needs of the local communities in a culturally sensitive and relevant manner. In 2021, New York City launched the “State of Climate Knowledge” initiative with diverse stakeholders, including civil society organizations, city agencies, and universities. This collaborative effort aims to continually enhance the understanding of climate change and stay attuned to the evolving needs of the city’s communities [102].

Table 2. Adaptation measures that enhance resilience through public engagement.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
Public engagement	Use of smart tools	Increasing resilience through public engagement	[90,91,92]
	Public campaigns		[93]
	Public workshops		[94]
	Participation in planning and execution phases		[66,96]
	Collaborations with local stakeholders		[66,96,101]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of public engagement.

3.3. Concept 3: Accessibility

Accessibility refers to measures that preserve people’s routine lifestyles by maintaining urban groups’ ability to move around during extreme events.

The literature suggests several measures that enhance urban groups’ accessibility through public or active transportation. A report by C40 [103] suggests different measures that enhance people’s accessibility to public transportation and make it inclusive and fair. The first measure is installing air conditioning on all buses and trains to help people use these forms of transport during extreme heat and enhance their ability to move around. The second measure is making dedicated lanes for buses to shorten the travel duration and connect residential areas with crucial services, such as schools. The third measure refers to subsidizing public transportation for different urban groups, especially low-income groups, to enhance their accessibility and encourage them to use different means of public transportation.

An additional adaptation measure that enhances the accessibility to different services during extreme weather is implementing mixed land use in neighborhoods. Hao and Wang [104] argue that people that live in neighborhoods with mixed land use have the highest accessibility to services during extreme weather. Freiburg City, Germany, implemented mixed land use to enhance accessibility to crucial services within walking distance [105]. As part of the city’s strategic plan “One New York—The Plan for a Strong and Just City” [106], New York City attracted different retailers and businesses to underserved neighborhoods to increase the residents’ accessibility to different services.

Active transportation is an adaptation measure incorporated by cities to contribute to the accessibility of urban groups. These measures, particularly biking, have gained popularity as a sustainable alternative method for commuting in the city. The C40 report on walking and cycling [107] underscores the importance of implementing measures encouraging walking and cycling modes as alternative transportation during flooding or prolonged outages. The report suggests several measures that make walking and cycling more accessible during extreme events, such as the use of permeable asphalts to cope with flooding events, the use of greenery and shadings around the lanes to shield from heat and manage stormwater, and installing elevated clear signs to alert the public of high-risk zones around the city. For instance, Lisbon, Portugal, implemented several adaptation measures to increase accessibility as part of the city’s adaptation policies, such as shading walking and biking lanes using greenery and green infrastructure, increasing the safety of bikers, constructing dedicated biking lanes, and establishing bicycle rentals and sharing throughout the city [108].

On the other hand, studies indicate the effectiveness and advantages that electric bicycles offer over conventional ones to increase mobility and accessibility in the city, increasing the feeling of safety while biking on mixed roads with vehicles, and to overcome physical limitations and urban typologies that can be challenging for conventional biking [109]. However, the use of electric bicycles poses challenges, particularly the cost of using electric bicycles, and when used on designated lanes with pedestrians, they can jeopardize the safety of the latter communities [109]. Wild and colleagues [110] note further challenges to implementing biking lanes in cities that center around four aspects of community objection: first, the objection of local businesses to biking lanes due to economic and parking spot losses; second, the objection of underserved communities to biking lanes regarding gentrification considerations; third, the objection of conservative political views against biking lanes that will bring “outsiders”; and fourth, the objection of marginalized cyclists that are not being engaged in the planning process.

An additional measure was proposed to increase accessibility during flooding events in Venice, Italy, where sidewalks were elevated in high-risk zones throughout the city to enhance the residents’ accessibility [48].

