Exploring the Role of Traditional Ecological Knowledge in Restoring and Managing Miombo Woodlands: A Case Study from the Lubumbashi Region, Democratic Republic of the Congo

Abstract

The overexploitation of forest resources in the Lubumbashi Charcoal Production Basin in the southeastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo) leads to deforestation and miombo woodlands degradation, threatening local livelihoods. Current forestry policies are ineffective, partly due to neglecting traditional ecological knowledge (TEK). This study identifies and describes TEK and practices related to biodiversity conservation and sustainable miombo woodlands management. Focus groups and interviews were conducted in four villages (Maksem, Mwawa, Nsela, and Texas), selected based on forest resource availability and population size. Data on sacred sites, conservation practices, knowledge transmission, ceremonies, and socio-demographic factors were analyzed using descriptive statistics, Fisher’s exact test, and Jaccard’s similarity index. The findings revealed that 75% of respondents identified sacred sites where logging activities are strictly prohibited. Thirty sacred tree species were identified, with stronger compliance in villages with a high availability of forest resources. This TEK is predominantly transmitted orally through family councils, as well as traditional ceremonies or rituals. Conservation practices include small-scale farming, intercropping, avoiding tree cutting in sacred sites, and using deadwood. However, only farming and intercropping are still commonly practiced, particularly in resource-scarce villages (64%). Women and elders are primary custodians of TEK, though its application is constrained by population growth and dwindling forest resources. The findings emphasize the crucial role of TEK in strengthening forest restoration initiatives by selecting key woody species and sustainable practices, while fostering community involvement. As such, decision makers should prioritize integrating TEK into DR Congo’s forest policies to support biodiversity conservation and miombo woodlands restoration efforts.

1. Introduction

The need to preserve tropical forests has become clear in recent decades. Not only are they exceptional reservoirs of biodiversity [1], but they also play a crucial role in sequestering atmospheric carbon [2]. In addition to their ecological function, these forests fulfill indispensable social and cultural roles for local and Indigenous communities. They enable the survival of over 1.6 billion people worldwide, both rural and urban, through the ecosystem services they provide [3,4]. These ecosystem services include the provision of timber, dendro-energy, and various non-timber forest products (NTFPs) [5].

In sub-Saharan Africa, these forests are under increasing anthropogenic pressure, exacerbated by rapid population growth in the context of extreme poverty, as well as rapid and generally unplanned urbanization. These dynamics are leading to unprecedented deforestation and degradation of these forest ecosystems [6,7]. Consequently, statistics relating to this deforestation are alarming. Indeed, in 2010, forests accounted for more than 675 million hectares, or around 23% of the African continent’s surface area [8]. But this figure has dropped to less than 636 million hectares (21%) in 2020 [9]. The situation is particularly critical in the Congo Basin, which lost almost 100 million hectares of forest between 2010 and 2020 [10,11]. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DR Congo), the annual deforestation rate rose from 0.4% between 2000 and 2010 [12] to 0.61% between 2010 and 2020 [2]. With this rate of deforestation, the DR Congo’s forest area had already fallen from 250 million hectares in 2010 to just 117 million hectares in 2020 [2,12]. If no corrective measures are taken, a forest loss of almost 22% is anticipated by 2050 [2].

The southeast of the DR Congo is particularly hard hit, especially in the area where miombo woodlands—a forest formation dominated by species of the genera Brachystegia, Julbernardia, and Isoberlinia—is the most dominant vegetation unit [13]. Indeed, between 2000 and 2010, miombo woodlands covered 23,220,000 hectares, representing almost 11% of the Zambezi region, but this coverage has declined considerably, from over 70% of Katangan territory in 2000 to around 43% in 2010 [14]. This deforestation trend is particularly marked in the Lubumbashi Charcoal Production Basin (LCPB), where the deforestation rate is more than six times higher than the national average, reaching 1.51% [15]. This deforestation is exacerbated by difficult socio-economic conditions, which make rural and urban populations highly dependent on forest resources, notably through shifting agriculture and wood energy production [16,17]. In addition, the growing demand for wood energy in urban areas, supported by galloping demographics and inadequate electricity supply in large conurbations, is contributing to the increased degradation of LCPB forests [15]. This affects the miombo woodlands’ rich biodiversity, characterized by a high rate of endemism, and threatens the livelihoods of both rural and urban populations that rely on these resources [18,19,20].

