1. Introduction
Farmers take on various roles depending on the country and geographical conditions, including maintaining local economies and managing common property resources (CPRs) through community-based collaborative activities, as well as agricultural production [
1,
2]. In agriculture, the management of local resources has long been implemented as a collective activity of local members; thus, securing agricultural management entities that play a role in communities is indispensable to sustain local resource management [
3]. However, such CPRs have been developed over a long period, and their benefits are dispersed both spatially and temporally, making them difficult to evaluate [
4].
In countries where the comparative advantage of agriculture has been declining for a long time, it is urgent to secure an agricultural labor force to prevent a decline in the national food self-sufficiency rate [
5]. Particularly in Japan, land-intensive agriculture, such as paddy cultivation, is declining rapidly. One of the most important issues in Japanese agricultural policy is how to secure and develop leaders and labor to maintain the spread of rice fields across the country [
6]. In fact, in Japan, the abandoned cultivated area has increased remarkably, and the abandoned cultivated land rate has increased from 2.7% in 1975 to 10.6% in 2010. Especially in disadvantaged areas, it exceeded 14% in 2010 [
7]. In Japan, the disadvantaged areas, called the hilly and mountainous areas, are generally defined by the slope of farmland, percentage of forest and mountain, and population density. Since these areas account for about 40% of farmland and 35% of agricultural output value, conservation of the farmland is an important issue for food security in Japan [
7]. Under such circumstances, the Basic Plan for Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas issued by Japan’s Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) designates a few types of agricultural management entities as core players responsible for future agriculture, including community farms (CFs), as well as large-scale individual farmers and agricultural corporations [
8].
The term “community farm“ has various meanings depending on different times and regions. In former communist countries, communal (collective) farms were forced to form under the leadership of the central government [
9,
10], which is quite different from what we target. Our target is a farm that is jointly managed as a democratic economic entity by farmers within a community. In recent years, mainly in Western Europe, community farms have been referred to as farms that offer a variety of values, such as tourism and organic food [
11,
12]. These farms are emerging as conceptual entities as part of the community supported agriculture, which supports the food supply chain and people’s new values in the area. On the other hand, in monsoon Asia, communities play an important role as a group for collective action. This is because water management is crucial for producing rice, the staple food in Asia [
13,
14]. In addition, since farmlands are small and dispersed, communication and coordination within the community is required to make decisions on how to distribute water [
15]. Therefore, irrigation facilities are generally managed by many community members [
3]. Further, group farms, as members of the community, are inevitably required to cooperate with individual farmers and farmland lessors to manage water and conserve CPRs. The higher the group participation rate, the lower the transaction costs related to collective action, and so the community can efficiently conserve CPRs [
3,
16,
17]. From the viewpoint of agricultural productivity, Tada and Ito [
6] showed that since farmers’ groups such as CFs share agricultural machinery with other farmers, their technical efficiency is higher than that of large-scale individual farmers; however, total productivity, especially land productivity, is reported to be inferior to that of large-scale individual farmers [
6].
In Japan, “community-based farm cooperatives”—or simply CFs—“consist of farming households in certain regions that have developed relations through local communities or other geographical bases. Cooperative member households conduct joint agricultural production. These cooperatives’ … operations range from the aggregation of diverted paddy fields and the communal use of communally purchased machines to joint production and sales in which farming leaders play a central role” [
18]. Community farms require efficient business management and are also expected to play a role as local resource managers. Although in flat areas large-scale family farms can still manage efficiently, CFs are expected to play a major role in disadvantaged areas. Therefore, the promotion of CF formation by the Japanese government is highly policy-oriented [
19]. Agricultural corporations and individual farmers who manage large-scale operations tend to leave disadvantaged (hilly and mountainous) areas, so CFs are essential agricultural management entities that protect farmland, local resources, and agriculture in disadvantaged areas. However, despite policy efforts, many problems still exist in disadvantaged areas, such as insufficient management of irrigation facilities and reservoirs, as well as abandoned farmland. Unless CFs take over the collective management of CPRs that individual farmers once ran collectively, CPRs will be hindered. Furthermore, in Japan’s rural areas, depopulation and the aging of the people are rapidly progressing and economic conditions are deteriorating significantly; therefore, CFs also need to play a role as economic agents supporting the local economy [
20].