Table 3. Adaptation measures that enhance resilience through accessibility.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
Accessibility	Installation of AC on all public transport	Increasing resilience through public engagement	[103]
	Subsidizing public transport		[103,105]
	Implementing mixed land use		[104,105,106]
	Constructing biking lanes and sidewalks		[107,108]
	Shading sidewalks and biking lanes		[107]
	Elevating sidewalks		[48]
	Establishing bike rentals and sharing stations		[108]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of accessibility.

The measures above protect and enhance the communities’ ability to commute to places and maintain their mobility despite climatic disruptions. However, the empirical literature that assesses their distribution among neighborhoods and urban groups indicates an inequitable pattern [111,112,113]. For instance, a cross-sectional study that examined the distribution of access to biking lanes in 22 cities in the US showed an inequitable distribution and a negative correlation between biking lanes and lower socio-economic status and certain minorities (particularly Hispanic residents, when the correlation was adjusted to cycling demand) [112]. Similarly, the distribution of biking lanes among neighborhoods in Bogota, Columbia, shows an inequitable distribution and a negative correlation between disadvantaged neighborhoods with a lower socio-economic status [113].

3.4. Concept 4: Necessities

This category refers to measures that aim to help communities afford essential needs, such as food, water, and electricity, to fortify resilience and adaptive capacity under different climatic scenarios. Moreover, necessities include measures that ensure the availability of primary resources to avoid price rises, which will burden vulnerable groups more [114].

Integrating measures to help disadvantaged groups afford necessities is important, considering studies showing uneven electricity bill affordability (e.g., Xu & Chen [37]). The literature has discussed various measures to enable urban groups to afford electricity bills in view of the projected increase in electricity use, especially for heating and cooling purposes. These measures aim to reduce electricity bills and thus alleviate the risk of energy poverty. Filippin and colleagues [115] examined the impact of integrating energy-consuming measures on reducing energy bills for low-income communities in Santa Rosa, Argentina, during heat waves. The results show that insulating walls and roofs combined with installing photovoltaic (PV) panels and solar heaters reduced electricity bills by between 35% and 45%. Similarly, Oldfield [116] argues that integrating smart grids can increase the affordability of energy bills and reduce energy poverty among low-income households. The adoption of these measures can pose an equity concern, particularly among the disadvantaged groups that might face financial and other constraints. Sovacool and colleagues [117] discuss the inequity PV panel deployment poses in Brighton, the United Kingdom, among different groups in the city, particularly among low-income groups, home renters, students, the elderly, and people with disabilities. To address these challenges, some policy reforms should be conducted, such as providing incentives to the disadvantaged groups to increase adoption with a targeted approach to the most impoverished areas in cities, raising awareness and knowledge regarding the benefits of these sources of energy, and “shared-ownership business models, including cooperatives or council-led schemes that offer solar deployment and maintenance to homes unable to pay.” (p. 12).

The accessibility and affordability of fresh water are fundamental human rights for each human being. The affordability of, pricing of, and access to fresh water are impacted by its availability in urban areas [114]. Cities have incorporated different measures to save water as a resource, reducing the impact on water pricing. Ivanova and colleagues [94] suggest several measures for La Paz, Mexico, that will reduce the impact of projected drought and water scarcity. The measures are technical, such as a reduction in water pipe leaks and an increase in the use of recycled water for irrigation purposes, while other measures are behavioral, such as communicating and training the residents on water conservation to reduce excessive use. Additionally, rainwater harvesting (e.g., domestic rain barrels) is a strategy used to provide an essential supplementary water source during periods of low rainfall or drought, reducing the reliance on conventional water sources [118,119,120]. For instance, Antwerp, Belgium, collects roof rainwater for domestic purposes such as irrigation, toilet flushing, and car washing [121].

This category entails adaptation measures that help urban groups afford healthy and nutritious food. Climate change may impact food prices and pose an equity issue among low-income communities regarding their ability to afford healthy food [122]. Several measures are proposed to counteract these challenges and secure the affordability of healthy and nutritious food. First, urban agriculture is a measure proposed by some studies for its ability to provide communities with affordable, primary, and healthy food. Urban agriculture has the potential to address food justice and inequity in access to nutritious food in urban areas, particularly among low-income communities and neighborhoods [123]. Nassary and colleagues [124] discuss the multifaceted contributions of urban agriculture through “the provision of food and generating income, improving recreation and social interactions, improving the sustainability of biodiversity, and mitigating the impact of environmental pollution and climate change through reduction of gas emissions as they also act as carbon sinks.” (p. 9).

