1. Introduction
Costa Rica made international headlines with its detailed plan to decarbonize its economy by 2050 and thus takes a further step as a global green pioneer [
1,
2,
3]. The Central American country already has a strong basis of environmental protection as it started early with investments into ecological preservation and its social system and is now well known for its efforts towards sustainable development [
1,
4]. However, in one aspect, the country is not environmentally performing so well: Its usage of pesticides in agriculture is one of the highest in the world [
5,
6]. Costa Rica imported 2648 tons of pesticides in 1977. This more than quadrupled by 2006 to 11,636 tons [
7], with associated serious risks documented for the environment [
8,
9,
10] and human health [
11].
In terms of sustainable development, the high use of pesticides poses a particular challenge also because Costa Rica’s economy and farmers’ income are dependent on the cultivation and export of agricultural products, and pesticides are used to guarantee a more or less stable harvest [
12]. One possible way to combine economic growth with ecological and social protection and thus overcome sustainability trade-offs is organic farming. Organic farming is a production management system that applies environmentally friendly methods of crop and weed control. It uses natural sources of nutrients, such as compost, crop residues, and manure “which promotes and enhances agro-ecosystem health, including biodiversity, biological cycles, and soil biological activity” [
13], and the use of synthetic agrochemicals is forbidden.
Important steps towards the national implementation of organic farming practices in Costa Rica include the creation of the National Chamber for Organic Exporters and Producers (CANAPRO) [
14] and the introduction of a new program for organic practices by the National Institute for Apprenticeships (INA) in 2017. Moreover, Law No. 8591 for the Development, Promotion, and Facilitation of Organic Farming (published in August 2007) and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC (published in November 2009) were designed to promote organic farming practices in Costa Rica. However, ten years later, in 2019, Costa Rica only had an area of 8832 hectares of organic agricultural land registered, which is a share of 0.5 percent of total agricultural land [
15]. In 2008, there were 8004 ha of organic agricultural land in Costa Rica [
16], indicating a slow growth of organic agriculture. The fear of high economic costs—especially during transition periods—has been mentioned as a contributing factor to the lagging trend. Galt [
17] also cites the underrepresentation of environmental activists, local actors, and NGOs in its implementation process.
The literature on collaborative governance and the management of land and natural resources largely emphasizes the roles of local actors and target groups and sees them as fundamental in the design, formulation, and implementation of land-use-related policies [
18,
19,
20]. Local actors are often directly addressed by policy instruments and practices and thus can benefit from (or be disadvantaged by) related decisions [
20,
21].
Organic farming challenges the responsibility not only of the government to steer but also of producers and consumers to change their behavior [
22,
23]. The ways different types of local actors are integrated into organic farming policies, with a particular focus on local organizations, is worthy of study. In this context, the following research questions arise: How are local actors involved in the implementation process of organic farming policies in Costa Rica, and how does this differ from the integration of other actor types?
I answer these questions by focusing on the implementation process of the aforementioned organic farming law and its regulation. I gathered data through actor and stakeholder surveys and conducted a social network analysis that informed me about the degree of inclusion in the implementation of various types of actors. After some conceptual thoughts, I present an overview of the situation along with the data, results, and analysis. I sum up with insights into the process under study but also come to some broader conclusions about the role of local actors in general and about the implementation of organic farming, in particular.
2. Local Actors in a Multi-Level Perspective
Sustainability challenges a variety of systems, such as the food and energy systems, and calls for more or less fundamental societal transitions. To guide such large transition processes, the literature relies on governance concepts and, thus, steering mechanisms that are designed and implemented by a network of public and private actors [
24]. Many challenges are disentangled in space and time, such as climate change sources and their impacts and the production and consumption of diverse goods and services [
25]. Such problems, which include the use of pesticides or the implementation of organic farming, are often perceived differently depending on the level they are viewed from, with the consequences of environmental issues being particularly felt at the local level. In addition, in order to assure proper application standards, regulations regarding social and environmental impacts are often set in non-hierarchical structures [
26]. Likewise, network structures and multi-level and cross-sectional perspectives are essential in the examination of how actors are integrated into natural resource management and the implementation of sustainable development policies [
20,
27,
28]. Indeed, it is very common that multiple public and private actors “engage in international standard-setting processes” [
26] (p. 1) for nearly all kinds of environmental issues, such as certifications in agriculture, fishery, forestry, and maritime on a local, national, and global level.
