Navigating Socio-Political Threats to Amazonian Peatland Conservation: Insights from the Imiria Region, Peru

Abstract

Tropical peatlands are critical for climate change mitigation and biodiversity conservation globally, yet in many parts of the world, they are being destroyed for anthropogenic uses with catastrophic environmental effects. Despite Peru’s status as home to the second largest area of peatlands in Latin America, significant gaps persist in understanding both the geographical distribution and the socio-political landscapes that shape them, exposing these ecosystems to risk of irreversible damage. Focusing on the Imiria region in Ucayali, Peru, where newly discovered peatlands intersect with Indigenous communities, this study, through participatory methods and qualitative analyses, explores the complex socio-political dynamics posing risks to these ecosystems. Our findings highlight a range of threats: (a) the emergence of new actors and land uses, including Mennonite colonies, coca settlements, and illegal resource extractors; (b) challenges posed by the state, encompassing changing legislation, a limited understanding of Indigenous needs and power dynamics, alongside insufficient strategies for peatland science and protection; and (c) a southward shift of socio-political and ecological problems towards peatland areas. We discuss how these dynamics exacerbate degradation risks and undermine Indigenous sovereignty, hindering conservation efforts. The study suggests pathways for ethical peatland conservation and emphasizes the need for further research in Ucayali, Peru.

1. Introduction

Tropical peatlands play a pivotal role in climate change mitigation due to their exceptional carbon storage [1], sequestering at least 152–288 billion tonnes of carbon annually [2,3]. This makes them one of the Earth’s most effective terrestrial carbon sinks, containing up to 20 times more carbon per hectare than tropical forests [4,5]. Beyond their climatic significance, these ecosystems play a vital role in biodiversity health and conservation. They are characterised by unique hydrological conditions; tropical peatlands harbour diverse flora and fauna, establishing specialised ecological niches crucial for preserving particular species [6,7]. Furthermore, tropical peatlands provide valuable ecosystem services to humans. They act as natural water filters, help to improve water quality, regulate flooding, mitigate natural risks, and provide food (such as fish) and transport systems, supporting the livelihoods of local and Indigenous communities residing in their proximity [7]. In some parts of the world, these water systems have been drained and dried up to make way for agricultural expansion such as oil palm, resulting in devastating environmental disasters such as prolonged fires, microclimate changes, and damage to wildlife and human health. It is imperative that this is avoided in Peru’s peatlands [8].

According to the latest Global Peatlands Assessment, Peru was ranked as the second country with the most area of peatlands in South America, with approximately 7,561,400 ha [7]. However, due to the difficulty in identifying these ecosystems due to the cost and complex on-the-ground validation involved, the extension is likely underestimated. Tropical peatlands in the lowland Peruvian Amazon have gained recognition only in the last two decades. Thanks to landscape-scale efforts, the Pastaza Marañon Foreland Basin (PMFB) in northern Peru (the department of Loreto) has become a well-known area of peatlands and has emerged as a critical region because it is the most extensive area of peatlands yet discovered [9,10,11,12]. These peatlands cover an estimated area of 35,600 ± 2133 km² in the PMFB and represent an essential component of the Amazon Basin carbon balance, containing 3.14 0.44–8.15 Pg C [9]. Likewise, but to a lesser extent, peatland areas have been researched in the Madre de Dios Basin and the Ucayali Basin [2,13,14]. Nevertheless, remote sensing data suggest the existence of other substantial peatlands in Peruvian lowland Amazonia that remain poorly known [2,15]. The knowledge shortfalls on these peatlands are not just related to the location, extent, and depth—as this paper will show.

Amazonian peatlands in Peru are believed to be relatively undisturbed, with limited anthropogenic interventions [12,16]. For example, a thorough examination of potential threats in the PMFB peatlands revealed significant risks from transport infrastructure, oil exploration and spills, and hydropower projects. Commercial agriculture and smallholder land-use changes were considered to be lower risk due to the cost of drainage and the easier expansion in terra firme forests [8,12,14,16,17]. Although some of these threats may be extrapolated to other peatland regions, it is critical to acknowledge the diverse geographies, socio-economic factors, and political characteristics inherent to the Amazon regions in Peru to better understand potential threats to peatland conservation.

The peatland cluster situated in Loreto—where the vast majority of peatland studies are undertaken—exhibits unique features, as it is biogeographically akin to an island. This geographic isolation restricts access, consequently limiting threats arising from market access and commercialisation. Furthermore, the legal protection afforded to this area is of the highest degree as per Peruvian legislation, appointed as the National Reserve Pacaya–Samiria. Hence, there is significance in investigating threats to peatlands found in areas with less favourable conditions. Ucayali, where this study takes place, is the biggest mercantile Amazonian region in Peru, particularly in relation to natural resources, and the one with the highest deforestation rates [18]. It uniquely has a 700 km highway directly to the capital city of Lima and thus is a region where human interaction presents significant potential threats. Moreover, the Imiria region has a Regional Conservation Area status, which poses another set of challenges.