In response to deforestation and forest degradation, forest ecosystem restoration appears to be the main solution. Restoration refers to all practices aimed at re-establishing the ecological functionality of degraded habitats, thereby improving the living conditions of local populations [21,22]. This restoration includes the production of seedlings of native or exotic forest species in nurseries, or the facilitation of natural regeneration in the habitats concerned [21,23], thus, ensuring the continued provision of essential ecosystem services [24]. Nevertheless, to ensure the success of these initiatives, the integration of traditional ecological knowledge and practices (TEK) is necessary. TEK is defined as a set of culturally transmitted knowledge, practices, beliefs, and taboos that evolve and play a central role in the sustainable management of ecosystems by local populations [25,26,27,28,29]. To this end, this TEK strengthens forest restoration through a fine-tuned understanding of local ecosystems, sustainable practices, and key species, while promoting community engagement in forest restoration processes and adaptation to environmental change [30]. The cultural and spiritual anchoring of this TEK guarantees responsible and sustainable management of restored forests [31]. As a result, since the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, TEK has been recognized as a complement to modern scientific knowledge in approaches to ecosystem management and biodiversity conservation [32]. They inspire forest policy through new management models, combining ecological conservation with the socio-economic needs of local populations [28].

However, data on their effectiveness and an analysis of interactions with modern dynamics (urbanization, population growth) are often lacking. Yet these dynamics, like population growth, influence TEK implementation by increasing pressure on forest resources [33]. This would lead to the overexploitation of forest resources while limiting the observance of traditional practices and weakening their transmission to younger generations [28]. Nevertheless, in the Lubumbashi region, research into TEK remains limited. The work of Malaisse [34] and Hick et al. [35] addresses the importance of plant species in daily life and the farming system but does not explore the contribution of integrating this TEK in miombo woodlands management. This study fills these gaps by demonstrating the positive impact of this TEK in miombo woodlands conservation and management, particularly in reforested forest habitats. It documents these endangered practices and proposes their integration into environmental management policies, combining traditional knowledge and scientific expertise for sustainable forest management. The integration of traditional ecological knowledge and practices would promote sustainable management of residual miombo woodlands patches and participatory restoration in the LCPB.

This study aims to identify and describe traditional ecological knowledge and practices relating to biodiversity conservation and the sustainable management of miombo woodlands. It hypothesizes that TEK of indigenous communities in the Lubumbashi region—particularly their recognition of sacred sites and trees—plays a crucial role in restoring forests and sustainable miombo woodlands management. This knowledge is primarily upheld by women, elders, and less educated members of resource-limited villages, where it is passed down orally through family gatherings, fostering respect for conservation rules and cultural beliefs. By formulating this hypothesis, the study not only strengthens its design and integrity but also highlights the potential for applying these findings to other regions where indigenous TEK contributes to ecological sustainability.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Area

The present study was conducted in the LCPB in the southeastern DR Congo (Figure 1), a region characterized by a Cw-type climate according to Köppen’s classification.

This climate is marked by a dry season extending from May to September, a rainy season from November to March, and two transition periods in April and October [36,37]. The LCPB, located at an altitude of between 1200 and 1300 m, receives annual rainfall of between 1200 and 1270 mm [13]. The mean annual temperature, which stood at around 20 °C at the end of the 20th century [34], has risen significantly since the beginning of the XXI(st) century [38]. At the beginning of the 20th century, miombo woodlands were the predominant vegetation in this region, typically on ferralsols [39], despite many surveys noting their fragmentation and the rise in anthropogenic habitats, especially around large urban areas [7,40]. These forest ecosystem fragmentation and anthropization are attributable mainly to shifting agriculture, charcoal production, and increasing urbanization [15,16,40,41]. The population, estimated at over 3 million [42], continues to rely heavily on natural resources. School enrolment remains low, with less than 50% of the population having access to formal education [17]. The Indigenous communities in the Lubumbashi region are composed of several tribes, primarily the Bemba, Lamba, Kaonde, and Zela, all belonging to the same ethnic group [34]. Main subsistence economic activities include shifting agriculture, dendro-energy production, illegal timber exploitation, small-scale informal trade, and artisanal mining [16,43].