Land-use policies constitute a good example of how governance structures influence policy implementation because responsibilities and tasks are typically shared and, at the same time, difficult to control. Indeed, multi-level governance strategies are often pursued to improve the management of complex issues, including land use and natural resource policies. In this respect, scholars point to possible issues related to learning and the efficient dissemination of knowledge in governance systems [
29]. For example, it is essential for high levels of government to have very detailed information about local issues (e.g., urban and rural communities each face different challenges [
30]), and to consider that developments in one sector can affect other sectors substantially (e.g., the growth in large-scale farming can affect the tourism sector due to changes in the landscape). Schweizer et al. investigated the implementation of the Forest and Landscape Restoration (FLR) policy, which “aims to regain ecological functionality and enhance human well-being in degraded landscapes” (p. 1) and underlines the importance of local knowledge, and thus the integration of a variety of actors, in order to include scientific as well as tribal and practical knowledge [
31]. Moschitz et al. explored the network dynamics of the organic farming policy in the Czech Republic and found that over a 10-year period (2004–2014), the dynamics in the policy network changed substantially. The network centralized around the national Ministry of Agriculture, although it was initially mainly influenced by organic sector organizations. However, according to the authors, the organic farming organizations maintained their reputation for being valuable contributors to organic farming policy [
32].
More general literature on sustainability issues often takes an actor-specific perspective, and in the case of climate change adaptation, which includes the governance of natural resources like water or land, vertical integration is often considered crucial [
33]. Ziervogel et al. describe vertical integration as a “process of creating intentional and strategic linkages between national and subnational levels” [
34] (p. 2729). In other words, vertical integration provides opportunities for coordination between supranational, national, regional, and local levels [
35,
36]. The literature highlights local actors as essential elements for climate change adaptation, stating the integration of local groups should be promoted [
34]. Likewise, recent literature on energy transition often concentrates on the role of local and civic actors, and scholars widely agree that, among other factors, their inclusion is a central aspect in the transition to renewable energy [
37,
38]. Nabiafjadi et al. [
39], who conducted an empirical network analysis in the Middle East about water governance, emphasized the need to decentralize administration to local, private, or non-governmental actors in order to improve water governance [
40]. Hegga et al. went one step further, examining what actual capacities local actors—who seem to be already integrated into the implementation of policies through decentralization in water services—need in order to successfully participate in the operation and management of water services [
41]. According to their research, the allocation of sufficient resources to the local actors is essential to ensure their successful and efficient participation in such governance systems [
41]. Numerous studies emphasize the role of local actors in multi-level governance settings, and various scholars point out the important role of formal rules regarding horizontal and vertical integration to guarantee the inclusion of different types of actors in policy design and implementation [
20,
42,
43]. According to Ingold [
20] (p. 2), in governance structures, particularly “formal rules are defined to enhance the vertical integration of actors”.
In governance structures and land use policies, such formal rules can be based on the design of implementation processes. Here, the literature distinguishes between the “top-down” (e.g., [
44,
45]) and the “bottom-up” (e.g., [
46,
47,
48]) approach. While the former starts with policy decisions made by authoritative policy statements or by governmental officials and “proceeds downwards through the hierarchical administrative structure to examine the extent to which the policy’s legally-mandated objectives were achieved and procedures followed” [
49] (p. 12), the bottom-up approach begins at the local level and tries to include all actors who are affected by a policy from the beginning of policy processes [
50]. For instance, Pachoud conducted a case study of a regional policy called Territorial Pastoral Plans (TPP) in Rhône-Alpes (France) that was considered innovative regarding “the territorialization of public action in favor of pastoralism, by articulating sectoral and territorial policies through bottom-up forms of governance” (p. 2). Focusing on the implementation process of TPPs, the author revealed that “this policy has provided the conditions for a pragmatic territorialization of public action by offering local actors an alternative and open form of governance within self-determined pastoral territories” (p. 11). However, Pachoud claims that such programs need more attention in agricultural policies, which mostly follow a top-down logic [
51].
For this study, I use the distinction between top-down and bottom-up policy implementation to identify the independent variable, which is the formal rule regarding the implementation of organic farming in Costa Rica. Concretely, I examine whether Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC on organic farming in Costa Rica use a top-down or bottom-up implementation design. In sum, the assumption that the implementation process of Law No. 8591 and Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC is top-down serves as the independent variable.