The conservation of CPRs can be generally considered a collective action of community residents and farmers. Ostrom [
21] discusses structural variables that affect the likelihood of participation in collective actions, showing group size as one of the key factors. This proposition, which has been discussed for more than 50 years, has its roots in the claim by Olson [
22] that the greater the group size, the lower the probability that the public good will be achieved (group-size paradox). In general, group size also has a positive effect on collective action, as it strengthens the complementarity of the organization and expands the available resources for collective action [
23]. The most basic reason for this paradox is possibly that as the group size increases, the probability of successful freeriding increases, and so do the transaction costs of the agreement process [
21]. Obviously, the larger the group size, the higher the monitoring costs for managing CPRs. If the costs cannot be secured or firmly set, it is easier for CF members to avoid the burden of conservation activities. Meanwhile, the effect of transaction costs is subtle. As organizations grow, the costs of finding different business partners decrease, while the costs of communication and conflict resolution between communities increase. Therefore, the effect of group size is mixed.
Agrawal [
24] argues that small groups may not be able to protect their resources due to the lack of capacity to obtain a surplus for effective resource management, whereas the broadening of the group impedes the formation of an organization that can manage and conserve CPRs under external environmental conditions, indicating a non-linear relationship between group size and the probability of resource conservation. Baland and Platteau [
25] state that small groups can create rules tailored to local conditions and can adjust procedures and rules as conditions change. These studies imply that the effect of group size on resource management is mixed. Assuming that the population density of a community in a region is uniform, the expansion of the area of activity means an increase in the number of participants involved, so the CF development that we consider applies to this context. As later shown, the formation of CFs has become quite prevalent in Japan, but their development has not progressed as the government expected. We believe that the reason farmers are hesitant to develop CFs is that they anticipate insufficient effects. That is, we test the hypothesis that the spatial development of CFs impairs the conservation of CPRs. Therefore, this study contributes to the discussion on the conditions—particularly group size—of CFs that adequately preserve CPRs [
21,
22,
23,
24,
25].
In our analysis, we examine how the formation and development of CFs contribute to local resource management, the prevention of abandoned farmland, and the revitalization of the local agricultural economy. Specifically, this study sets the following two goals. First, we identify, using a regression analysis, the drivers and barriers that affect the formation of CFs and their development into multi-CF partnership organizations (PCFs). Although CFs and PCFs have different sizes, they are essentially the same from an institutional point of view. It should be noted that Japanese farmers, especially rice farmers, have historically worked together in local communities to carry out collective actions for the management of irrigation facilities, which implies that it is extremely difficult for them to manage paddy agriculture without participating in collective action. Therefore, to develop a CF into a PCF, first, the permission of the majority of community members is essential.
For this analysis, we assume three stages of CF development: one without community farming (NCF), one in which a CF is established in each community (CF), and a stage in which CF partnerships are developed (PCF). Next, we examine how CFs and PCFs contribute to the conservation and management of CPRs, the prevention of farmland abandonment, and the performance of local agriculture. In this analysis, we consider the formation of CFs or PCFs as a “treatment” to estimate their effects through a causal inference framework. CFs and PCFs do not occur randomly because their formation is determined voluntarily according to the local situation. Therefore, if the difference in performance is measured simply by the existence (or not) of a CF or PCF, the treatment effect includes selection bias. That is, to estimate these true effects, it is necessary to impute counterfactuals and compare them with real data. We estimate the causal effects using the propensity score matching (PSM) method, which has recently been adapted for the social sciences [
26].
CFs were formed relatively early in the Kinki region of Japan, which is the focus area of our research [
19]. However, although the organization ratio of CFs is high in our study area, it tends to be extremely low for PCFs. We focus on filling this paradoxical gap, addressing empirical challenges. Because farmers may believe that they are unlikely to conserve CPRs and gain economic benefits or that their motivation for farming will be distorted by developing CFs into PCFs, it is likely that they will be hesitant to form a PCF as a rational action. Testing the hypothesis that farmers are reluctant to develop CFs extensively because their effects on CPR conservation are uncertain is one of the most important purposes of this study.