2.2. Methods

2.2.1. Site Selection, Sampling, and Data Collection

The present study was carried out from 20 November 2023 to 20 January 2024 in the villages of Maksem, Mwawa, Nsela, and Texas, located in the rural area of Lubumbashi. These villages were selected because of their intense anthropogenic activities, mainly agriculture and charcoal production, their accessibility in all seasons, and their high connectivity to other satellite villages [17]. To verify the knowledge and application of TEK, these four villages were grouped according to the availability of forest resources (Figure 1), as well as the number of inhabitants (

Table 1. Demographic and environmental characteristics of the four villages covered by the study: population size distribution, forest cover, focus group participation, sampling and gender distribution.

Villages	Population Size	Forests Availability	Focus Group Participant	Number of People Surveyed for Validation	Gender (%)
					F	M
Maksem	356	Limited	8	50	8	92
Texas	333		12	50	48	52
Mwawa	163	Available	11	50	24	76
Nsela	126		12	50	36	64

). This grouping assumes that villages with available forest resources and low population numbers will increasingly implement TEK due to the high availability of forest resources, enabling these inhabitants to remain selective in meeting daily needs. Forest resources are limited, and the population is high in Maksem and Texas, compared with Mwawa and Nsela (Figure 1; Table 1 [17,44]).

To gather information on traditional knowledge and practices relating to the conservation of forest resources, focus groups were organized in each village, following the methodology of Biloso [45]. These focus groups were made up of 8 to 12 people, mainly the traditional chiefs and notables of each village (Table 1). Data were collected on the existence of sacred sites, sacred woody species, and practices. Participation in these focus groups was contingent upon local community members’ proficiency in TEK, especially among the Indigenous population. The selection of knowledgeable participants was conducted by traditional chiefs and their notables.

Focus group data were validated by individual interviews with 200 local community members, i.e., 50 people per village. This number of respondents was chosen due to the lack of official statistics on the distribution of local communities, allowing a representative sampling of the different populations within these four villages. Nevertheless, this number of respondents is higher than that (40 respondents) recommended for social science studies [46]. The snowball method facilitated the identification of Indigenous local community members concerned by the present study, given the heterogeneity of origin (Indigenous and non-Indigenous) of the population of these four villages [47,48].

In addition, individual interviews were conducted using a semi-structured questionnaire [49] (Supplementary Materials), using the Kobotoolbox application version v2023.2.4 (Harvard Humanitarian Initiative, Cambridge, MA, USA). This approach made it possible to focus responses on specific themes defined in the questionnaire [50]. In addition to the information gathered during the focus groups, socio-demographic data such as age, gender, level of education, and professional activities of the respondents were collected to correlate them with the TEK responses. For age, participants were grouped into three categories: young (18–35 years), adult (36–60 years), and elderly (≥61 years) [51]. For educational level, participants were classified into four groups: uneducated, primary level, secondary level, and university level.

During these individual interviews, data on knowledge concerning sacred sites and woody species, traditional biodiversity conservation practices, and the modes and circumstances of TEK transmission were collected [52].

The vernacularly named woody species were directly identified after the surveys. However, unrecognized species were identified by cross-referencing information from existing regional floras (Flora of Zambia and the Flora of Zimbabwe), specialized books and guides [34,53,54,55], and field trips conducted with some respondents.

2.2.2. Data Analysis

To assess the importance of traditional knowledge and the influence of associated beliefs and prohibitions, the citation frequency (C_f) of sacred sites and trees was determined using the ethnobotanyR package in R software version 4.3.2 (R Core Team, Vienna, Austria). This analysis was also extended to biodiversity conservation practices, modes and circumstances of transmission of traditional knowledge, and the role of ceremonials in forest management. The frequency of citation (C_f) assumes that elements considered sacred are those that appear most often during interviews [56]. This frequency is calculated according to the following relationship (Equation (1)):

$$C_f={\displaystyle \frac{S}{N}}\times 100$$

(1)

where S is the number of people citing the site or species and N is the total number of people interviewed. When C_f tends towards 0, the site/species is weakly known as sacred, and when C_f tends towards 100, the site/species is strongly known as sacred.

