1. Introduction
Human activities have huge and rising impacts on the environment and the climate. Rockström (2009) [
1] argues that three planetary boundaries have already been transgressed: climate change, biodiversity loss, and changes to the global nitrogen cycle. Many warn that future environmental conditions will be far more dangerous than currently believed (see [
2]). We need to produce, sell, buy, use, and consume less material goods, use less space, and emit less. Changes towards a less environmentally impactful lifestyle are needed in order to reduce the human impact on the ecosystem, especially in developed countries. Measuring the human impact on ecological systems or on nature is complicated due to the fact that there are many ecological dimensions involved: renewable and non-renewable resource use, CO
emissions, environmental degradation, plastic use, land use, and so on. Comparing the environmental benefits of turning vegan to those of adopting slow mobility is not easy, as several different dimensions are involved. An overarching one-dimensional way to measure the ecological impact of individual behaviour is the ecological footprint (EF) [
3]. The EF is a measure of human demand for the biologically productive land (expressed in a land area called ‘global hectares’ (gha)) that is needed to provide a given population with the biotic resources it consumes and to absorb the CO
emissions that it generates. Hence, the environmental impacts of different components (energy use, food, mobility, etc.) are aggregated into a single number that can be compared to the biocapacity available to the population under consideration. At present, the average available biocapacity on Earth is around two global hectares per person, so in order to live in balance with nature, an individual’s ecological footprint should be smaller than that.
In the last decade, the per capita ecological footprint has increased worldwide. According to the WWF, humanity is currently using 1.5 Earths on a yearly basis, that is, the demand for biocapacity is 50% higher than its supply [
4], and the overshoot is increasing. The ecological overshoot in developed countries is much higher. For instance, if everyone on Earth adopted the lifestyle of an average Western European, four planets would be needed. The advantage of the EF is that it can be calculated on several levels: for groups of people (national, regional) or at the individual level. In order to tackle the aforementioned challenges, many countries have agreed to reduce carbon dioxide emissions (e.g., via the Paris Agreement) and other environmental impacts. However, it should be noted that many of these countries are having difficulties reaching the goals set [
2,
5].
An individual’s ecological footprint is the sum of the individual’s demands for biocapacity (gha) due to his or her behaviours related to several footprint components (mobility footprint, housing footprint, food footprint, energy use footprint, etc.). To decrease the ecological footprint, individual behavioural changes related to these different components are often called for [
6,
7]. Pro-environmental behaviour (PEB) means that the individual takes action related to one (or more) of these behaviours in order to avoid harm to the environment and/or safeguard the environment [
8]. Changing these behaviours is complex, and typically, many drivers are involved [
9], which are both exogenous and endogenous to the individual. The literature on pro-environmental behaviour scrutinize the impact of both exogenous and endogenous factors at play in these decisions. This article aims to understand the determinants of PEB for each of the EF components, and for the total EF at the individual level.
In order to do that, we will first develop a micro-economic model of individual choices, which leads to experiences of individual well-being. In this model, we will incorporate other determinants from the literature on PEB: socio-demographic characteristics and psychological antecedents of PEB. From a micro-economic perspective, individuals face several constraints (e.g., time constraints [
9,
10] and budget constraints [
8,
11,
12]): each of the choices entails a time cost and a monetary cost [
13]. Both the budget or income constraint and the time constraint limit the feasible options. For instance, going to work by train may take more time than driving by car, and consuming organic food might be more expensive than non-organic food. At the same time, these constraints depend on the individual’s life circumstances: for someone living in the city, public transport is less time consuming (relative to driving a car) than for someone living on the countryside, who has less access to public transport. Someone with young children might not have options other than taking the car for bringing children to school and arriving at work on time. This kind of reasoning is in line with Steg and Vlek (2009) [
8], who identify perceived costs and benefits as an important determinant of pro-environmental behaviour in their review paper, while Ferrara and Missios (2005) [
12] show that increasing the user fees for garbage collection has a positive influence on recycling behaviour, though other measures entice less behavioural change.