This research is taking place at a critical time when the value and importance of peatlands, as well as the need for more scientific information about them is being recognised by international legislation and governance groups [19], as well as exciting new national legislation in the interests of conserving the Amazonian Peatlands as part of Peru’s commitments to Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) (a United Nations climate action plan to cut emissions and adapt to climate impacts), particularly the “Conservation and Sustainable Management of Amazonian Peatlands 2023–2030”. Finally, the Supreme Decree Law 006-2021-MINAM approved a historical norm to protect wetlands, with an entire article (26) dedicated to the importance of peatlands, including further research on them [20].

This paper forms part of the larger investigation of the Multi-Scale, Interdisciplinary Integrated Analysis of Societal and Ecosystem Values of Peruvian Amazon Peatlands (PEER-USAID). It aims to delineate a comprehensive understanding of the socio-political threats to the relatively understudied peatland regions of Ucayali. Through a focused examination of Indigenous peatlands surrounding the Imiria Regional Protected Area (RCA), the study delves into key themes around threats to peatlands: socio-economic dynamics, conservation policies, and governance structures, the presence of new landscape actors, and the perspectives and needs of Indigenous communities. This research is driven by the following key questions:

• What are the primary threats to both peatland ecosystems and livelihoods in the Imiria Lake region as perceived by Indigenous communities?
• How do existing conservation policies and governance structures interact with and impact the conservation of peatlands in the Imiria Lake region?
• How do socio-economic activities and cultural perceptions among local communities influence the use and management of peatlands in the Imiria Lake region?

2. Study Area

2.1. The Regional Conservation Area of Imiria, Ucayali

Regional Conservation Areas (RCAs) represent a critical component within the framework of territorial planning as protected areas (PAs) in Peru. Established with defined boundaries and upheld by a distinctive legal protection framework under State guidelines, RCAs operate as areas of “direct use” [21]. This implies that while they allow the exploitation and extraction of some natural resources, such activities are permissible only if they align with the fundamental goals underlying the establishment of these areas, and often involve the need for permits for exploitation. In conjunction with the broader context of the National System of Protected Natural Areas led by the State (SINANPE), RCAs assume a complementary role within the conservation landscape.

The purpose of an RCA is predominantly geared towards preserving subnational and local biological diversity with marked significance, alongside ensuring essential ecological processes and ecosystem services [21]. Extending beyond their ecological importance, an RCA can safeguard values interwoven with cultural, aesthetic, and scientific relevance. The administrative oversight of an RCA is vested in the regional government. It involves a collaborative and coordinated approach, entailing active engagement with local and municipal authorities, local and Indigenous populations in the area, and both public and private entities [21].

The Imiria RCA is a subnational protected area between the Tamaya and Inumapuya Rivers within the Masisea District of the Coronel Portillo province in Ucayali, Peru. Its primary mission revolves around preserving biological diversity and promoting the sustainable utilisation of natural resources [22]. Spanning over 135,737.52 hectares, this area showcases the key ecosystems in the Amazon tropical forest of Ucayali, encompassing the Amazon River, Flooded Forests, and the Southwest Amazonian Wetlands. Recent efforts to map peatlands at a landscape level in lowland Amazonia using remote sensing techniques estimated that the Ucayali region, where the RCA is located, accounts for 10% of the peatland ecosystem [15]. Additionally, a map with the spatial distribution and extent of the peatlands specifically in the Imiria region has been produced as part of the PEER Project [23] (Figure 1).

Furthermore, the Imiria RCA intersects with the ancestral territories of the Shipibo Indigenous people, as shown in Figure 2. Within its boundaries, there are six native communities—Junin Pablo, Caimito, Nuevo Loreto, Buenos Aires, Nuevo Egipto, and Nueva Yarina—alongside nine villages (caseríos) which are inhabited predominantly by non-Indigenous (mestizo) people. The Indigenous communities are comprised of populations of the Shipibo-Conibo Indigenous ethnic group. In addition, new groups are not considered by the communities or villages to be legitimate land users in the RCA, such as Mennonite colonies and coca growing camps of “outsiders”. This overlap adds another layer of complexity to managing the RCA and the conservation activities carried out.

2.2. Indigenous Context and the Shipibo-Conibo Tribe of the Regional Conservation Area

The Shipibo-Conibo Indigenous people are one of the fifty-five ethnic groups recognised by the Peruvian government [24]. The Shipibo people include approximately 32,964 individuals, with their communities dispersed across three Amazonian regions, but primarily concentrated in the flood plains of the Ucayali River Basin. They are considered the most prominent Indigenous group inhabiting the Peruvian Amazon [24,25].

Their ancestry can be traced back to the Panoan-speaking ethnic groups, including the Shipibo, Xetebo, and Konibo [26]. Nevertheless, over the centuries, the interactions and intermingling of these ethnic groups, fuelled by early conflicts, later demographic shifts, and matrimonial alliances [26], have culminated in the emergence of a singular identity referred to as the “Shipibo” in contemporary times. Hence, the Shipibo people play a critical role in Amazon’s cultural, social, economic, and ecological landscape, which includes the areas of this case study.