Formal rules, such as the top-down implementation design, can affect the collaboration or reputational role of different actors. Actors are considered strongly integrated into a network when they collaborate with many other actors. For example, if local actors are considered important, they have high reputational power in the network. Moreover, if local actors collaborate with various national and global actors, their integration in the network is strong. Thus, they could access resources and participate more actively in policy implementation processes (see also [
52]). This leads to the first and second hypotheses guiding this research:
Hypothesis 1 (H1). The top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC causes little reputational power of local actors in the implementation process.
Hypothesis 2 (H2). The top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC leads to limited integration of local actors in the implementation process.
In addition to the important role of local actors in policy processes, which is especially addressed by research into natural resource management and land-use studies, it has been widely agreed that the integration of different actors who represent different interests and stakes is necessary to manage complex ecological systems [
53]. Moreover, a diversity of knowledge can help solve issues or find innovative solutions in natural-resource governance [
54,
55]. Including different types of actors can provide this diversity. Actors on different levels may be underrepresented in the process when a policy has a top-down implementation design, which leads to the third hypothesis:
Hypothesis 3 (H3). The top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC causes little collaboration between local actors and national and global actors.
In land-use practices, e.g., organic farming, private actors, such as associations and organizations, can occupy an important role because they are often closely connected to target groups, such as farmers. Cooperation between the public and private sectors can increase positive outcomes, including improving the quality of the policy-making process [
56]. This can be underlined by lessons from case studies about climate adaptation that suggest that such policies and implementation “requires support from a range of intermediaries including NGOs, academics, private and informal actors and institutions” [
34] (p. 2740) [
57]. However, the extent of the cooperation between those actor types varies across countries, depending on different structures, cultures, and systems. Scholars who investigated organic farming in Costa Rica reached the conclusion that the implementation of such policies often failed due to insufficient collaboration between private farmers, their associations, and public authorities [
58,
59]. Accordingly, I am interested in the integration of private actors in the implementation of the most recent policies for the promotion of organic farming and set the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 4 (H4). The top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC leads to little collaboration between the public and the private sector.
In sum, the integration of actors in the actual implementation process of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC serves as the dependent variable, which will be explained in four different ways: (1) The reputation of local actors, (2) the integration of local actors, (3) the collaboration between local actors and national and global actors, and (4) the collaboration between the private and the public sector. The examination of a land-use policy aims to provide sustainable development and, concretely, environmental and human protection from pollution. Indeed, land-use policies are one important aspect in attaining the goal of sustainability or sustainable development due to the fact that such policies can affect food and energy security, economic growth, ecosystem stability, social justice, and, recently, the mitigation of and adaptation to climate change [
30]. In addition, land-use policies can play a crucial role in accomplishing at least six of the 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), i.e., climate-change mitigation, sustainable use of oceans, the protection of ecosystems, access to energy, the construction of resilient infrastructure, and inclusive cities.
According to various scholars, social networks play a significant role in actors’ integration in natural resource management or, more generally, in the enhancement of sustainable development [
20,
52,
53,
60,
61,
62]. Actors, such as politicians, interest groups, organizations, associations, etc., represent different interests and goals. Each of these actor groups has different resources (e.g., finances, responsibilities, time, infrastructure, information, political support) at its disposal that serve its interests. Adopting a social network perspective allows studying the positions of actors and the structures of relationships within their network. The network literature adopts the concept of embeddedness in examinations of the structural integration of actors. Network embeddedness is defined as “creating intensity in actor relationships, which, in turn, influences social actions, creates opportunities and constrains actor behavior” [
20] (p. 3, see also [
63]). This approach is suitable for this research as it focuses on the relations (also called ”ties” [
64] (p. 1–2)) between actors (also called entities or nodes) and the structures that shape these relations [
27]. Therefore, both the relations between actors and the position of an actor in the overall network are important [
20]. In order to study how actors are embed in a network, Freeman differentiates between degree and betweenness centrality, which measure an actors’ local embeddedness in the structural arrangement of the network [
65]. The number of direct ties to other actors in the network indicates the degree of centrality [
65] (see also [
20,
66,
67]) of an actor. Betweenness centrality measures the relations of an actor with other actors who are not otherwise connected in the network [
65]. Therefore, a high score of betweenness centrality reveals that someone forms a connection between pairs of actors that are not connected through other nodes [
20,
68]. This kind of centrality is associated with power and importance [
28,
65], and actors with high betweenness centrality can act as brokers, mediators, or gatekeepers [
69] and are often associated with potential control and power in the network [
65,
70]. In sum, high degree and betweenness centralities indicate that an actor is well embedded in a network, relating to better opportunities for participation in policy implementation.