At the moment of the decision, the household makes choices in order to maximise their decision utility. Decision utility is a representation of the individuals’ preferences at the moment of choice [
14,
15]. Preferences here simply refer to the trade-offs that people make, which can depend on socio-demographic characteristics (e.g., age) or on specific psychological antecedents (e.g., environmental concern), which we study below. Consequently, individuals facing the same constraints might behave differently: some will act in a more environmentally friendly way than others. Importantly, many have argued that there is a difference between decision utility and experienced utility. While decision utility reflects preferences at the moment of decision making, experienced utility is the individual’s judgment about her or his hedonic experience [
14,
16]. At the moment of the decision, the individual uses his or her decision utility to judge the combination of behaviours, but when asked to evaluate this life situation, other elements can enter. The individual might regret certain choices, or might have suffered imperfect foresight. A choice might have been optimal at a certain moment in the individual’s life, but as time has passed, the individual looks at it very differently. At a certain moment in his or her life, an individual might have chosen to live on the countryside (e.g., to raise children in a calm, safe and green environment). Years later, the individual might evaluate his or her life situation very differently. In this study, we use satisfaction with life as an approximation of experienced utility.
The relation between pro-environmental behaviour (PEB) and satisfaction with life has been studied by several authors [
17,
18], and pro-environmental preferences may play a role in the decision-making process. If behavioural changes aimed at reducing environmental impacts are negatively associated with one’s individual satisfaction with life, individuals might be inclined to stick to the status quo. The literature provides mixed evidence, and concludes that it is a complex relation that can be positive, negative, or neutral [
17,
19,
20]. Welsch and Kühling (2011) [
17] arrive at a positive association between environmentally friendly consumption and life satisfaction, and Schmitt et al. (2018) [
13] show that more frequently acting in a pro-environmental way leads to higher life satisfaction, but the association was stronger for behaviours that involved more social interaction, behaviours that were more easily observed, and behaviours that involved direct costs in terms of money, time, and effort [
13]. Similarly, Binder and Blankenberg (2017) [
21] find a positive relation, but argue that the positive influence on satisfaction with life has more to do with self-image than with actual pro-environmental behaviour. On the other hand, Andersson et al. (2014) [
22], Verhofstadt et al. (2016) [
23], and Herziger et al. (2020) [
19] found no relation between satisfaction with life and pro-environmental behaviour. Verhofstadt et al. (2016) [
23] also find that some components of the ecological footprint have a positive or negative association with satisfaction with life. For instance, having a relationship (living together) or owning a house both lead to higher satisfaction with life and a lower ecological footprint; living in rural areas or having a higher income increases the ecological footprint, while there is no influence on satisfaction with life. Finally, some studies also find a positive association between well-being or satisfaction with life and ecological footprint (e.g., [
24]), suggesting that reducing the ecological footprint might lead to lower well-being. The positive association in [
24] disappears, however, when income is incorporated as a control variable.
We have argued above that both the constraints and the preferences from the micro-economic model depend on several other factors; to these factors we turn now, as determinants of PEB. In their literature overview, Blankenberg and Alhusen (2018) [
9] distinguish socio-demographic variables, psychological variables, habits, and contextual factors as determinants of pro-environmental behaviour. Other literature overviews can be found in Gifford and Nilsson (2014) [
25] or Li et al. (2019) [
26], who only distinguish between external (socio-demographic) and internal (psychological) factors. It is important to note that the focus in the literature is on the determinants of specific behaviours (e.g., recycling or energy use), not on an indicator encompassing all aspects of behaviour, as we study in this article.
