1. Introduction
One of the most substantial elements of sustainable development from an international business perspective is foreign direct investment (FDI) by multinational enterprises (MNEs) [
1,
2,
3]. FDI has played an important role in facilitating mutualistic interactions between home and host countries for sustainable growth. A host country’s desire to acquire new knowledge and improve its balance of payments and a home country’s demand for capital have built bilateral relationships that are beneficial to both countries. Paul and Feliciano–Cestero [
4] show an exhaustive review of FDI literature over the last five decades and emphasize the importance of FDI for cooperation and sustainable development of global economic units. According to Appiah–Kubi et al. [
5], one of the most critical factors for African economic improvement is to attract FDI since the sustainable growth demands industrial infrastructure in the long run. As another example, Kim [
6], Yue, Yang, and Hu [
7], and Wu and Zhang [
8] studied the direct relationship between FDI and environmental sustainability in uniquely different economic contexts: greenhouse gas emissions, green efficiency, and carbon emission efficiency. Despite the divergence of their opinions on the relationships, many scholars unanimously remark on the critical role of FDI in sustainable growth.
According to the OECD database [
9], the FDI flows vary considerably by country. For example, the United States attracted 282 billion dollars in 2019, while Japan induced 15 billion dollars for the same period. Given the gulf between the countries, a naturally following question here is: “Why are some countries more successful in receiving more FDI than others?” To answer to this question, a large stream of FDI literature has identified crucial determinants for MNEs’ FDI activity. For example, Driffield, Jones, and Crotty [
10] and Dunning [
11] emphasized the economic factors, such as markets, resources, and strategic assets, while Habib and Zurawicki [
12] and Brouthers, Gao, and McNicol [
13] focused on social factors, such as corruption level, political stability, and regulatory quality.
Among the social factors, the host country’s corruption has been recognized as one of the most important factors, as widely studied by scholars. Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as the abuse of entrusted power by political leaders or bureaucracy for personal gain or specific group interest. Most past studies found a negative impact on the host country’s pulling FDI, although some exceptions reported that they could not find a statistically significant relationship [
14,
15]. Habib and Zurawicki [
12] found a negative impact of corruption on FDI, saying that understanding the role of corruption in FDI is important because corruption creates distortions by providing some companies preferential access to profitable markets. Rose–Ackerman [
16] stated that corruption could deter foreign investors if the costs of the potential deal exceed its benefits. Chen, Ding, and Kim [
17] presented that corruption may reduce operational efficiency, distort public policy, and slow the dissemination of information. Many other published works support the negative influence of corruption on FDI [
18,
19,
20]. In addition, Hoinaru et al. [
21] showed empirical evidence that a higher level of corruption is correlated with a lower level of economic and sustainable development. Liu and Dong [
22] explored the impacts of political corruption on haze pollution, which in turn causes unpredictable economic losses. Feruni et al. [
23] empirically exhibited the impact of corruption on the economic development of both the Western Balkan countries and the EU countries. If so, how can the corruption level be controlled for economic and sustainable development?
One way to purify the corruption level of a country is through e-government initiatives. The United Nations defines an e-government strategy as the employment of the Internet and the World Wide Web for delivering government information and services to citizens. E-government is expected to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of public service delivery through information technology (IT), information and communication technologies (ICTs), and web-based telecommunication technologies [
24]. For example, according to Jun and Chung [
25], the Korean government introduced the Government 3.0 program in 2013 for the purpose of enhancing the public accessibility of government data for higher transparency of state affairs. It provided a nonhierarchical, nonlinear, and multi-channel platform that can be accessed at any time and place according to citizens’ needs, uses, and satisfaction. For another example, in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh, a computer system for 214 public offices’ documentation was established in 1998. Before its introduction, corrupt practices by a small group of people who were in charge of the responsibilities had prevailed [
26]. The Global Corruption Report [
27] also emphasizes the role of e-government. It argues that e-government offers a partial solution to corruption, since it reduces discretion and prevents some opportunities for arbitrary action, thus encouraging citizens and businesses to question unreasonable procedures and wrongful acts.