The Shipibo people, guided by their cosmology known as Non nete, perceive the world as a cyclical and interconnected space [27]. Central to their lifeways is the water space, Jene, which not only provides essential resources like fish for their diet but also serves for local trade, transportation, and cultural practices [26,28]. Equally significant in their cosmology is the terrestrial realm, Mai, encompassing the land where they live, socialise, and work. Mai includes the surrounding forest (“Nii”), peatlands, and agricultural zones [26,27,28].

The Shipibo cosmology views the land and water as well as air (Nai) and sky (Niwe) without hierarchical distinction. However, for this research, it is imperative to recognise that both land and water play a pivotal role in comprehending the Shipibo’s intricate relationship with fundamental socio-economic activities, conservation practices, and interaction (or lack thereof) with peatlands. Furthermore, these spaces are profoundly influenced by the Shipibo’s spiritual connection to mystical beings, known as the “owners” of the resources that coexist within these realms [29,30]. Understanding these interconnected dimensions of Shipibo cosmology sheds light on the importance of rainforest and water ecosystems, the Shipibo’s interaction with them, and the implications of ecosystem loss and degradation [27,31].

3. Materials and Methods

As researchers from Western academic backgrounds, we had key considerations throughout the process of selecting and applying research methods, which were essential due to our collaboration with the Shipibo-Conibo Indigenous communities. We recognized that Indigenous knowledge is socially constructed within community spaces through intricate relationships between humans, non-humans, and the environment [32]. This perspective was critical in shaping our understanding and approach to the research context. Furthermore, we acknowledged the autonomy of Indigenous people and their role as knowledge-holders [32,33]. This informed our research by allowing community members to decide how they wished to engage with the research and what information they were willing to share.

We adopted the concept of reciprocity in the conceptualization of the methodology. This key approach was derived from one of the authors’ experiences of setting up intercultural methodological research with Indigenous researchers from the Shipibo-Conibo tribe [34]. This meant that both Indigenous people and researchers would contribute to the generation of knowledge, integrating Indigenous oral narratives with reciprocal activities from the researchers’ side. Finally, we considered previous methods used in research on traditional knowledge, local practices, and social dynamics in Indigenous territories and peatlands in the Peruvian Amazon [35,36,37].

Under this rationale, we decided to embrace a qualitative and participatory research approach, specifically participatory mapping, voluntary semi-structured interviews, and communal assemblies. Participatory mapping (three sessions, 20 participants each) was chosen for its capacity to represent the collective cognitive spatial, environmental, and cultural knowledge of local populations and geographies [35]. It also creates a space for conversation among participants, aligning with the concept of oral narrative present in Indigenous worldviews and ways of sharing knowledge [38,39].

We conducted voluntary semi-structured interviews (n = 15) with members of the Shipibo communities. Semi-structured interviews were chosen for their conversational style and use of plain language, which helped reduce the power imbalance between researchers and participants. The voluntary nature of these interviews fostered relationship-building with the communities and created a safe space for dialogue. Finally, communal assemblies (n = 3, with 40, 35, and 37 attendees, including both Indigenous people and researchers) were chosen because they are established mechanisms for discussion and socialisation within the communities. These assemblies gathered the largest number of members and have a special significance, as they are used to discuss important issues that directly impact the community’s way of life.

Fieldwork was conducted in July 2023, following the process of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) and socialising the research theme and purpose at various levels within the Indigenous Federations, including regional, local, and communal levels. During communal assemblies, the community leader (Apu) introduced us to the community. We then explained the research theme and methodology, addressed questions from community members, and sought their opinions. We maintained an ‘open-door’ policy, allowing any community member to approach us at any time during the research. These meetings were conducted in both Shipibo (the native language) and Spanish to ensure greater understanding and participation. In contrast to a non-Indigenous setting, where another type of sampling would be more appropriate, during these assemblies, we requested volunteers for semi-structured interviews and participatory mapping workshops. Participants needed to be at least 18 years old, concerned about their territory, and permanent residents of the community. We also encouraged women to participate, explaining that language was not a barrier and that scheduling was flexible.

Most volunteers for the semi-structured interviews were community leaders, park rangers, wisdom keepers, and women with community roles. They ranged in age from 20 to 70 years, with 7 males and 5 females participating. The semi-structured interviews aimed to explore three primary areas: (1) the utilisation of natural resources, particularly peatland ecosystems; (2) the cultural and spiritual significance attributed to peatlands; and (3) their participation in and perception of local conservation policies within their territories. The insights gained helped refine and specify the questions used during the mapping sessions, ensuring a focused and comprehensive exploration of these topics. Most of the interviews were conducted in Spanish, with a few exceptions where respondents preferred Shipibo.