The relation between different socio-demographic variables and PEB has been studied by several fields: social and environmental psychology, economics, education science, environmental studies, and so on. We provide a short overview of the determinants that are also used in our empirical analysis below. PEB is associated negatively with age [
9], although older studies report a positive association [
27]. Gifford and Nilsson (2014) [
25] argue that the effect of age is simply due to a cohort effect and depends on experiences at various moments in a person’s life. The evidence on the relation between income and PEB is mixed, as a higher income provides opportunities to invest more in home insulation and energy-efficient appliances, but it also increases one’s total consumption level (often also including travel). Income increases environmental concern [
28], but this is not always translated into behaviour. Büchs and Schnepf (2013) [
6] report a positive association between income and PEB, while other authors report negative or no association between both variables (e.g., Whitmarsh and O’Neill, 2010 [
29]). Education is positively associated with PEB, but more so for some types of behaviour (e.g., paper recycling, water use) than for others (travelling, house size) [
9,
30].
In their overview, Gifford and Nilsson (2014) [
25] also pay attention to the individuals’ place of residence. People living in rural areas are living closer to nature than those living in urban areas, but the former might need a car more often than the latter. Gender plays a role in determining PEB, as women typically engage in more pro-environmental behaviours than men [
9,
25]. They are found to have lower EFs, for example, in terms of recycling, food uptake, and meat consumption. Family size is generally negatively associated with PEB and with environmental attitudes [
31], although there is also a positive association with some PEBs (e.g., recycling). Larger families experience more time constraints (e.g., due to childcare, and budget constraints), and so have less opportunity to behave in a pro-environmental way. At the same time, sharing a house with family members reduces the environmental impact per household member, as a.o. heating is shared among members. Finally, the role of political orientation (ideology, partisanship) has been studied as well. We distinguish the individuals’ ethical position (ethically conservative versus liberal) and their economic position (economically liberal versus socialist). Those who are more people-oriented, who are less authoritarian, and who have higher post-materialist values, have higher levels of environmental concern and attitude [
25]. Fransson and Gärling (1999) [
28] conclude that, in the US, liberals are more environmentally concerned than conservatives, but the differences have become smaller with time.
The psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour are analysed next. The literature reviews of Gifford and Nilsson (2014) [
25], Blankenberg and Alhusen (2018) [
9], and Li et al. (2019) [
26] distinguish several psychological antecedents of PEB: beliefs, attitudes, awareness, values, (social) norms (e.g., biospheric value orientation), intentions, self-identity, environmental concern, altruism, locus of control (sense of control), emotions (affect), childhood experiences, family norms [
32], moral responsibility, and intrinsic motivation [
28]. These antecedents are connected to several psychological theories, such as the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) and the value belief norm (VBN) theory [
33]. The TPB states that an individual’s environmental attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control lead to intentions for PEB, which lead, in turn, to PEB itself [
34]. This theory has been applied by many in modified forms [
35,
36,
37], often incorporating other variables such as environmental knowledge, concern, or environmental self-identity. Bamberg and Möser (2007) [
38] and Lu et al. (2021) [
39] perform a meta-analysis of psycho-social antecedents and conclude that attitude, behavioural control, and moral responsibility predict the intention for pro-environmental behaviour, and pro-environmental behaviour itself. Unfortunately, the data set we use in this article does not contain all the elements of the TPB or the VBN theory. Consequently, here we pay most attention to the six antecedents available in the data set, which we use in the empirical analysis: abstract knowledge, concrete knowledge, environmental self-identity, whether parents speak about the environment, whether parents act in an environmentally friendly way, and environmental concern.
The first psychological antecedent is environmental knowledge. Having environmental knowledge increases PEB [
27], so increasing environmental knowledge might increase PEB [
8]. Blankenberg and Alhusen (2018) [
9] distinguish between abstract knowledge and concrete knowledge and conclude that more concrete knowledge increases the probability of PEB. A study by Frick et al. (2004) [
40] distinguished between ‘action-related knowledge’ and ‘effectiveness knowledge’ on the one hand, and system knowledge on the other hand. They show that the former two types of knowledge have a direct effect on PEB, while the latter type merely plays a mediating role. In line with this, Steg and Vlek (2009) [
8] state that, in general, information campaigns are less effective than concrete prompts about PEB. Furthermore, Liobikienė et al. (2019) [
33] conclude that action-related knowledge directly influenced private sphere PEB.