Similarly, the report of C40 [125] titled “How to optimize food assistance for sustainable, food secure cities” suggests urban agriculture as a beneficial measure for food supply and a source of food education in cities.

In addition to urban agriculture, the C40 report [125] suggests several measures guiding cities to tackle food affordability and availability. The first is the use of food vouchers limited to non-fat, non-processed healthy food. This measure aims to enhance communities’ ability to purchase healthy food. Second, school feeding programs should be implemented to ensure all students have access to free, healthy meals. Third is incentivizing mobile food carts to underserved communities through vouchers or cash. Fourth is recovering and reusing unsold food from retailers and restaurants in food assistance services to reduce food waste, on the one hand, and provide affordable food, on the other hand.

Despite the crucial role of the measures above in helping urban groups afford basic needs considering climate change impacts, their distribution in the city has not fully been examined. However, a few studies have examined the distribution of energy-saving measures in cities. Zhou and Noonan [36] show that federal funding initiatives to install smart grids tend to favor low-income communities. However, the study identifies a disparity wherein low-income communities with a higher proportion of Hispanic residents receive comparatively fewer federal funds. In contrast, Xu and Chen [37] argue that low-income communities in the United States exhibit lower participation rates in numerous energy efficiency programs, with smart grids and other energy-efficient appliances being more prevalent among households with medium to high incomes than those with lower incomes.

Table 4. Adaptation measures that enhance resilience through affording necessities.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
Necessities	Wall insulation	Increasing resilience through public engagement	[115]
	Installation of PV		[115]
	Installation of solar heaters		[115]
	Integration of smart grids		[116]
	Use of recycled water		[94]
	Rain barrels		[118,119,120]
	Urban agriculture		[123,124,125]
	Food vouchers		[125]
	School feeding programs		[125]
	Reusing unsold food		[125]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of necessities.

On the other hand, despite the positive potential and benefits of urban agriculture in increasing access to healthier food and creating new jobs, among other positive aspects, its management in cities can enforce class and ethnic disparities [126]. Reynold [126] argues that urban agriculture in New York City has replicated structural racism against low-income communities and people of color, instead of taking advantage of the potential to uplift these communities and make a real structural change.

3.5. Concept 5: Health and Well-Being

This concept entails measures that target the health and well-being of communities to enhance their resilience and adaptive capacity. These measures aim to decrease the morbidity and mortality rates caused by different climatic scenarios in cities, such as heat waves, air pollution, and inland flooding events.

The literature discusses several measures that, in their essence, aim to enhance the public’s health and well-being. Early warning systems are a measure incorporated by cities to raise the awareness of communities to take precautionary steps to reduce morbidity and mortality during different extreme events, such as floods, heat waves, and heightened rates of air pollution. For instance, Venice, Italy, uses early warning systems connected to the residents’ phones and websites to increase their awareness before flooding events and encourage them to take appropriate precautionary measures [48]. In London, England, the city uses bus shelters, tube stations, and roadside signs to “provide real-time alerts during high or very high air pollution episodes” [127] (p. 65). These real-time announcements aim to raise awareness and reduce morbidity and mortality among different communities. Similarly, Apparicio and colleagues [128] discuss the successful use of early warning systems for landslides in La Paz, Bolivia. This adaptation measure effectively raised community awareness after the first crack, successfully evacuated people from the danger zone, and saved lives. However, in some cases, early warning systems can fall short in raising awareness and saving lives. Perera and others [129] discuss the social and technical challenges limiting the effectiveness of early warning systems during flood events, including a lack of appropriate dissemination of messages, language barriers, and messages that do not meet the needs of the vulnerable groups. They note the role civil society organizations play in bridging some of the challenges as mediators between governmental officials and local communities, in addition to raising awareness and educating communities for risk reduction.