Some pieces of empirical evidence from public policy studies using country-level data support the positive relationship between e-government and corruption. Anderson [
28] proved the positive impact of e-government on the control of corruption index using a panel data set from 149 countries for two years (1996 and 2006). The author focused on showing the robustness of the relationship, by controlling the e-government adoption decision of a corruptive government to resolve the endogeneity issue. Mistry and Jalal [
29] demonstrate that the relationship between e-government and corruption differs as the development level of the country changes. Consistent with Anderson [
28], their results show that the use of ICTs related to e-government reduces corruption. Additionally, the impact appears to be stronger in developing than developed countries. Shim and Eom [
30] present another piece of empirical evidence. They study whether corruption is affected by three traditional factors (bureaucratic professionalism, bureaucratic quality, and law enforcement) and e-government. The results show that e-governments have a significant and positive influence on corruption as three other well-known determinants do. There are also many pieces of evidence for the importance of e-government in the sustainable development literature: Jameel et al. [
31] showed the interplay between e-government, public trust, and corruption, Rodríguez–Martínez et al. [
32] found the close relationship between e-government, corruption, and environmental performance, Myeong, Kwon, and Seo [
33] examined the correlation between the quality of e-government and trust in government, and Lee [
34] presented the direct influence of e-government on environmental sustainability as well as the indirect one through the enhancement of government effectiveness.
Our main research question stems from the above two findings in the literature: if (1) corruption negatively affects FDI and (2) e-government reduces corruption then would e-government positively influence FDI? (Of course, there exist different opinions in the literature against the effectiveness of e-government. For example, Anechiarico and Jacob [
35] warn that law enforcement activities such as auditing and internal surveillance can make the government too rigid and reinforce bureaucracy. To the best of our knowledge, however, the major stream of past studies votes for the positive relationship between e-government and corruption, so we adopt the argument from this group for the development of our following logic.) A few precedent studies present some clues for our question. Azubuike [
36] presents a qualitative analysis of African countries, which shows that there exists a strong relationship between the e-government index and information accessibility. Kachwamba [
37] proposes a conceptual framework for the impact of e-government on transaction costs and FDI. Although the argument that e-government adoption and FDI inflows will be positively related is asserted through a vast literature review, the author does not statistically prove the theory under the framework suggested by the research. Prasetyo and Susanto [
38] also show a similar approach and standpoint as Kachwamba [
37]. Through a case study of an Indonesian city, they suggest that investors consider the governance environment factors, and e-government has a positive impact on investment attractiveness through the governance quality factor. All in all, although the e-government literature shows a convergent opinion on the positive impact of the e-government system on FDI, the direct and solid answer to our question, unfortunately, can hardly be found in the literature.
Empirical evidence on the relationship between e-government and FDI in the literature is very limited. To the best of our knowledge, the present study is one of the first studies to statistically investigate whether the level of e-government development is related to FDI, using a longitudinal data set. The only potential exceptions include Abu-Shanab [
39] and Martins and Veiga [
40]. The former reports a statistically significant relationship between the global opportunity index (GOI) and the e-government development of the host country. That is, the study shows that the country’s attractiveness to FDI is related to the e-government system, which does not necessarily imply the direct relationship between e-government and FDI per se. The latter research uses panel data that cover 167 countries over 6 years and analyzes the connection between the e-government development index variable and 10 metrics related to the ease of doing business in these countries. Their linear regression analysis shows statistically significant relations for 6 out of 10 metrics: starting a business, attaining electricity, registering property, acquiring credit, trading across borders, and protecting minority investors. However, it also has the same limitation since it does not directly show the e-government’s relationship with FDI.