4. Results
The assumption of the independent variable, namely that Law No. 8591 and Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC follow the formal rules of top-down policy design, was confirmed by the following aspects: First, during the analysis of the law and the regulation’s content, I identified 34 actors who are mentioned and (partially) assigned concrete tasks in the implementation process, 32 of whom work on the national level (a list of all mentioned actors can be found in
Appendix A,
Table A1). Second, only national authorities (e.g., PNAO, which is part of the MAG) participated in drafting the law and the regulation. Third, in an interview with the representative of the PNAO, it became evident that local actors or authorities did not have the opportunity to participate in formulating or implementing the law or the corresponding regulation. Lastly, evaluating government protocols provided by the PNAO regarding the first and the second debate in the parliament concerning Law No. 8591 (a list of all actors participating in these debates can be found in
Appendix A,
Table A2) strengthened the assumption that Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC were implemented through a top-down implementation process.
4.1. Descriptive Analysis
I created the collaboration network based on the actors that responded to the survey. I excluded all actors who did not respond. I then calculated the degree and betweenness centrality of each node. None of the non-respondent actors (8) reached a high centrality score, confirming that their exclusion would not have a significant impact on the results. Additionally, one actor (National Insurance Institute—INS) who answered the survey marked no other actors as a collaboration partner and was not mentioned as a partner by any other actor. Therefore, this actor was excluded from the collaboration network.
Table 2 displays all actors who are part of the collaboration network, assigned to their level and sector. In sum, the collaboration network consists of 29 actors: Three at the global level, 19 at the national, and seven at the local level of the Zarcero canton.
Table 3 illustrates different network measures that present an overview of social network integration in the reputational-power network and the collaboration network. The density signifies that 33.9% of all possible ties in the reputational network exist, respectively 29.4% in the collaboration network. In addition, the overall graph clustering coefficient, which measures the average of the densities of the neighborhoods of each actor, reveals that local neighborhoods (60.6% and 49.5%) are denser in both networks than in the overall networks (33.9% and 29.4%). The network-centralization measure outdegree score shows the number of outgoing relations expressed as a percentage of the highest number possible, while the indegree score displays the percentage of incoming links. Both networks display higher outdegree centralities, whereby more outgoing ties were counted in the reputational power network. On the other hand, there were considerably more incoming relationships in the collaboration network.
4.2. Network Integration of Local Actors
Before analyzing the collaboration between actors or actor types, I examined the integration of actors in the reputational-power network. I focused exclusively on the indegree centralities of the three groups (local, national, and global) to show if local actors are considered important in the implementation of organic farming in Zarcero.
Table 4 illustrates similar scores for the local and the national groups. Both are, thus, likely to be considered similarly important in the network. Global actors are considered more important as they reached the highest indegree centrality score.
These results falsify the first hypothesis that the top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC causes little reputational power of local actors in the implementation process.
Applying a t-test, I compared the mean centrality of the local actors to all national and global actors in the network. In addition, via one-way ANOVA, I evaluated whether the differences found in group means (local, national, and global) were significant. None of the tests were significant, which is most probably because of the low number of observations.
Moreover, to measure the structural integration of local actors, in particular, I relied on indegree and outdegree centralities using the collaboration network. Indeed, to confirm the first hypothesis regarding the integration of local actors, they had to obtain lower centrality measure scores in the collaboration network than other actors. As displayed in
Table 5, I calculated normalized (n) indegree and outdegree centrality, which differ between reciprocal and non-reciprocal relations, i.e., outgoing and incoming ties. Both degree scores demonstrate that national actors are most active and popular in the network. Local actors are not far behind regarding the outdegree calculation, while global actors have very few outgoing ties. According to the indegree scores, local actors lay far behind national actors, and global actors seem slightly more popular than the local. The results of the betweenness centrality, which measures whether an actor lies on the path of two actors that are not otherwise connected, confirm the insights received from indegree and outdegree centrality calculations. National actors exhibit by far the highest normalized (n) betweenness centrality.
Results of the different centrality measures applied to the collaboration network partly confirmed my second hypothesis that the top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC leads to limited integration of local actors in the implementation process.
Here also, a t-test and one-way ANOVA were conducted and provided similar results for the indegree and betweenness centrality as discussed above—no significance. However, the results show that the actor type has a significant effect on outdegree centrality (significance: 0.07).