(Self) identity defines who someone is. Environmental self-identity is the extent to which you see yourself as a type of person who acts in an environmentally friendly way [
41]. Both Whitmarsh and O’Neill (2010) and van der Werff et al. (2013) show that environmental self-identity is an important antecedent of some PEBs (e.g., carbon offsetting behaviour) and environmental self-identity is a mediator in the effect of biospheric values on preferences, intentions, and behaviour. Childhood experiences also play a role in predicting PEB later in life. Eagles and Demare (1999) [
42] have shown that talking more often about environmental issues at home influenced attitudes towards the environment positively. Others have also studied parental behaviour related to the environment, for example, Grønhøj and Thøgersen (2012) [
32] show that parental actions have more influence on children’s PEB than their words.
The final psychological antecedent we look at is environmental concern, which has been defined as an evaluation of (or an attitude towards) facts, one’s own behaviour, or others’ behaviour with consequences for the environment [
28]. Schmitt et al. (2018), for instance, noted that environmental disasters lead to more environmental concern [
9], but these effects may be short lived. Fransson and Gärling (1999) conclude from their literature review that environmental concern is only weakly correlated with socio-demographic variables. Environmental concern has been shown to influence some types of PEB, such as recycling, energy consumption, and purchase behaviour [
9,
26,
43].
Figure 1 summarises. An individual is confronted with time constraints and budget constraints and has preferences that are represented in decision utility. Arrow
b represents the process in which the individual decides on a number of pro-environmental behaviours (mobility, housing, etc.). Arrow
d shows how these behaviours result in the ecological footprint, a measure of the aggregated environmental impact of the individual. The choice of behaviours also causes the individual’s experienced utility: satisfaction with life, represented by arrow
c. Of course, satisfaction with life can be also influenced by many other factors, which is shown in arrow
a. Below, we look at two aspects. First (arrow
b) we analyse the determinants of the individual behaviours in seven different components of the ecological footprint: food, energy use (housing and electricity), paper use, and mobility (car use, public transport, travelling). Second (arrow
c), we analyse the way these behaviours are associated with satisfaction with life. We use socio-demographic characteristics (income, family size, age, etc.) and a number of psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour as signalling information on the constraints and the preferences. The satisfaction with life model (arrows
a and
c in
Figure 1) is estimated as a mediation model in which the individual socio-demographic characteristics and the psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour are associated with satisfaction with life both directly and indirectly [
17,
19,
24].
A better understanding of the extent to which the behavioural change impacts each of the components of the ecological footprint and the ecological footprint as a whole at the individual level, and satisfaction with life at the individual level, is important in order to design policy interventions. The analysis in this article does exactly that: it does not focus on one type of behaviour (e.g., recycling, energy use or mobility) but looks at the ecological footprint at the individual level (like [
10,
19,
23]).
We use the LEVO 2017 survey, which has been conducted in Flanders (Belgium). This survey contains, for 1763 respondents, information on their socio-demographic characteristics, psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour, behaviours related to the seven components of the ecological footprint, and satisfaction with life. This data set will be used to reach the two main objectives of this article.
The next section introduces the theoretical model,
Section 3 deals with the empirical application, and
Section 4 concludes.
4. Conclusions and Policy Recommendations
In this article, we looked at determinants of different pro-environmental behaviours. More specifically, we analysed the way socio-demographic characteristics (e.g., income, family size, etc.) and specific psychological antecedents are associated with an individual’s behavioural choices (e.g., meat consumption, car use, etc.) related to seven components of the ecological footprint. These associations are the effect of the combination of time and income constraints individuals face, on the one hand, and of differences in preferences, on the other hand. We developed a micro-economic model and analysed the issues at hand using the LEVO 2017 data from Belgium. We investigated the way the characteristics and antecedents are associated with satisfaction with life, the different footprint components, and the aggregated ecological footprint.