To examine the association between the qualitative variables relating to Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Practices and the two village groups, Fisher’s exact test with a risk of error of less than 5% was used. This non-parametric test is an alternative to the Chi-square test of association, particularly suitable when a cell in the contingency table has theoretical values below 5, one of the limiting conditions for applying the Chi-square test [57,58]. In addition, Fisher’s exact test was also used to analyze the association between these variables and elements of the socio-demographic profile of the people surveyed.

Finally, to highlight the similarities between the possession of knowledge and its practical application according to the two groups of villages mentioned above, the Jaccard index (J; Equation (2); [59]) was calculated using Past version 4.05 software.

$$J={\displaystyle \frac{a}{a+b+c}}$$

(2)

where a represents the number of knowledge or practices common to both village categories, while b and c designate those specific to each category, respectively.

3. Results

3.1. Traditional Knowledge, Transmission, and the Role of Ceremonials in Biodiversity Conservation and Miombo Woodlands Management

3.1.1. Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Practices Related to Biodiversity Conservation and Miombo Woodlands Management

Over three quarters of those surveyed indicated that cemeteries, associated with the resting place of ancestors, are the most widely recognized sacred sites in rural Lubumbashi, particularly in villages with limited forest resources and high population numbers. In addition, cemeteries and river springs appear to be common sacred sites in both categories of villages studied. A greater diversity of sacred sites is noted particularly in villages with more abundant forest resources and a low number of inhabitants present, compared to villages with limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants. The taboos associated with these sacred sites mainly take the form of prohibitions on tree-cutting, access to sacred sites, and bushfires. However, observance of these beliefs and prohibitions is generally low, particularly in villages with limited forest resources and high population numbers, except for cemeteries (

Table 2. Sacred sites in the Lubumbashi rural area, according to citations (focus and individual interviews) by local community members. Sites are presented in alphabetical order, and quotation values are presented as percentages. The values in brackets show the percentage of respondents who continue to regard these sites as sacred and observe related beliefs and prohibitions in their daily lives. VLFR & HI: villages with less available forest resources and a high number of inhabitants; VFR & LI: villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants; n: number of people surveyed; -: the sacred site was not cited in the village concerned; p: p-value of Fisher’s exact test; *: statistically significant association between variables.

Types	Beliefs	Taboos	VLFR & HI		VFR & LI		p
			Maksem n = 50	Texas n = 50	Mwawa n = 50	Nsela n = 50
Cemeteries	Ancestors’ rest	Tree cutting,	92.00 (90.00)	78.00 (78.00)	74.00 (74.00)	62.00 (62.00)	0.007 * (0.013 *)
		Bush fires,
		Collects NTFPs,
		Access (authorization)
		Pregnant women,
		Children
Mountain	Dwelling of spirits and divinities; place of prayer and exorcism	Access (except for insiders), Bush fires	-	-	8.00 (8.00)	-	0.121 (0.121)
Dense dry forests		Bush fires	-	-	6.00 (4.00)	2.00 (2.00)	0.121 (0.246)
River sources		Bush fires, Tree cutting, Access	8.00 (2.00)	22.00 (6.00)	10.00 (6.00)	28.00 (4.00)	0.573 (1.000)
Termite mounds			-	-	8.00 (6.00)	2.00 (2.00)	0.059 (0.121)

).

Ethnobotanical surveys carried out in both village categories identified a total of 30 sacred woody species (23 in villages with limited forest resources and high population density; 27 in villages with available forest resources and low density (VFR & LI), divided into 29 genera (24 in VLFR & HI; 27 in VFR & LI) and 18 families (15 in VLFR & HI; 15 in VFR & LI), with a predominance of Fabaceae. Among these species, Afzelia quanzensis Welw., Entandrophragma delevoyi De Wild., Ficus spp., Parinari curatellifolia Planch. ex Benth., Sterculia quinqueloba (Garcke) K. Schum., and Strychnos cocculoides Baker are the most widely recognized by respondents, due to their associations with ancestor and spirit beliefs. In addition, species such as Diplorhynchus condylocarpon (Müll. Arg.) Pichon and Bobgunnia madagascariensis (Desv.) J.H. Kirkbr. & Wiersema are considered sacred in both types of villages, with 13.04% and 22.22% of species cited, respectively, in villages with limited forest resources and high numbers of inhabitants, and villages with abundant forest resources and low numbers of inhabitants. However, implementation of the beliefs and prohibitions associated with these species remains low in villages, particularly in those with limited forest resources and high population numbers. This is particularly noticeable for species such as A. quanzensis, E. delevoyi, Ficus spp. and S. quinqueloba, which are otherwise rare in forest ecosystems (