4.3. Collaboration between Local Actors and National and Global Actors
To analyze the collaboration between the national and global actors with local actors in the implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC, I examined the ties and the density between actors of the three levels. In order to confirm the third hypothesis, density rates within the national and global group, as well as density rates across the national and global actors, had to be higher than density rates across the local group.
Table 6 shows the number of ties and the mean density rates within and across groups. The national group counts by far the most ties, with 122. Many ties also exist between the local and the national groups. A high density is measured across the local and the national groups (0.346). The table further reveals that actors belonging to the local group collaborate more often with actors of the national group (46 ties) than the latter collaborate with actors from the local group (28), which leads to a density of 0.211 compared to 0.346. In other words, some collaborations are non-reciprocal. Of note, I registered no ties within the global group, thus a density of 0 is measured. Members of the global group collaborated in general with very few actors. Out of 26 actors, not counting themselves, only four other actors are mentioned (two from the local and two from the national group).
The highest density within a group was measured within the local one (0.405), which is an indicator that local actors are very connected to each other. The local:global connection (a density of 0.429) is also greater than the national:global connection (a density of 0.228). These results confirm hypothesis three that the top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC lead to little collaboration between local actors and national and global actors. However, it is important to highlight that these results reveal that local actors engage in creating connections to higher levels (national, global).
I conducted two statistical tests on UCINET [
81] that included bootstrap routines in these hypothesis-testing programs. Relational Contingency-Table Analysis confirmed that the results are not random.
4.4. Collaboration between Public and Private Actors
As mentioned above and illustrated in
Table 2, I divided the collaboration network into 16 actors from the public or governmental sector and 13 actors from the private or non-governmental sector. This was necessary for the examination of hypothesis four that the top-down implementation of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC leads to little collaboration between the public and the private sector.
Table 7 shows that the density rates are slightly higher in the public-sector group. However, the private sector displays a similar density. Moreover, private actors collaborate more often with actors belonging to the public sector (56 ties) than the other way round (51 ties). Densities within each sector are higher than across those groups. However, differences are limited. The results illustrate that private actors are well integrated into the network, and looking at reciprocal ties, they are certainly very active in integrating themselves. In other words, both private and public actors more often actively look for collaboration possibilities with public actors than with private actors. These findings lead to the falsification of hypothesis four.
I conducted the Relational Contingency-Table Analysis statistical test in UCINET [
81] that calculated a significance score of 0.56. Thus, it gives no affirmation that the results are more significant than random. Such scores are most likely the outcome of a limited number of actors and the fact that there are only two different groups with a similar number of actors.
5. Discussion
The main focus of this article is the impact of policy design on the integration of different actors on the vertical and horizontal levels. Local, national, and global groups were included across private and public authorities and organizations, with a particular focus on local actors, due to the reasons given above. In general, national authorities and associations represent the majority of integrated actors, while some local ones also formed part of the implementation process of Law No. 8591 and Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC.
Figure 1 shows the entire collaboration network. Reciprocal ties are thick and colored dark blue, whereas non-reciprocal ties are thin and light blue. These distinctions help to illustrate a picture of the situation in the collaboration network.
Figure 1 reveals that many relationships are not reciprocal, of which many come from the local and the private groups (see
Table 6 and
Table 7). As previously mentioned, this indicates that local actors are less likely to be considered as collaboration partners by national ones in the implementation of organic farming. Indeed, the national group certainly prefers to collaborate with actors of the same level. As a high betweenness centrality indicates the potential to play a broker role or act as a gatekeeper, and the size of the node indicates an actor’s betweenness centrality,
Figure 1 reveals that especially national actors (blue) can occupy brokerage roles (e.g., the national actor MAG (Ministry of Agriculture and Livelihood). Therefore, it can be assumed that the implementation process of Law No. 8591 and Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC, which represent the legal basis for developing and promoting organic farming in Costa Rica, is mainly performed at the national level. This situation could be interpreted as one reason for the slow implementation of such laws, which target land use and, therefore, local actors and aspects, in particular. Indeed, Regulation No. 29782-MAG provides the guidelines for farmers to produce organically, how to obtain certifications for their products and is the regulatory basis of the export arrangement of organic products with the EU. National authorities are probably well informed about certification and (corresponding) export requirements, but if they are not familiar with local circumstances, they risk excluding farmers from the opportunity to consider transitioning officially to organic farming. Particularly relevant here are aspects that involve costs (e.g., for certifications), for which the law and the regulation offer very vague transitional solutions or assistance.