The participatory mapping workshops, aimed to gain insights into the spatial distribution of resource uses, ecosystem classification, and the cultural significance of peatlands, as well as the associated plant and animal resources. Additionally, we sought to understand the Shipibo people’s perspectives on the threats to their territories. The mapping sessions involved the use of an A0-sized map illustrating the community’s territory and major rivers, as shown in Figure 3. To create a visual output for the communities and future data analysis, the mapping dynamic employed a layering technique. Each topic was layered with a plastic canvas overlay on which participants could draw, resulting in a set of layers with information for each theme.

The mapping sessions began by displaying the community map and verifying its accuracy or any potential changes. Subsequently, participants proceeded to identify and depict key geographical and hydrological features, which included streams and seasonal lakes (cochas). Additionally, each community was tasked with identifying, locating, and mapping both biological and cultural sites. These encompassed hunting and fishing locations, sites for collecting timber and non-timber forest products, agricultural areas, significant trails, and sacred or spiritual sites. Lastly, participants were requested to mark on the maps the areas where they identified external threats to their territories.

Throughout the study, a particular emphasis was placed on peatland ecosystems. Therefore, during the interviews and mapping sessions, proxy indicators to describe peatland ecosystems were used. For example, these included water and soil colouration, hydrological patterns, and ‘sinkiness’. This term is colloquially used to describe ground consistency and denotes the perceived softness, muddiness, or resistance encountered when walking on such surfaces [36].

Lastly, a set of semi-structured interviews (n = 5) were conducted with public officials from key government organisations with influence in the conservation policies of the Imiria region (SERNANP, the regional government of Ucayali (GOREU), and the Imiria RCA management team). The interviews with public officials delved into topics such as conservation strategies, the involvement of native communities in conservation efforts, and the condition of peatlands within the Imiria RCA. For the analysis, interviews and mapping sessions were transcribed and subsequently coded with NVivo 11 to facilitate qualitative analysis.

4. Results

4.1. New Actors and Land Uses in the Imiria Region

During the mapping sessions, the Shipibo-Conibo people recognised the intricate relationship between territorial dynamics and external threats facing their territories. Some of the significant challenges pinpointed included deforestation, encroachment on their lands, and resource depletion. Locals identified the primary actors behind these threats, which included coca cultivators, Mennonite settlers, illegal fishermen, and hunters, as shown in

Table 1. Summary of threats identified by Shipibo-Conibo communities.

Actors	Threats	Communities
		Caimito	Junin Pablo	Nuevo Loreto
Cocaleros (coca growers)	Deforestation and pollution of water bodies Deforestation Land encroachment	x	x	x
Mennonite settlers	Deforestation Land encroachment	x
Illegal fishermen	Depletion of resources	x	x	x
Illegal hunters	Depletion of resources	x
Loggers	Deforestation	x	x	x

. The presence and influence of different actors varied across each community, with coca leaf growers and illegal fishermen emerging as the most significant threats by the three communities involved in the study. Furthermore, the perceived impact of their activities differed, with some actions considered more detrimental than others.

Local communities recognise deforestation as a major problem in their territories and a potential threat to peatland ecosystems. When questioned, local residents identified the expansion of coca plantations and the arrival of Mennonite settlers as the primary causes of deforestation within their territories and along the borders of the Imiria RCA. Coca plantations emerged as a significant concern across the three communities studied. Residents report an escalation in the presence of coca plantations along the borders and within their territories in the last few years. This escalation is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic, during which local government and community resources were redirected to crisis management. Of particular concern is the situation in Nuevo Loreto, where residents express higher concerns regarding the proliferation of coca production. They not only observe the expansion of coca crops but also express alarm about their conversion into illicit drugs. This process involves the use of hazardous chemicals, resulting in soil and water pollution. Residents report observable impacts on fish populations, highlighting the adverse effects of coca production on local ecosystems.

The presence of Mennonite settlers has raised concerns among neighbouring Indigenous communities, particularly the Caimito community, which is located near the initial Mennonite settlement known as the “Masisea Colony”. Locals express their concern about the impact of the Mennonite settlement on the surrounding forests, describing it as “clearing the forest”, a common practice observed in areas where Mennonites establish themselves. The Caimito settlement stands out as the only settlement with a terrestrial route connecting it to the nearest urban centre, Masisea. This road, constructed by Mennonite settlers years ago to improve access to their settlement, now serves as a primary conduit for the transportation of goods, both legal and illicit, in and out of the Imiria RCA, as reported by the communities and local authorities. The road continues to ease illegal activities and is continually expanded by other actors, such as holders of forest concessions in neighbouring areas.

The depletion and restricted access to natural resources pose significant threats to both ecosystems and local livelihoods. Currently, land and resource use within the RCA is regulated, requiring specific permits or concessions granted by the local government. For the communities living within this area, this means they are permitted to use resources such as fish, wild meat, and timber species solely for self-consumption purposes. However, despite these regulations, the presence of illegal resource extractors has not diminished; rather, it has increased in recent years, as reported by local residents. The construction of a road connecting the RCA to the Caimito community and the capital city, Pucallpa, has been pointed out as one of the causes. This has led to a decline in valuable tree species such as Caoba and Cedro, with Palta Moena being the only abundant species remaining. Similarly, illegal fishing activities pose a significant challenge as fishermen associations from urban areas encroach upon Indigenous territories, exploiting resources from the Imiria Lake and surrounding rivers.