Table 3. Ethnobotanical list of sacred wood species identified during focus groups and individual interviews held in various villages in the rural area of Lubumbashi. The woody species are presented in alphabetical order, and the quotation values are presented as percentages. The values in brackets show the percentages of respondents observing beliefs and prohibitions relating to sacred wood species. VLFR & HI: villages with less available forest resources and a high number of inhabitants; VFR & LI: villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants; n: number of people surveyed; -: the sacred species was not cited in the village concerned; p: p-value of Fisher’s exact test; *: statistically significant association between variables.

Scientific Names	Families	Availability in the Forest	Beliefs About Species	VLFR & HI		VFR & LI		p
				Maksem n = 50	Texas n = 50	Mwawa n = 50	Nsela n = 50
Afzelia quanzensis Welw.	Fabaceae	Rare	Ancestral habitat, medicinal species	4.00 (4.00)	-	36.00 (36.00)	22.00 (22.00)	0.000 * (0.000 *)
Anisophyllea boehmii Engl.	Anisophylleaceae	Available	Food, medicinal species, customary chief’s establishment	10.00	32.00	10.00	12.00	0.081
Annona senegalensis Pers.	Annonaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	2.00	-	2.00	-	1.000
Bobgunnia madagascariensis (Desv.) J.H. Kirkbr. & Wiersema	Fabaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	-	-	4.00	10.00 (6.00)	0.498 (0.331)
Brachystegia boehmii Taub.	Fabaceae	Available	Helps make incantations underfoot to heal or get rid of evil spirits	-	-	10.00	-	0.059
Brachystegia spp. and Julbernardia spp.	Fabaceae	Available	Shelters ancestral spirits	8.00	6.00	22.00	20.00	0.007 *
Cassia abbreviata Oliv.	Fabaceae	Rare	Sacred, medicinal species	-	6.00 (6.00)	12.00 (12.00)	6.00 (6.00)	0.134 (0.003 *)
Combretum molle R.Br ex G. Don	Combretaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	4.00	-	12.00	8.00	0.035 *
Diplorhynchus condylocarpon (Müll. Arg.) Pichon	Apocynaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	-	2.00	-	-	1.000
Entandrophragma delevoyi De Wild.	Meliaceae	Rare	Sacred species, medicinal, prediction of future events	44.00 (44.00)	20.00 (20.00)	40.00 (40.00)	40.00 (40.00)	0.302 (0.302)
Erythrina abyssinica Lam. ex DC.	Fabaceae	Available	Medicinal species, herald the good rainy season	4.00	-	12.00 (2.00)	12.00	0.010 * (1.000)
Ficus spp.	Moraceae	Available	Shelters ancestral spirits, medicinal	14.00 (6.00)	26.00 (12.00)	32.00 (18.00)	12.00 (10.00)	0.862 (0.376)
Isoberlinia spp.	Fabaceae	Rare	Prayers of traditional chiefs, medicinal plants	8.00	-	6.00	10.00	0.373
Lannea discolor (Sond.) Engl.	Anacardiaceae	Available	Ancestral prayers, Enthronement of the chief	-	-	6.00	-	0.246
Marquesia macroura Gilg	Dipterocarpaceae	Available	Representation of ancestors, medicinal	-	-	12.00 (10.00)	8.00 (2.00)	0.002 * (0.029 *)
Parinari curatellifolia Planch. ex Benth.	Chrysobalanaceae	Available	Food, medicinal, establishment of a traditional chief	14.00	26.00	32.00	12.00	0.862
Pericopsis angolensis (Baker) Meeuwen	Fabaceae	Available	Representation of ancestors, medicinal, dispels curse	-	8.00	6.00	10.00	0.373
Piliostigma thonningii (Schumach.) Milne-Redh.	Fabaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	2.00	-	16.00	-	0.035 *
Psorospermum febrifugum Spach	Hypericaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	2.00	-	-	-	1.000
Pterocarpus angolensis DC.	Fabaceae	Available	Sacred medicinal species		-	2.00	4.00	0.246
Pterocarpus tinctorius Welw.	Fabaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	6.00	-	14.00	8.00	0.049 *
Rothmannia engleriana (K. Schum.) Keay	Rubiaceae	Available	Medicinal species, create disputes between partners	2.00	-	-	2.00	1.000
Securidaca longepedunculata Fresen.	Polygalaceae	Available	Medicinal species, home to the spirits	-	-	-	2.00 (2.00)	1.000 (1.000)
Sterculia quinqueloba (Garcke) K. Schum.	Malvaceae	Rare	Sacred species, medicinal, discover hidden events, luck tree, frighten away sorcerers, destroy the power of gris-gris, save poultry from epidemics	40.00 (40.00)	12.00 (12.00)	30.00 (30.00)	58.00 (58.00)	0.012 * (0.012 *)
Strychnos cocculoides Baker	Loganiaceae	Available	Food and medicinal species	18.00	12.00	30.00	14.00	0.275
Syzygium pratense Byng	Myrtaceae	Available	Food and medicinal species	-	4.00	-	-	0.498
Terminalia mollis M.A. Lawson	Combretaceae	Available	Sacred, medicinal species	2.00 (2.00)	-	-	6.00 (4.00)	0.621 (1.000)
Uapaca kirkiana Müll. Arg.	Phyllanthaceae	Available	Food species, ceremony before plowing, medicinal	22.00	14.00	26.00	8.00	1.000
Zanha africana (Radlk.) Exell	Fabaceae	Rare	Sacred, medicinal species	-	-	2.00 (2.00)	-	1.000 (1.000)
Zanthoxylum chalybeum Engl.	Rutaceae	Rare	Sacred, medicinal species	2.00 (2.00)	-	14.00 (14.00)	10.00 (10.00)	0.003 * (0.003 *)