4. Discussion
Our results prove that CF formation is effective in preserving CPRs and preventing abandoned farmland, as the relevant policies generally expect. In other words, measures to promote the formation of CFs by MAFF have been successfully contributing toward making local agriculture and resource management sustainable. However, these measures could also reduce the proportion of large-scale farmers (
Table 4). We cannot immediately infer from our analysis whether this is due to CF formation omitting large-scale farmers or the low production efficiency of formed CFs. This is an empirical task for the future.
The most important implication of this study is that among the average treatment effects of PCFs, the effect on
CONSERV is clearly negative. This means that some areas where PCFs are formed tend to neglect CPR conservation activities. If such results are observed or predicted by farmers in other areas, they would hesitate to form a PCF. Given that the proportion of PCF formation in our study area is the lowest in the country, it is reasonable for farmers to avoid the negative effects of forming a CF partnership. From a different perspective, the optimal CF size for CPR conservation is likely to be smaller than the current average PCF size. In fact, in rural areas of Japan, when CFs form a PCF, this organization offers the advantages of efficiency in machine utilization and ease of recruiting human resources [
34]. However, the costs of land accumulation, coordinating the production systems between regions, and communication (conflict resolution) are challenges that need to be overcome [
33]. Therefore, governments and local agricultural cooperatives (JA) need to make efforts to reduce transaction costs through projects that support the construction of production systems that match local land conditions and the development of leaders (human capital).
PCFs may also have a negative effect on the ratio of large-scale farmers (
SALE500) on average (
Table 3). Following the same deduction as
CONSERVE, the low level of PCF formation in our study area may be a result of the farmers’ economically rational behavior. This may be because wide-area PCF formations have caused many residents to rely on those organizations for CPR conservation activities that were previously performed well at the community level. In addition, the formation of such an organization can crowd out the motivations for conservation activities and thereby reduce their implementation ratio. However, it should be noted that these results may be limited to areas with specific characteristics. Because our study area has abundant part-time job opportunities near metropolitan areas and is highly dependent on rice production, there may be an optimal area size for CFs. As Bowles [
58] points out, well-designed policy promotions crowd in the motivations that people originally have but can be counterproductive. Therefore, it is important to provide policy support tailored to local conditions, rather than forcibly promoting the formation of wide-area CFs in such areas.
Our analysis used the latest available data as of 2015. However, CFs have been able to receive additional subsidies as part of the DPHM policy by agreeing on regional partnerships between communities since 2016 [
59]. These new policies were likely established because while almost all rural areas in Japan have been underpopulated and aging, widespread cross-community collaboration has not been progressing either. To date, there are still only 173 CFs with agreements and financial support under the new policy (i.e., PCFs) nationwide, which is 0.1% of all communities. Generally, farmers are reluctant to enter into such agreements because of the heavy burden of administrative work and obligatory performance reporting. Disadvantaged areas lack human resources; thus, the government should focus on reducing the administrative work as well as compensating for the agricultural labor cost.
Finally, we discuss some limitations of our analysis. First, the shrinkage and collapse of farmers’ motivations may be a region-specific phenomenon in areas with many paddy fields or near large cities. Therefore, it is unclear whether the same effects of CF and PCF formation are detected in other regions, meaning that the external validity of our results is limited. In the future, an analysis using data from other regions and wider areas will be required. Another problem of our analysis is that farmers’ decision-making regarding CF formation may not be evolutionary and ordinal as we assumed. For example, there may be cases in which a wide-area PCF is formed at the initial decision-making stage. Although we assumed the order of NCF, CF, and PCF, there may be cases in which an NCF evolves directly to the PCF stage. To model such decision-making, it might be better to use a multinomial model. Additionally, CFs were coded based on whether they existed in an FMA but the organization rate is continuous. These effects cannot be taken into account in our analysis. These points will be considered for future research.