4.2. Conservation Policies and Governance Structures in the Imiria Region

At the local level, our study did not found any significant strategies aimed at advancing peatland science or protection. However, interviews shed light on three key local policies enforced through the Imiria RCA, primarily focused on wetland conservation in general and specifically aimed at preventing deforestation in the area. These policies include ongoing environmental monitoring and surveillance, restrictions on the large-scale commercialization of timber and fish resources, and the implementation of management plans to encourage sustainable resource use (see Table 2). Furthermore, in terms of peatland science, we found that this ecosystem has been highly overlooked, largely due to a lack of information and funding; this finding was highlighted by the local authorities. For instance, no peatland assessment has been carried out in the reserve, and the closest available data on the presence of peat using fieldwork were published in 2019, focusing on palm swamps [40].

In the context of conservation governance, local authorities in the Imiria Lake region have underscored the intricate nature of managing protected areas, especially when compared to other types of protected areas in Peru. Governed under regional authority, the RCA necessitates the escalation of concerns to various governmental bodies. Coordination with other government entities for the implementation of local policies emerged as a significant challenge. Furthermore, the National Service of Natural Protected Areas (SERNANP) has recognized the inherent constraints associated with intervening in a subnational administered protected area like the Imiria RCA. Despite these challenges, SERNANP remains committed to supporting the development of ecological monitoring plans for key species and management strategies tailored to the region’s unique ecological context.

Table 2. Local conservation policies identified by Shipibo-Conibo communities and local authorities.

Policy	Description	Challenges Identified
Monitoring and surveillance	Focuses on safeguarding the territory through patrolling and identifying potential threats. Involves monitoring coca cultivation and combating illicit extraction of timber and non-timber resources by community members with RCA personnel. Recognized by GOREU as Local Surveillance Organizations (LSOs).	Coordination with multiple entities such as the Ministry of Production and the National Forestry Service is required.
Restriction of large-scale commercialisation of resources	Allows Shipibo communities to fish, hunt, and extract timber only for self-consumption. Prohibits individuals or large organisations without permits from extracting resources for trade. Enforcement by GOREU includes confiscation of products, fines, and legal action.	Difficult to enforce due to the need for coordination with several institutions like National Forestry Service.
Management plans to promote sustainable resource use	Developed by GOREU and communities for the sustainable extraction and commercialization of natural resources. Promotes products like aguaje (Mauritia flexuosa fruit), bijao leaves (Calathea lutea), and the yellow-spotted Amazon River turtle (Podocnemis unifilis). Indirectly supports peatland conservation through sustainable harvesting practices for Mauritia flexuosa.	Scaling up to include a wider range of families and communities within Imiria RCA.

Table 2. Local conservation policies identified by Shipibo-Conibo communities and local authorities.

Policy	Description	Challenges Identified
Monitoring and surveillance	Focuses on safeguarding the territory through patrolling and identifying potential threats. Involves monitoring coca cultivation and combating illicit extraction of timber and non-timber resources by community members with RCA personnel. Recognized by GOREU as Local Surveillance Organizations (LSOs).	Coordination with multiple entities such as the Ministry of Production and the National Forestry Service is required.
Restriction of large-scale commercialisation of resources	Allows Shipibo communities to fish, hunt, and extract timber only for self-consumption. Prohibits individuals or large organisations without permits from extracting resources for trade. Enforcement by GOREU includes confiscation of products, fines, and legal action.	Difficult to enforce due to the need for coordination with several institutions like National Forestry Service.
Management plans to promote sustainable resource use	Developed by GOREU and communities for the sustainable extraction and commercialization of natural resources. Promotes products like aguaje (Mauritia flexuosa fruit), bijao leaves (Calathea lutea), and the yellow-spotted Amazon River turtle (Podocnemis unifilis). Indirectly supports peatland conservation through sustainable harvesting practices for Mauritia flexuosa.	Scaling up to include a wider range of families and communities within Imiria RCA.

Furthermore, the governance structure of Shipibo-Conibo communities for territorial and land protection is highly organized. They have identified and acknowledged threats to their territories and demonstrated actions taken to address these threats. Additionally, they reported engaging in extensive discussions both among different communities and within their organization, the Indigenous Organization of the Masisea District (ORDIM), regarding the performance and value of the Imiria RCA to the communities. These discussions highlighted the significant impact of local government policies on Shipibo communities in the Imiria region. The establishment of the Imiria RCA has altered resource use and livelihoods, enforcing prohibitions on commercializing hydrological resources and timber within Shipibo territories. While communities recognize the aim to reduce resource depletion caused by illegal extractors, it has introduced unfamiliar legal requirements and additional costs, leading to opposition towards the Imiria RCA.