In addition to early warning systems, cooling centers are proposed as an adaptation measure to provide shelter during heat waves to mitigate mortality and morbidity, especially among vulnerable groups [30,130]. Cooling centers include libraries, community centers, commercial spaces, and other public buildings with cooling systems. For instance, as part of the Cool It! NYC initiative [131], the city increases the operation hours and opens additional cooling centers on days of high heat stress, especially in heat-vulnerable areas. Regarding the importance of cooling centers as shelters for vulnerable groups during heat stress, Kim and colleagues [132] discuss the distribution of cooling shelters (such as cooling centers and urban parks) in a residential area of Chuncheon City in Gangwon province of South Korea. The study indicates that with a higher density of older people in neighborhoods, the accessibility of a 10 min walk to cooling shelters is more limited, and thus, their distribution does not match the neighborhoods’ needs and vulnerabilities.

Tree planting is an adaptational measure with multifaceted uses. Trees are used as an adaptation for stormwater management and heat amelioration [63,70] and air pollution reduction, thus contributing to the health and well-being of communities [133]. For instance, Selmi and colleagues [134] found urban trees to be effective tools for reducing air pollution in urban areas. In addition to urban trees, urban green spaces contribute to the well-being of residents in neighborhoods. Barcelona’s adaptation policy, for instance, uses urban green spaces to promote the well-being of their communities by providing natural cooling shelters during heat waves [135].

The health and well-being of communities are related to the availability of healthcare facilities and their functioning. Different measures are proposed to ensure the accessibility of communities to primary health care and ensure the continuous functioning of hospitals during disasters. The first measure is proofing emergency buildings, such as hospitals, to maintain functioning during different events, including natural disasters [106]. Ensuring accessibility to healthcare facilities is a measure to maintain communities’ health and well-being, as was conducted in New York City, which built health clinics in underserved neighborhoods to ensure their accessibility to primary health care [106].

An additional measure used by cities to prevent the spread of contamination during flooding events is the stabilization of trash bins in neighborhoods. This measure intends to enhance the well-being of communities and the prevention of stormwater contamination by stopping the debris from flowing with the water during flooding events [136].

Table 5. Adaptation measures that enhance resilience through health and well-being.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
Health and well-being	Early warning systems	Increasing resilience through health and well-being	[48,127,128]
	Cooling centers		[30,130,131]
	Proofing emergency buildings		[106]
	Establishing health clinics in underserved neighborhoods		[106]
	Stabilization of trash bins		[136]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of health and well-being.

3.6. Concept 6: Empowerment

This concept refers to measures that aim to provide people with tools that enhance their adaptive capacity. Communities can be empowered and their resilience can be enhanced through financial aid, the alleviation of poverty, or any measure that targets social and economic inequalities among communities in cities.

Sanchez and colleagues [137] discuss the efforts set by the State of New York to empower the residents of the neighborhood of Red Hook in New York City after Hurricane Sandy in 2012. They point to financial aid given by the state to small businesses and owners to increase the resilience of their properties and businesses, in addition to specific training programs to increase adaptive capacity.