In addition, theoretically, the relationship between e-government and FDI has not been a focal object while many other components in MNEs’ FDI activities have been broadly and deeply explained by the OLI paradigm and institutional theory in the literature. First, the OLI paradigm shows a conceptual framework explaining MNEs’ FDI activities with an eclectic model that contains three elements: ownership-specific, location-specific, and internalization advantages [
41,
42]. Among those three advantages, the location-specific advantages include the region’s macroeconomic factors (e.g., gross domestic product, interest rate) as well as social factors (e.g., political stability, international outlook) [
43,
44]. As a new element in the social factors, information-related components have received greater attention in this digitalization era as an advantage in the host country [
45]. Since there exists the “liability of foreignness” in unfamiliar countries, the risks from information deficiency can be a critical factor in FDI decisions. While we believe that e-government can be a non-negligible component as an L-specific advantage related to information, it has not received great attention from scholars. Second, according to institutional theory, organizational decisions are affected by all kinds of institutions related to human interactions through cognitive, normative, and regulative pillars, and all three institutional pillars present fundamentals for FDI studies [
46,
47]. Furthermore, institutions are known as a critical factor in MNE’s FDI decisions [
48]. However, considerable past studies on FDI have focused on regional market factors (e.g., market size, efficiency, and growth) rather than institutional factors [
49]. Furthermore, unlike other regulative pillars such as tax and trade policies, the e-government initiative has not been considered much as a regulative pillar. Recognizing the lack of consideration of e-government in the OLI paradigm and institutional theory, our study is expected to fill this gap in the literature.
The present research makes several additional contributions to the literature. First, we investigate the yet unanswered question, “Does a host country’s e-government affect MNEs’ FDI activity?” We used a quantitative means by employing a logistic regression method on a longitudinal data set at the country level. We faced up to the sensitive agenda in the era of digitalization (e.g., e-government). We hypothesized a positive relationship and tested it in the next chapters. Second, we considered both the host country’s corruption and e-government in our statistical model to explain the variation of inward FDI by country and year. Given the literature on the impact of corruption on FDI and the influence of e-government on corruption, the past studies imply that e-government has an indirect impact on FDI through corruption. Our regression result would enable us to distinguish the direct impact of e-government on FDI from the indirect one, under the control of the corruption variable in the same regression equation. Third, we exhibited the interaction effect between e-government and corruption in affecting FDI: whether the relationship between e-government and FDI becomes stronger or weaker for more corruptive host countries. We hypothesized that, when a host country is more corrupted, inward FDI would be more influenced by a host country’s e-government development level. Prior experiments have a propensity to choose a fragmental approach by examining the effect of either corruption or e-government on inward FDI separately. Unlike these studies, under the premise that both concepts are mutually important, we attempted to draw a bigger picture by integrating corruption with e-government’s effect on FDI. Our results, which are presented in the below chapters, will enable policymakers to come up with the answers to what efforts they should make to attract more FDI to their economy.
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: The following section introduces a theoretical lens and develops hypotheses based on the reviews of extant e-government and FDI literature. The next two sections introduce 16 countries’ bilateral FDI inflow data for 5 years used in the main analysis and discuss the estimation results from statistical models. Then, the last two sections follow with more discussion on findings and conclude the research.
5. Discussions
The above estimation results can be discussed in the following three folds. First, the results clearly showed the positive relationship between the host country’s e-government system and FDI attraction (H1). Our empirical finding was consistent with Azubuike [
36], which was the only antecedent study testing the relationship using the FDI and the e-government index data. His analysis focused on 31 African countries in 2002 and found that 11 countries showed low accessibility to government information, and most of them (i.e., 9 out of those 11 nations) attracted a low level of foreign investment. The study argues that the e-government structure lowers information acquisition costs and attracts investors more effectively. Our research does not only support Azubuike [
36]’s findings but also expanded its generalizability to include 16 OECD members, including developed and emerging countries over multiple continents. Furthermore, our results are based on conventional statistical methods using hypotheses testing and logit regression analyses, so that the present research demonstrates the relationship in a more rigorous and reliable manner.