The results from the examination of the reputational-power network, displaying similar indegree centrality scores for local and national actors, indicate that the local actors are considered as important as the national. This confirms the theory that local actors are important actors in land-use policies [
20,
52]. However, centrality measures in the collaboration network recorded a strong integration of mainly national actors, while the local group was less integrated. A closer look at the contents of the policies reveals that Law No. 8591 is more general and defines broader aspects of the promotion of organic agricultural activities, while the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC goes into more detail on many specific subjects. For example, several articles of the regulation deal with coordination with local farmers, participatory processes and consultations, or the training of producers. Both the law and the regulation seem very well elaborated regarding aspects of local implementation, with several sections emphasizing the local or regional level. Indeed, the law and regulation recognize the importance of cooperation with and the involvement of local groups/authorities and support a certain degree of governance in the implementation. However, as the results of this study show, the national actors do not make an effort to cooperate with the local organizations. In the canton of Zarcero, it is the local level that actively seeks cooperation, not the national ones. According to the law, however, the national authorities should also strive for local cooperation. Possible reasons for the poor cooperation effort of national actors towards local authorities can be manifold, but without speculating about such issues, I concentrate on a brief discussion regarding the design of the law and regulation. Both, as we have seen, had a top-down design, and local actors were only involved in a very rudimentary way. Promoting a more participatory process already in the formulation of the regulation, in this case, might have counteracted the lack of inclusion of local actors for the following reasons:
- -
Local groups would have more knowledge about the content of the law and could promote it locally from the outset. In other words, they would not have to wait for the initiative of national authorities and thus, they could act more independently.
- -
Relationships between locals and nationals could have been established at the design stage, thus would have already existed in the implementation process rather than having to be created at that point.
- -
An earlier inclusion of the target group, i.e., local farmers/producers, could generally improve the acceptance of such policies, which could subsequently help to promote the implementation of organic farming practices in Costa Rica and, to that end, stimulate sustainable development.
Moreover, regarding the policy design, the content of the law and regulation could provide more details on how cooperation between organizations at different levels should look and how it can be achieved in a practical way.
In sum, Law No. 8591 and Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC acknowledge the importance of cooperation between different levels, as the regulation especially seeks to promote collaboration with local actors. However, the present research illustrated that the integration of local organizations and entities, in particular, could be improved in order to promote the transition towards organic farming as an important driver of sustainable development in Costa Rica.
Limitations and Future Research
While carrying out this research, I encountered some methodological challenges. As previously mentioned, the collaboration network consists of 29 actors and thus is a relatively small group for generalizing the outcome of this research. However, scholars have noted that “a very large part of social network methodology […] deals with relatively small networks, networks where I have confidence in the reliability of our observations about the relations among the actors” [
68]. Addressing this, descriptive statistics, such as SNA provides, have proven to be of great value because they offer convenient tools to investigate and summarize “key facts about the distributions of actors, attributes, and relations” [
68]. In principle, future research could include several cantons to obtain a broader picture of different local conditions.
Another challenge lies in the limited focus on only one law with its regulation. Even though the selected law and its regulation represent the legal and current basis of the development and promotion of organic farming, further policies exist that cover different topics regarding organic farming (e.g., the Organic Farming Regulation No. 29782-MAG). It could be argued that other policies addressing, for instance, pesticide use should also be taken into account in order to obtain a holistic view of the situation. For future research, I suggest including more policies on organic farming practices as well as pesticide regulations.
Regarding the results of the centrality measures in the reputation-power network that emphasized that global actors are considered to be important actors, I suggest that further studies into the implementation of organic farming in Costa Rica could focus on the role of global actors and their impact and role in land-use policies.
The last concern worth mentioning is the role of the commercialization sector and its actors in organic farming practices. Even though they did not seem to be integrated in the implementation process of Law No. 8591 and the corresponding Regulation No. 35242-MAG-H-MEIC because they were not identified by the reputational, decisional, and positional approach and they were not mentioned by any actors in the survey’s question regarding the actors’ collaboration, such actors could, however, have an impact on organic farming practices in other ways. For instance, they can determine prices, buy more or less organic products, or promote organic products. The consideration or inclusion of those actors’ industries (e.g., the pesticide industry), political lobbies, and political parties can help to create a broader and deeper picture concerning the processes of implementation of organic farming.