Another measure of empowerment is obtaining skills and creating better-paying jobs in communities. For instance, the city of Detroit acknowledges the importance of improving the financial situation of historically underserved groups to reduce climate risks and improve adaptive capacity [66]. Similarly, the city of Cleveland, Ohio, used green infrastructure projects to create 609 new jobs for local residents, particularly in low-income communities and communities of color [66]. A similar approach was adopted by New York City that takes advantage of all the city’s resilience projects to create jobs for low-income communities [106]. Empowering communities by enhancing green education and skills and creating green and sustainable jobs can promote “a more resilient and equitable future for communities around the world.” [138] (p. 4). Studies indicate that green jobs can be an effective pathway to obtain skills and lead impoverished communities out of poverty [139,140]. Hill and colleagues [139] examined the effectiveness of the “Labor Pathways Out of Poverty Green Jobs Training Program” in Houston, Texas. The study indicates that a training program, which was intended for impoverished communities, provided the participants with skills and knowledge that enabled them to secure better-paying jobs in green energy sectors and others. Another measure that provides communities with tools to enhance resilience during climatic events is telecommunication and the ability of residents to use wired and wireless communication. The use of the internet contributes to the resilience and sustainability of cities against climate change [141]. Mrabet and Sliti [141] discuss the contribution of optical wireless networks to resilience and sustainability in urban areas against climate change, including the adoption of renewable energy and energy-efficient devices such as smart grids, which reduce energy consumption and bills. However, they indicate multiple technical, regulatory, and social challenges for implementing optical wireless networks, notably the unequal access of communities to strong and fast internet infrastructure in urban areas, which will likely widen the climate resilience gap between urban groups. This was manifested during the COVID-19 pandemic, where the lockdown measures urged the education systems to switch online, which contributed to the resilience and the continuity of the system but highlighted the unequal access to the internet and technological devices among lower-income and rural groups [142]. Furthermore, on a financial level, countries that had better communication infrastructure during the pandemic showed better financial resilience and lower economic slowdown [143]. Based on this, New York City has set different actions to ensure all communities have access to telecommunication services, such as installing LinkNYC across neighborhoods to provide fast and affordable broadband and hardening and proofing cell sites to ensure their resilience [106].

Table 6. Adaptation measures that enhance resilience through empowerment.

Concept	Adaptation Measures	Function	References
Empowerment	Financial aids to fortify properties and businesses	Increasing resilience through health and well-being	[137]
	Creating jobs for low-income and unemployed groups		[66,106]
	Connecting all neighborhoods and communities with wired and wireless internet		[106,141]

presents the adaptation measures identified under the category of empowerment.

4. The Conceptual Framework of the Defensibility Adaptation Measures

Urban communities that are born, live, and thrive in their spaces have the right to be protected from the impacts of climate change. The protection of communities involves providing them with the ability to commute and preserve their ability to access services, raising their awareness and engaging them, helping them to afford their basic needs, empowering them with better-paying jobs and tools to maintain their daily life, and maintaining and improving their health and well-being.

The following part discusses the conceptual framework we developed by categorizing adaptation measures through their social role in urban areas. This paper identifies six concepts, each serving [106,141] a distinct social role within the Conceptual Framework of the Defensibility of Adaptation Measures.

We propose the concept of defensibility as the foundational principle for adaptation policies, which means that the essence of adaptation policies and measures is the defensibility and the protection of the physical and social systems in cities. Therefore, the distribution of adaptation measures among different groups and neighborhoods has implications on the defensibility and security against different climatic scenarios.

Defensibility as the ontological foundation of adaptation policies is related to urban ontological security, as defined by Jabareen and colleagues [144] as “a very important form of feeling safe in individual’s everyday routine and confidence (trust) in the urban fabric on its social and physical entities.” (p. 4). Thus, the essence of adaptation policies is to defend and protect the city in times of crisis to prevent fatalities, reduce damage, and ensure the continuity of its social and function. Figure 2 illustrates the conceptualization of Just-Oriented Adaptation Policies and Measures.

The importance and centrality of defensibility in climate adaptation planning is found in Jabareen’s [6] The Risk City—Cities Countering Climate Change that argues that planning for countering climate change “must also think in terms of urban defensibility or protection of the city, and therefore consider the state of critical infrastructure, and also in terms of providing protection through new measures such as natural infrastructure projects and coastal eco-system restoration to create additional lines of storm defenses.” (p. 56).

Although taken from the field of crime prevention in cities, Oscar Newman’s [43] Defensible Spaces—Crime Prevention Through Urban Design discusses the importance of urban design and planning in enhancing the sense of security in urban areas and creating defensible spaces. Newman [43] defines defensible spaces as “a living residential environment which can be employed by inhabitants for the enhancement of their lives, while providing security for their families, neighbors, and friends.” (p. 3). This emphasizes the essence of planning, and in our context, adaptation planning, in providing a sense of security among citizens, particularly when facing different climatic scenarios.