Second, the interaction term between EGDI and CPI variables turns out to be significantly negative (H2). The impact of e-government on FDI attractiveness decreases when the corruption level becomes lower (i.e., the e-government accessibility becomes crucial for MNEs to enter foreign markets in the case that the relative level of corruption is high). It clearly shows that the value of e-government information for inward FDI is moderated by the corruption level of a host country. Moreover, the main analysis results (i.e., Models 1 and 5) are confirmed by ‘additional analysis 1’. This is perhaps because corruption represents environmental uncertainties for MNEs to operate overseas subsidiaries in a foreign market. In this vein, investment decisions for countries with a relatively high corruption level may rely on e-government information to some extent, and easy accessibility to such official information functions as a location-specific advantage that reduces business uncertainty [
52,
53,
54].
Third,
Figure 2 indicates that among MNEs in 16 countries, firms based in Korea, Turkey, Poland, Switzerland, Belgium, and Luxemburg place higher importance on the presence of e-government information when deciding whether they should enter foreign markets. Out of these 6 countries, Switzerland, Belgium, and Luxemburg are economically small countries, whereas Korea, Turkey, and Poland are emerging economies, though Korea is set to join the developed country group. This information suggests that compared to firms in traditionally responsible and conventional nations, such as the US and Japan, organizational failure through internationalization features greater information risks to firms based in small economies and emerging countries. Thus, the latter firms are very cautious in overseas investment decisions, and in this situation, the existence of transparent and accessible e-government information can act as a location-specific advantage for a host country (that is,
Figure 2 also verifies the value of e-government information provided by host countries).
Figure 3 points out that regardless of the level of corruption in home markets, the presence of e-government information in host countries generally encourages outward FDI for firms in the two country groups (i.e., small economies and emerging nations), which again confirms evidence in
Figure 2. However, these discussions remain conjectures, and we will leave the extensive rationale for this as a future research avenue.
Fourth, we could not find a significant relationship between corruption in host economies and inward FDI. Although it was not our main research question, the impact of a host country’s corruption on FDI has been explored by many scholars in the FDI literature [
16,
18]. Most of the literature has reported empirical evidence on the negative relationship between corruption and FDI, which shows that more corrupt host countries have greater difficulty in attracting foreign investment. For example, Habib and Zurawicki [
12] used data from the same source as the current study for FDI inflow and CPI measurements. However, their analysis considered only the host country’s characteristics, while our bilateral analysis covered all possible 240 pairs between 16 countries over 5 years. This key difference implies that Habib and Zurawicki [
12] focused on the average level of the corruption effect so that their results consider investing countries as a homogeneous home country. Our result considers the heterogeneity in home countries because the unobserved differences between home countries are being controlled as independent variables in regressing bilateral FDI flows. Additional negative evidence by Voyer and Beamish [
19] focuses on Japan’s FDI outflows to 59 host countries. The existence of the corruption effect on FDI in Japan may not necessarily be applied to other OECD countries. Another large stream of the literature presenting conflicting evidence uses firm-level data sets [
17,
18]. Given the reports so far in the literature, including ours, we propose that the influence of a host country’s corruption level on FDI is likely to depend on various characteristics of the host and home countries. In addition, since different reports in the literature utilize a different time window even from the same data source, the influence may be time-varying or depending on some unknown factors correlated with this time difference. In summary, our result implies that there are still many unexplored areas in this research field.
6. Conclusions
Using a longitudinal panel data set, we examined the influence of the host country’s e-government system on MNEs’ FDI activity. The results indicate that a higher development level of the e-government system triggers more FDI inflow. In addition, our empirical evidence demonstrates that the corruption level of a host country plays a moderating role in the effect of the e-government development on the FDI inflow. Our findings provide support for the perspective that a higher digitalization level of governments implies a competitive location-specific advantage for countries wishing to attract more inward FDI. Furthermore, countries with relatively higher corruption should invest more in e-government development as MNEs tend to look for official e-information to reduce potential business and environmental uncertainty in target markets.