At a national level, we found that the Peruvian government has made progress in regulatory terms to foster peatland conservation. In 2020, the Ministry of Environment approved Supreme Decree 219-2020, “General provisions for the multisectoral and decentralized management of wetlands”, which includes the approval of technical guidelines for the identification of peatland areas, and the explicit recognition of the conservation of peatlands. Moreover, in 2023, the Ministry of Environment included a new Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC), “Conservation and Sustainable Management of Amazonian Peatlands”. This NDC focuses on improving forest management in Indigenous territories, sustainable fishing, and the recognition of knowledge, practices, and values by Indigenous communities.

4.3. Shipibo-Conibo Communities and Peatlands Perceptions and Uses

Shipibo-Conibo communities in the Imiria region recognise peatland ecosystems within their territories, and these ecosystems hold significant importance in their livelihoods and cultural beliefs (see Table 3). Specifically, we found that the communities of Caimito, Junin Pablo, and Nuevo Loreto identify and classify peatland ecosystems based on their key ecological characteristics, such as abundant species (flora), the various uses they have for these areas (fishing, hunting, fruit collection), and the cultural and spiritual significance these spaces hold within their worldview.

Based on the descriptions provided by Shipibo people and field observations, two ecosystems, aguajal and tahuampa, are likely associated with peatlands. In the case of aguajal, the local description of ‘sinkiness’, navigation challenges, and water and soil colouration align with the characteristics of peatland ecosystems, and this was confirmed by the presence of 0.5 m thick peat observed in the field. However, it is crucial to note that not all aguajales may form peat; thus, additional fieldwork and ground data analyses are required. For tahuampas, preceding studies conducted in the Pastaza Marañón Foreland Basin in Loreto indicated the presence of peat [9,41]. Nevertheless, no field measures were possible to carry out during fieldwork, so like aguajales, ground truthing is essential to verify distribution, quantify thickness and density, and assess its contribution to carbon storage.

Table 3. Summary of ecosystem described by Shipibo people within Imiria RCA.

Ecosystem Type Peruvian Amazon Spanish	Name in Shipibo	Association with Peatlands	Science-Based Literature Equivalent
Aguajal	Binon nexba	Very likely peat-forming ecosystem	Palm swamps [9,37]
Tahuampa	-	Reasonably likely peat-forming ecosystem	Black water seasonally flooded forest or seasonally flooded forest [9,37,42]

Table 3. Summary of ecosystem described by Shipibo people within Imiria RCA.

Ecosystem Type Peruvian Amazon Spanish	Name in Shipibo	Association with Peatlands	Science-Based Literature Equivalent
Aguajal	Binon nexba	Very likely peat-forming ecosystem	Palm swamps [9,37]
Tahuampa	-	Reasonably likely peat-forming ecosystem	Black water seasonally flooded forest or seasonally flooded forest [9,37,42]

Wetland ecosystems play a crucial role in the indirect socio-economic activities of local populations through the resources sourced from these areas and as transport routes. Within this context, we identified four primary indirect socio-economic activities undertaken by the Shipibo-Conibo people, which involve resources that can be found in peatland ecosystems: aguaje fruit collection, timber extraction, hunting, and fishing. They have been considered indirect as they are activities derived from resources found in the peatland ecosystems but not from the peat itself.

Some families are involved in small-scale aguaje fruit trading. Local people from the three communities who participate in the commercialisation of aguaje fruit have reported that the areas where the fruit is harvested are quite far from their homes. These locations have an abundance of tall aguaje palm trees and waterlogged soil, strongly indicating the potential presence of peat within these ecosystems. Furthermore, other non-timber and timber species such as shebón (Attalea butyracea) and cumala (Virola albidiflora) are also important resources used by Shipibo families and extracted from peatland areas. They are mostly used for subsistence purposes and occasionally for intra-community trade, as this was prohibited by the RCA management.

Community members prefer hunting in aguajal areas due to better wildlife capture opportunities, especially when animals feed on fallen aguaje fruits. Species targeted are white-lipped peccary, collared peccary, tapir, black agouti, armadillo, and common wolly monkey, primarily for self-consumption with minimal local trade. Fishing activities in tahuampa areas are mostly for self-consumption, with only a handful of families engaged in the commercialisation of fishing activities. Despite restrictions on commercialisation, local fish extraction has increased due to population growth, according to the locals’ perception.

Regarding cultural significance, when discussing aguajales, locals often mention Ronin (mother of the water), the Chaikuni, or the Anaconda. They live in pits of water found within the aguajales. Other guardian spirits, referred to as fieras (beasts), are also believed to inhabit aguajales, including beings like Boamama and Yakumama. These guardian spirits play a pivotal role in shaping how Shipibo individuals engage in socio-economic activities and navigate interactions within peatland environments. In that context, the Aguajales and Tahuampas, which are associated with peatland ecosystems, hold significant cultural and spiritual importance for the Shipibo people. This has been documented in previous anthropological studies of the Amazon [37,43].