The concept of defensibility, as the ontological foundation of adaptation policies and measures, means that the essence of adaptation policies and measures is to enhance security among urban groups and protect the varied social, cultural, environmental, and physical urban systems. This concept entails measures that safeguard social and physical systems during extreme events, such as coastal storms, flooding, heat waves, and others. These measures contribute to communities’ ability to cope with climatic stressors while reducing the damage to souls and properties.

However, to achieve the defensibility and security needed, adaptation policies and measures should fulfill all the concepts that constitute the framework. The concepts represent different social aspects, and the measures included in each one contribute to the fulfillment of the aspects. This is based on our argument that adaptation measures are not merely policy tools that only aim to achieve adaptation planning but are vehicles to social justice, and thus, their fair distribution in the city among different urban groups will likely contribute to social justice.

Moreover, the framework is well connected and promotes the targets listed under SDG 11 in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the United Nations. The SDGs are a framework of 17 goals, 169 targets, and 232 indicators adopted by all UN member states in 2015 as a pathway to a globally sustainable future, with no one left behind [145]. SDG 11 aims to make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable. It considers not only long-term development but also focuses on cities’ and communities’ levels and their quality of daily lives [146]. The different concepts of the conceptual framework intersect with the targets listed under SDG 11, such as ensuring access to affordable, safe, and adequate basic services, providing safe, affordable, accessible, and sustainable transport systems for all, enhancing inclusive and sustainable urbanization, significantly reducing the number of mortalities and morbidity and financial cost of damage while focusing on poor and vulnerable groups, improving urban management (including pollution and waste management), and increasing the access of all, particularly women, children, elderly, and people with disabilities, to green and public spaces [147].

The first concept is accessibility, which entails measures that contribute to the physical access of communities to different services despite climatic disruptions. Physical access to different types of transportation can contribute to the protection of communities and a reduction in fatalities and injuries. For instance, during Hurricane Katrina, the lack of access to transportation was one of the main reasons that low-income and minority groups could not escape and survive the devastating consequences [41]. In addition, increasing access to different modes of transportation promotes a sustainable mode of commuting and equity within cities [103]. Cities can increase accessibility through active transportation by constructing shaded and permeable cycling lanes to help communities maintain mobility during heat or flooding [107]. Alternatively, encouraging people to use these modes of mobility by constructing inviting and safe sidewalks, providing public shared-bike services, increasing secure biking stations across all neighborhoods in the city, and constructing lanes that connect residential areas with commercial areas to encourage communities to use them as a mode of commuting to work.

The use of active transportation and promoting physical accessibility to different services contribute to the health and well-being of communities. Silva and colleagues [148] discuss the positive correlation between physical activity (biking and walking to work are included) and the overall mental health and well-being of adults in Santo Anastacio, Brazil. In addition to the contribution of active transportation to health and well-being, this mode of transport has a financial advantage that can save money for commuters [149], which may help communities to save extra money spent on transport and put it towards different essentials.