).

In addition, ecological practices for biodiversity conservation and forest management, traditionally known to local communities, include small-scale farming, intercropping (allowing two to three crops to be grown on the same plot), the prohibition of cutting trees in sacred places, long fallow/rotation periods, and the use of dead wood instead of charcoal. These practices were reported by 75% of respondents in both village categories. It should be noted that knowledge of these ecological practices is almost equivalent to the two categories of villages located in the rural area of Lubumbashi. Regarding the actual application of these practices, it is observed that intercropping and the ban on cutting trees in sacred places are implemented by more than 65% of respondents in villages with limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants, whereas these practices concern only around 26% of respondents in villages with abundant forest resources and a low number of inhabitants. Other practices, such as the gradual exploitation of forest areas (19%), long fallow/rotation periods (13%), and the use of dead wood instead of charcoal (12%), are most applied in villages with abundant forest resources and low population numbers (

Table 4. Traditional ecological practices for biodiversity conservation and sustainable miombo woodlands management in rural Lubumbashi. Traditional practices are presented in alphabetical order, with citation values presented as percentages. The values in brackets show the percentage of respondents applying these cited practices. Practices with only implementation values are considered innovations. VLFR & HI: villages with less available forest resources and a high number of inhabitants; VFR & LI: villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants; n: number of people surveyed; -: the practice was not cited in the village concerned; p: p-value of Fisher’s exact test; *: statistically significant association between variables.