Our findings have important practical implications for policymakers for sustainable development of their economies on how they can attract more FDI by controlling the market environment. First of all, host countries will be able to attract more inward FDI by investing in digitalized infrastructure. The spread of information and communication technology (ICT) will foster an investor-friendly environment by enhancing information accessibility and transparency on public services and information. Furthermore, considering the fact that many countries have made considerable efforts to control corruption for FDI attraction, we argue that e-government introduction can be a viable alternative to lure foreign investments. In particular, for emerging markets where corrupt practices are more prevalent, they should invest more aggressively in e-government introduction. This is because it can be an effective vehicle to induce foreign capital in that the sufficient and trustworthy information provided by local governments can function as a means to reduce business uncertainty.
On the theoretical side, we contribute to the OLI paradigm and particularly location-specific advantage by identifying the relationship between e-government and corrupt practices in host countries. As briefly stated at the beginning of the paper, IB scholars tend to turn their focus away from corrupt practices, for instance, in developing and underdeveloped host markets. Due to the same reason, empirical examinations of corrupt practices still remain in their infancy. Meanwhile, we often call the modern world the era of digitalization, and in a similar vein, to reiterate, we commonly consider that e-government information plays a pivotal role in attracting inward FDI from MNEs. Thus, we argue that it is time to simultaneously examine the role of e-government information with corrupt practices in local economies. Under this idea, our model proposes that e-government information may function as an important location-specific advantage and its effects can be moderated by the level of corruption (MNEs perhaps feel that corruption is also part of the business atmosphere as well as a location-specific factor that they should follow in local environments). (There may exist another viewpoint that ‘e-government’ can be understood as a part of government policy element under location-specific advantage rather than a new element. We believe that e-government has both roles of being a part of government policy itself and greasing government policies. The relevant questions which have been unanswered yet—such as, Which role dominates another? And, What factors moderate the role of e-government?—will be worthwhile for theoretical contributions to literature and are left for the future research.) Our study points out that IB scholars need to explore the extent to which the interactions of the two location-specific elements influence MNEs’ willingness to invest in a foreign market. We contribute to the OLI paradigm in that we found that transparent government information plays a pivotal role in luring foreign investment. Second, interestingly, well-developed institutional environments reduce the level of local corruption and decrease the costs associated with accessing e-government information, whereas the presence of corrupt practices increases the value of information accessibility and transparency provided by local governments. That is, under the presence of corrupt practices in local markets, e-government information can be a highly crucial location-specific advantage triggering MNEs’ intent to enter foreign markets.
Our research has several limitations. First, our analysis uses the EGDI measure to consider e-government development levels in each country. Although the EGDI variable is a widely used metric that was carefully designed by the UN, it is still a one-dimensional simplified index for the convenience of researchers. If we had a chance to perform the same analysis on various other metrics related to e-government, the estimation results would have a stronger external validity to generalize our findings. Second, we used disaggregated data to avoid confounding variable issues. It is generally known that as data used for regression analysis become more aggregated, the estimation result is more likely to imply a weaker argument on the relationship because of uncontrolled potential latent variables. Although our data set is large, it would be better to use a greater range of years and firm-level observations. It may provide higher statistical credibility as well as additional opportunities to address research questions yet unanswered. Third, the present study does not directly unveil the underlying mechanisms of the way in which e-government promotes foreign investment. Although we showed the existence of the e-government effect per se and suggested a theory based on the OLI paradigm, our data do not allow us to fully understand which specific component of the locational characteristics stimulates foreign investment. With more detailed information on various potential mediating variables, this question could be answered. Finally, with respect to ‘additional analysis 2’, we do not know why the presence of e-government information is particularly important for firms in small countries and emerging markets, and thus, we suggest that future research explores these reasons, which will enhance our understanding of the relationship between e-government information and corruption. Fourth, the control variables of our choice in the model may not fully explain the difference in FDI levels between countries. Although we thoroughly studied what variables were considered in the literature and incorporated those core variables into our model, there will exist some omitted factors influencing FDI. If those unknown factors are possibly correlated with our focal variables, the estimates of our main interest may be seriously biased. Inclusion of the factors found in the future studies will help to more clearly answer to our research question.