The second concept is necessities, which refers to measures that ensure the communities’ ability to afford their basic needs despite disruptions in production or the availability of resources due to climatic events. Climate change is expected to impact food production, the availability of clean and drinkable water, and the production and affordability of electricity [150,151]. These effects might impact some communities’ ability to afford their basic needs to survive during crises. The ability to afford basic needs protects communities from starvation, dehydration, and unnecessary death caused by hypothermia or excess heat. Therefore, cities incorporate measures that provide communities with the ability to survive crises. This was illustrated during COVID-19 when families, especially from underserved communities, could not afford their basic needs due to the pandemic. For instance, the report “The COVID-19 Pandemic Is Straining Families’ Abilities to Afford Basic Needs” produced by the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation shows that 30.6% of families reduced their expenses on food in the US, while 46.5% of families that lost jobs, work hours, or work-related income cut spending on food [152]. A similar unaffordability gap was found in low- and middle-income countries, where the percentage of the population that could not afford healthy and nutritious food during the COVID-19 pandemic reached 43% of the population [153]. Regarding the energy affordability level, the pandemic increased energy insecurity among people with disabilities in the United States, where 50.8% of people with disabilities had to reduce their expenses to afford energy bills, 36.1% kept their homes at a jeopardizing temperature to afford energy bills, and 37.5% could not afford their utility bills [154]. This emphasizes the importance of enhancing communities’ ability to afford basic needs to safeguard them during climatic stressors. Furthermore, it highlights the relationship between affording basic needs and their contribution to the health and well-being of communities.

The third concept is public engagement, which focuses on educating communities and raising their awareness to increase their engagement and to plan according to their different needs. This concept has two aspects. The first aspect refers to the efforts made by authorities to raise awareness and educate communities about climate change and its impacts to take precautionary and preventive actions when needed. Educating communities about climate change, its impacts, and methods and measures to reduce risks is crucial to reducing fatalities and injuries among communities. For instance, in the case of Seoul, South Korea, raising awareness of heat waves among the public has led to a positive change in precautionary health behaviors to reduce the risk of heat waves [155]. The second aspect refers to efforts made to make communities an active part of planning and to acknowledge and recognize communities’ differential needs and vulnerabilities. This aspect is important, as studies indicate that one of the factors in the success of adaptation planning is the engagement of communities and planning according to their needs [87,96,156,157].

On the other hand, educating communities about climate change can encourage sustainable behaviors, such as using active transportation instead of polluting modes of transport [158]. This can contribute to the city’s mitigation and adaptation efforts to climate change and enhance the resilience of urban systems.

The fourth concept of adaptation policies relates to the empowerment process of communities to target social inequalities and disparities in adaptive capacity to confront and recover from climatic scenarios. This concept entails measures that aim to give communities tools to augment their properties or increase their income to afford their basic needs or insurance to protect themselves from the consequences of different climatic events. Moreover, this concept entails measures that empower communities with telecommunication measures, such as providing wireless and wired internet to help households and businesses preserve their functioning in times of crisis. For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the closure measures taken by governments forced work and education to switch to an online format, which posed a challenge to areas suffering from bad internet coverage or households without access to technology devices [159,160]. This challenge widened the already existing gaps between communities and, therefore, needs to be addressed.

Empowering communities by providing better-paying jobs can contribute to other social aspects in this framework. For instance, better-paying jobs can help communities better afford their basic needs, which in turn can give them more capacity to be engaged in other ways, such as climate adaptation planning.

The last concept of the framework addresses the health and well-being of urban groups, as it is necessary for their resilience and adaptive capacity to withstand and recover from extreme climatic events. Studies indicate that healthier communities have a higher adaptive capacity [161]. Health and well-being are related to different aspects of the daily life of urban communities. First, this concept contains measures that help communities adapt to the expected climatic events, such as air pollution, flooding, an intensified urban heat island phenomenon, and extreme heat waves, which will likely impact the health and well-being of urban communities. These measures help communities take precautions and seek shelter when needed to reduce morbidity and mortality. Second, it relates to measures that help communities adopt and maintain a healthy lifestyle, as healthier communities show a higher resilience and adaptive capacity to withstand climatic events. Third, it relates to ensuring the health and well-being of communities by enhancing their access to primary care clinics and assuring the continuous functioning of essential services, such as hospitals and other services.

As discussed above, each concept of the framework promotes different social aspects that contribute to the protection of communities and physical systems and reduce risks from climatic uncertainties. These concepts are intertwined, showing a clear relationship that promotes the central concept of the framework, which is defensibility. The defensibility of communities will be enhanced when their daily life is maintained, despite any climatic disruptions. This is possible by increasing physical access to different services, ensuring the affordability of basic needs, providing tools to maintain financial or educational functions and better-paying jobs, raising the awareness of communities, and increasing their engagement in planning.