To illustrate this finding, during interviews, some respondents highlighted the existence of Aguajales, which were situated in remote areas, as potential dangers to those who ventured alone. As one male respondent from the Caimito community put it, “[…] where no one enters is dangerous. You must go with a mapacho. If you go like that [alone], you will stay there [get lost]. Most of them get sick in the village […]”. Hence, it becomes clear that these guardian spirits influence and guide Shipibo’s decision-making when it comes to navigating peatland environments.

5. Discussion

5.1. The Impact of New Landscape Actors in Peatland Conservation

The findings from the mapping sessions with the Shipibo-Conibo people highlighted the complex and multifaceted threats posed to their territories, including peatland ecosystems, by various external actors. Among these, coca cultivators and Mennonite settlers have emerged as significant contributors to deforestation and environmental degradation, threatening both the ecological integrity of peatlands and the livelihoods of Indigenous communities.

The arrival and rapid expansion of Mennonite settlers in the last three years [44] pose both environmental and social threats, as their settlement expansion often encroaches upon their territories. This issue is exacerbated by poor governance and weak land titling enforcement by the government [45]. Currently, the Caimito community is in an ongoing legal battle against them for the illegal trafficking of timber forest products and crimes against forests [44]. The expansion of Mennonite settlements follows a trend from the northern border of the RCA towards the south, which could trigger a chain reaction affecting the socio-economic activities of local communities by displacing their agricultural practices. This displacement could increase pressure on peatland areas located in more remote regions. Additionally, the potential future expansion of these colonies into peatland areas cannot be ruled out.

A similar dynamic occurs with illegal coca plantations. Ucayali is one of the regions with the highest increase in coca plantations, with approximately 12,000 new hectares since 2018 [46,47]. This expansion not only heightens the vulnerability of tropical forests but also poses a potential threat to peatland areas. The latest report by MINAM shows that the Imiria region has one of the highest deforestation rates as of 2021 [18]. Furthermore, the use of chemicals in cocaine production leads to water contamination [48,49], which could significantly impact the Imiria Basin and, consequently, peatland soil; however, further research is needed on this matter. Additionally, the role of illegal activities facilitated by road construction underscores the need for stringent regulation and enforcement. The expansion of roads not only facilitates deforestation and the illegal extraction of non-forest resources but also undermines community efforts to conserve their territories.

Improving land governance between the RCA and Indigenous communities, as well as securing land tenure, could serve as significant incentives for conservation. The ongoing efforts by communities like the Caimito community to map and secure their borders are crucial steps in mitigating external threats. Strengthening these initiatives through legal recognition and support from local authorities could empower Indigenous communities to enforce conservation measures and manage their resources sustainably.

5.2. State as a Double-Edged Sword for Peatland Conservation

The government’s local policies for conservation, while not specifically directed towards peatland ecosystems, have significantly impacted the Shipibo communities within the Imiria region. Establishing the RCA has brought about clear changes in how these communities utilise resources and sustain their livelihoods. For instance, Shipibo-Conibo people show disagreements with the strategy imposed by the Imiria RCA on prohibiting the large-scale commercialisation of resources such as timber, fish, and meat. However, the rationale behind the adoption of this local policy has been to safeguard species facing depletion due to uncontrolled extraction, largely perpetrated by individuals and companies outside the Indigenous communities. The communities themselves acknowledge this as a threat to their territory. Nevertheless, the prohibition has introduced unfamiliar legal requirements for the Shipibo people to engage in resource trade, along with additional costs. Furthermore, the punitive measures in place, including the confiscation of products and the imposition of fines, have consequently generated opposition towards this strategy and the Imiria RCA.

This dynamic has led to the perception of local authorities as a threat to Indigenous livelihoods, fuelling longstanding conflicts between RCA [50] management and local communities. They argue that they are unfairly targeted, despite their commercial activities not being conducted on a large scale, while more significant threats to their territories are overlooked (Mennonites settlements, coca growers, illegal resource extraction by large enterprises). Consequently, it has prompted them to question the benefits of the local conservation measures within this protected region. However, it is important to note that not all community members share this perspective. Currently, there is divergence among the three communities regarding the strategies implemented in their respective territories, resulting in varying responses to the RCA, ranging from outright opposition to full-fledged support. This internal conflict has strained social cohesion between communities.

The prevailing atmosphere of pervasive mistrust, underlying conflicts, and discontent between the Imiria RCA and Shipibo people has led to some communities advocating and taking organised legal action to dispose of the Imiria RCA. The Indigenous movement in Peru is considered to be one of the last to emerge in Latin America [51], only recently gaining real traction, social pushback, self-pride, fervent desire for political autonomy, and political presence in the national and international arenas. Whilst Indigenous peoples are often portrayed (often correctly) as marginalised and abused, their increasing power and presence is not well, or at least correctly, documented. Thus, the likelihood of succeeding if the Imiria RCA violates what they consider to be their rights is high. This move could potentially leave these territories, including peatland areas, even more vulnerable to the identified threats.