Traditional Practices	VLFR & HI		VFR & LI		p
	Maksem n = 50	Texas n = 50	Mwawa n = 50	Nsela n = 50
Leaving large trees and sacred trees standing	4.00	2.00	4.00	8.00	0.498
Rare and sacred medicinal trees left standing	(8.00)	(10.00)	(4.00)	(16.00)	(0.435)
Small-scale farming	16.00	32.00	14.00	16.00	0.153
Agriculture without stump grubbing	4.00 (4.00)	-	6.00 (6.00)	8.00 (8.00)	0.170 (0.170)
Charcoal for domestic use	6.00	2.00	2.00	2.00	0.683
Intercropping	12.00 (34.00)	4.00 (40.00)	6.00 (20.00)	10.00 (10.00)	1.000 (0.000 *)
Selective cutting	6.00	8.00	2.00 (2.00)	2.00 (2.00)	0.170 (0.498)
Progressive operation	2.00	4.00	4.00 (16.00)	4.00 (22.00)	1.000 (0.498)
Tree-cutting banned in sacred places	20.00 (36.00)	26.00 (20.00)	14.00 (8.00)	14.00 (14.00)	0.145 (0.004 *)
Defending concessions	-	-	(12.00)	-	(0.029 *)
Short fallow/rotation period (3–5 years)	(10.00)	(20.00)	(6.00)	(4.00)	(0.032 *)
Long fallow/rotation period (15–20 years)	12.00 (2.00)	6.00 (6.00)	18.00 (16.00)	10.00 (10.00)	0.376 (0.040 *)
Optimum bushfire period	-	4.00	6.00	-	1.000
Use of dead wood	18.00 (6.00)	12.00 (4.00)	24.00 (10.00)	26.00 (14.00)	0.111 (0.126)

).

In addition, certain long-standing practices such as the standing abandonment of large or sacred trees and long fallow/rotation periods, which were once essential for biodiversity conservation and forest management, have evolved. They have been transformed into standing abandonment of rare and sacred medicinal trees and shorter fallow/rotation periods. Implementation of these modified practices varies from 8% to 20% in villages with limited forest resources and high population numbers, compared with 4% to 16% in villages with abundant forest resources with low population numbers. Additionally, concession fencing, a more recent innovation, is particularly observed in villages with abundant forest resources and low population numbers (Table 4).

3.1.2. Circumstances of Knowledge Transmission and the Role of Ceremonial in Biodiversity Conservation and Forest Management

The main means of transmitting traditional ecological knowledge and practices are songs (53%); fables, tales and stories (23%), and proverbs (12%) in both village categories. Specifically, riddles and skits were particularly cited in villages with abundant forest resources and few inhabitants. In addition, this knowledge and practice is particularly transmitted during family councils, bereavements, and weddings (

Table 5. Modes and circumstances of transmission of traditional ecological knowledge and practices. Modes and circumstances of TEK transmission are presented in alphabetical order, and citation values are presented as percentages. VLFR & HI: villages with less available forest resources and a high number of inhabitants; VFR & LI: villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants; n: number of people surveyed. -: the element was not cited in the village concerned; p: p-value of Fisher’s exact test; *: statistically significant association between variables.

Elements	VLFR & HI		VFR & LI		p
	Maksem n = 50	Texas n = 50	Mwawa n = 50	Nsela n = 50
Transmission modes (%)
Songs	44.00	62.00	58.00	52.00	0.887
Riddles and puzzles	8.00	-	6.00	10.00	0.373
Fables, tales, and stories	36.00	28.00	10.00	20.00	0.007 *
Skits	-	-	2.00	4.00	0.246
Proverbs	12.00	10.00	24.00	14.00	0.165
Circumstances of transmission (%)
Family advice (around the fire)	28.00	40.00	46.00	50.00	0.254
Bereavement	32.00	22.00	20.00	24.00	0.511
Weddings	22.00	26.00	12.00	10.00	0.025 *
Newborn births	6.00	8.00	12.00	8.00	0.613
Enthronement of a village chief	12.00	6.00	10.00	8.00	1.000

).

In the traditions of the tribes of rural Lubumbashi, certain ceremonials take place specifically under the forest canopy. These ceremonials mainly include the burial of a dead relative (79%), the enthronement of a new village chief (10%), and prayers to the gods (12%). Specifically, the burial of a dead relative and the enthronement of a new customary chief are particularly singled out in villages with limited forest resources and large numbers of inhabitants. On the other hand, ceremonials such as exorcism and prayers to the gods are most common in villages with abundant forest resources and numbers of inhabitants (

Table 6. Roles of ceremonials in forest conservation in rural Lubumbashi. Ceremonials are presented in alphabetical order and quotation values are presented as percentages. VLFR & HI: villages with less available forest resources and a high number of inhabitants; VFR & LI: villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants; n: number of people surveyed; -: the ceremonial was not cited in the village concerned; p: p-value of Fisher’s exact test; *: statistically significant association between variables.