This paper offers a novel framework for adaptation policies and measures that focuses on their social role in cities and their contribution to social justice. However, there are limitations to this paper that stem from a lack of empirical studies that validate some of the related concepts together. For instance, empirical studies show how biking lanes and the encouragement of walkability can reduce transport costs and increase the affordability of basic needs in the context of climate change. Furthermore, the methodology used to extract our sample might have excluded relevant papers due to the exclusion criteria (year, field of research, and language) we chose for this study. However, we believe that these categories are exhaustive and provide a comprehensive approach to the different social aspects.

5. Conclusions

Adaptation measures have become central to achieving sustainability and resilience [162,163]. In this paper, we argue that adaptation measures are not mere methods but are significant in terms of social justice. Thus, ensuring a fair distribution of adaptation measures that address the specific vulnerabilities of different places and groups is essential for achieving social justice in urban areas.

We propose a new theory called the Conceptual Framework for Just-Oriented Adaptation Policies. This framework aims to understand how adaptation measures can be equitably and effectively distributed among different places and groups within cities. It consists of six interconnected concepts, each serving a specific role in safeguarding the city and its residents during climate change events while also promoting different aspects of social justice through their implementation and distribution. At the core of this framework lies the concept of “defensibility”, which serves as the ontological principle for adaptation policies and measures, reflecting the primary goal of these policies: to protect various social and physical urban systems. In essence, defensibility relates to the “ontological security” of urban residents and encompasses social, physical, and natural systems [144,164,165,166]. These concepts are related to public engagement to increase communities’ awareness and engagement in planning and the execution of plans; accessibility to enhance their accessibility to different services and provide alternative modes of transport in times of crisis; necessities to enable them to afford their basic needs in light of climate projections and their impact on food, water, and electricity supplies; health and well-being as a critical need for higher adaptive capacity; and empowerment to provide tools that bridge already existing inequalities and social gaps to help communities cope with and better prepare for different extreme events.

Despite their crucial role in enhancing resilience and contributing to different aspects of social justice, the few studies that assessed their distribution among groups in urban areas indicate that they do not benefit the most in need in cities. On the contrary, the distribution of adaptation measures serves those already in advantageous positions who have higher chances of survival and recovery from extreme events.

The proposed new framework clarifies the role of each adaptation measure and how they collectively work to protect residents as well as the city’s social and physical infrastructures. This framework assists policymakers, practitioners, architects, planners, and others in considering adaptation measures through a social perspective. By ensuring a fair distribution of these measures among different urban groups, it contributes to social justice in cities. Furthermore, this framework and its concepts can help planners and scholars evaluate adaptation policies and analyze the distribution of measures through a social lens.

This framework has a significant practical role, where each adaptation measure serves a specific function in protecting people and systems and is linked to a related policy aimed at enhancing the city’s resilience and adaptability. Altogether, these measures have the power to increase defensibility and save lives, as well as protect critical social and physical infrastructures.

The concept of defensibility includes interventions in the built environment, such as rain gardens, urban trees, and bioswales, which help shield both physical and social systems in urban areas. Furthermore, defensibility has specific urban forms and typologies that enhance urban resilience [163,167,168]. Public engagement involves participatory strategies that encourage community involvement through educational initiatives and active participation in the design and implementation of adaptation policies.

The concept of accessibility refers to urban design and spatial interventions aimed at improving mobility and commuting during extreme weather events; this may include features like shaded areas, permeable pavements, and bicycle lanes. Lastly, the concepts of empowerment and necessities focus on measures that increase community access to essential resources and provide residents with the tools they need to cope more effectively with various climatic conditions.

For future studies, we recommend conducting empirical research based on our new framework to investigate the equitable distribution of adaptation measures across different neighborhoods and groups of cities. Additionally, a comparative analysis of cities in varying economic and social contexts is necessary to understand the differences among diverse social, political, and geographical settings.