Furthermore, the fragmented approach to governance adds another layer of complexity to area management, exacerbating an already intricate public management environment at the local level. Thus, in order to properly address peatland conservation in the Imiria area, it is imperative to explore new ways of conservation, including all relevant actors’ perspectives and needs, particularly Indigenous peoples given the sovereignty of their territories.

The government’s conservation policies in the Imiria region serve as a double-edged sword for peatland protection. While the establishment of the RCA aims to safeguard the area from exploitation, degradation, and encroachment, it imposes stringent restrictions on the Shipibo communities, hindering their traditional livelihoods and fostering opposition towards conservation policies. The lack of understanding of Indigenous socio-economic needs, territorial perspectives, and power dynamics exacerbates conflicts and mistrust, undermining the effectiveness of these policies.

Moreover, higher-level policies for peatland protection have seen improvement, but they have yet to be effectively implemented at the local level in Ucayali. Additionally, the changing pace and political decisions of the parliament pose threats to these conservation efforts. For instance, the recent approval of Law No. 31973 by the Peruvian Congress could lead to impunity, weaken forest protection, violate Indigenous rights, and incentivize deforestation [52]. Furthermore, the looming threat of oil exploitation has restarted in the area, as the government intends to reopen abandoned oil concessions in the Ucayali region, including UC-XP-012, a neighbouring region in the south side of the RCA, and close to peatland areas [53,54].

5.3. Gaps of Understanding between Indigenous and Western Values of Peatlands

While there is currently no direct evidence of Amazonian communities using peat [37], this research highlights that the Shipibo people do indeed recognise peatland ecosystems within their territories, and these ecosystems hold significant importance in their livelihoods and cultural beliefs. Specifically, it has been revealed that the Shipibo communities of Caimito, Junin Pablo, and Nuevo Loreto identify and classify peatland ecosystems based on their key ecological characteristics, such as abundant species (flora), the various uses they have for these areas (fishing, hunting, fruit collection), and the cultural and spiritual significance these spaces hold within their worldview.

This recognition of potential peatland ecosystems by the Shipibo communities has broader implications for environmental research, conservation endeavours, and resource management. It provides an opportunity to bridge the gap between Western scientific definitions and Indigenous knowledge and ecosystem classifications [55]. For instance, the use of local ecosystem denominations can facilitate research and the ground-truthing of large-scale mappings of peatland ecosystems conducted through techniques like remote sensing.

When discussing the classification of peatland ecosystems from a Western perspective, it involves not only scientific terms like pole forest, palm swamp forest, or open peatlands [9,17,41] but also terms in Spanish, such as turberas. None of these terms are recognised by the Shipibo communities. This linguistic disparity often creates communication barriers between researchers and local inhabitants, sometimes leading to the unfortunate need to validate local knowledge due to its deviation from accepted classifications or, in some cases, overlooking this valuable knowledge system.

However, it may not just be a linguistic issue, but a collective understanding of what peatland represents for each of these actors. Peat soils in themselves do not have a value nor direct use for Shipibo communities, whereas for conservation actors and researchers, they have a value in the global green economics as per their carbon storage potential. Thus, these differences in values could lead to undesirable land-use changes give the current pressures in other areas of Shipibo-Conibo territories. Consequently, embracing the local terminology, incorporating Indigenous knowledge, and fostering collaborative training and learning about peatlands and carbon sequestration with locals could significantly enhance the quality of research and conservation efforts.

6. Conclusions

In conclusion, our study emphasizes the pressing need for a collaborative and tailored conservation framework to address the unique socio-political challenges in the Imiria Lake region. The findings underscore the critical importance of understanding the socio-political dynamics and emerging threats facing these ecosystems. Our research identifies challenges related to new actors and land uses encroaching on these vulnerable areas, alongside significant inconsistencies and gaps in governmental policies for peatland science and protection at local and national levels. For instance, we highlight that current local conservation policies may inadvertently impose adverse effects on the livelihoods of local populations and negatively impact Indigenous sovereignty. Moreover, the fragmented governance structure of an RCA compounds the complexity of area management, exacerbating challenges within the already intricate local public management landscape. As a result, it hinders the emergence of peatland conservation efforts.

We advocate for innovative approaches that bridge the gap between local communities, governmental authorities, and Western science by (1) exploring new pathways for the co-production of effective governance frameworks that recognise and enforce Indigenous land rights and livelihoods, (2) implementing a basin approach for the conservation of peatlands in the Imiria Lake region to better align local and national policies, and articulate public entities to address the highlighted territorial threats, and (3) embracing local terminology, incorporating Indigenous knowledge, and fostering collaborative training and learning about peatlands and carbon sequestration with local communities. We believe that this approach could lead to more equitable and targeted strategies and policies for peatland conservation, support Indigenous communities, promote sustainable land use, and improve the quality of research.