We focus on three main results. First, we confirm several results from the literature in environmental psychology and environmental studies: several socio-demographic determinants and psychological antecedents of PEB are associated with the different pro-environmental behaviours related to the EF. We find that both time and income constraints and preferences shape individual behaviours, but the explanatory power of our (individual-level) models is rather low. Relaxing the constraints could, in principle, reduce the ecological footprint, but evidence shows that a higher income is associated with a higher ecological footprint. This is bad news for those arguing that increases in income (i.e., economic growth) is needed to tackle environmental problems. The differences in the EF between individuals living in the city centre and the countryside show that relaxing the time constraint might be beneficial for the ecological footprint. Individuals living in more densely populated areas have more opportunities to behave in a more environmentally friendly way, and they also appear to do so. These results suggest that the way forward for realising a more sustainable society is making sure that individuals have the ability to grab the opportunities at hand. For instance, a higher income provides an increase opportunities to behave pro-environmentally, but individuals might need to be offered opportunities to do so. The low explanatory power of our models implies that other factors explain behaviour, at both the individual level and the collective level. At the individual level, social norms, beliefs, or habits might be important [
9]. In the latter case, there could be an important role for public infrastructure (e.g., making sure that anyone can easily access public transport or reducing urban sprawl).
The second main result is that we can split up the total effect of a variable on the ecological footprint into separate effects via each of the seven components. Differences across households and individuals in terms of socio-demographic characteristics or in terms of psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour can lead to differential effects on the different components. For instance, income is found to be positively related to house size, car use, and travel (adding to the EF), yet it is negatively associated with heating (better insulation) reducing the EF. The overall relation between income and EF is positive, which is inconsistent with the results of Büchs and Schnepf (2013) [
6].
The third main result is that the psychological antecedents of PEB are associated with both the different PEBs and the ecological footprint, but the PEBs are not associated with satisfaction with life. Consequently, there are no indirect associations between the psychological antecedents and satisfaction with life. There is a direct association between environmental concern and satisfaction with life, but this is irrespective of PEB. Apparently, people with more environmental concern claim to have a higher level of satisfaction, but not via their PEB, which is consistent with Binder and Blankenberg (2016 and 2017) [
21,
47]. We found that only one of the behaviours, housing, is significantly associated with satisfaction with life, but housing depends on the socio-demographic characteristic of family size: people like to live in bigger houses. Sharing the house with more people (a larger family living in a bigger house) reduces the ecological footprint, as more commodities (car, house, heating, etc.) can be shared among the family members. Several psychological antecedents of pro-environmental behaviour are negatively associated with the ecological footprint and not at all with satisfaction with life. It has long been argued in the literature that raising awareness, informing people, and fostering environmental self-identity might be interesting ways to stimulate people to behave more pro-environmentally. Our results show that this can be done without risk of reducing welfare (satisfaction with life). On the other hand, as argued above, several other preconditions have to be met—that is, both factors at the individual level and factors exogenous to the individual.
There are a number of shortcomings that could be taken into consideration in future research. We focus on four issues. The first is that our analysis does not provide causal impacts of the socio-demographic determinants and the psychological antecedents on decision making, due to the cross-sectional nature of the LEVO2017 data set. The second shortcoming is that, while we make use of a rather unique sample including ecological footprint data at the individual level, the information used to calculate the EF is rather rudimentary, as we were forced to limit the number of survey questions. Third, as the data are based on a survey, it is self-reported information. Externally observing behaviour could provide us with more accurate information. Finally, the data set we use, though providing extensive information on socio-demographic characteristics and environmental behaviours, is limited with respect to the psychological antecedents of PEB. For instance, information on personal moral norms and locus of control are missing. Next, data on price and time use information are also needed per behaviour in order to disentangle the effects from constraints, on the one hand, and the effects from preferences, on the other hand. For several of these psychological antecedents, the LEVO2017 survey only contains one question, while multi-item scales are preferred by the literature.