Ceremonials	VLFR & HI		VFR & LI		p
	Maksem n = 50	Texas n = 50	Mwawa n = 50	Nsela n = 50
Funeral of a loved one	84.00	86.00	72.00	80.00	0.153
Exorcism	-	2.00	8.00	6.00	0.065
Induction of the new chief	16.00	12.00	6.00	4.00	0.051
Prayers to the gods (ancestors)	-	-	14.00	10.00	0.000 *

).

3.2. Association Between TEK-Elements Variables of the Socio-Demographic Profile and Similarity of Biodiversity Conservation and Miombo Woodlands Management Practices

The application of biodiversity conservation and forest management practices in rural Lubumbashi is strongly influenced by socio-demographic factors such as gender, age, level of education, and main occupation of the individuals surveyed. In particular, the application of intercropping and short rotation practices is strongly influenced by the gender and educational level of local community members. In addition, the implementation of most practices is age-dependent, except for stump-free farming practices, selective cutting, the ban on cutting trees in sacred places, and long fallow/rotation periods. However, the practices of leaving rare and sacred medicinal trees standing, intercropping, and prohibiting the cutting of trees in sacred places are particularly influenced by the types of main activities of the respondents (

Table 7. Association between biodiversity conservation/forest management practices and elements of the socio-demographic profile of respondents. The figures presented in this table are p-values from Fisher’s exact test. *: statistically significant association between variables.

Traditional Practices	Gender	Age Ranges	Education Level	Main Occupation
Rare and sacred medicinal trees left standing	0.054	0.012 *	0.095	0.000 *
Agriculture without stump grubbing	0.297	0.297	0.053	0.504
Intercropping	0.006 *	0.040 *	0.004 *	0.000 *
Selective cutting	0.457	0.148	0.737	0.221
Progressive operation	0.596	0.022 *	0.303	0.887
Tree-cutting banned in sacred places	0.334	0.714	0.983	0.002 *
Defending concessions	1.000	0.027*	0.346	0.619
Short fallow/rotation period (3–5 years)	0.027 *	0.000 *	0.000 *	0.915
Long fallow/rotation period (15–20 years)	0.694	0.637	0.700	0.211
Use of dead wood	0.051	0.006 *	0.545	0.227

). More specifically, practices such as selective cutting, use of dead wood, leaving rare and sacred medicinal trees standing, long fallow/rotation periods, stump-free agriculture, progressive logging, and defending concessions are mainly adopted by women, the elderly, uneducated individuals, or those with a primary level of education, whose main occupations include charcoal production, art carving and NTFP collection. Conversely, practices such as short fallow periods, intercropping, and the ban on cutting down trees in sacred places are more common among men, young people, and adults with secondary education, who are mainly involved in farming and logging for timber.

As regards the comparison between beliefs and prohibitions relating to sacred sites and their application, a total similarity of 100% was observed in both categories of villages. However, similarities in the application of taboos relating to sacred sites show a notable disparity, with a correspondence of only 40% between villages with limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants and those with abundant forest resources and a low number of inhabitants.

Jaccard’s index reveals a similarity of 21.74% between quotations of sacred woody species and the application of corresponding beliefs and prohibitions, in villages with limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants. This compares with 42.31% in villages with abundant forest resources and few inhabitants. Furthermore, the application of taboos relating to sacred trees shows a similarity of 41.67% between the two categories of villages studied.

As far as biodiversity conservation and forest management practices are concerned, Jaccard’s index shows a 50% similarity between citations of these practices and their implementation in villages with limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants, compared with 61.54% in villages with abundant forest resources and a low number of inhabitants. Overall, the implementation of these practices was 70% similar between the two categories of villages.

4. Discussion

4.1. Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Practices and Transmission and Role of Ceremonials in Biodiversity Conservation and Miombo Woodlands Management

4.1.1. Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Practices for the Biodiversity Conservation and Miombo Woodlands Management

The results of the ethnoecological survey conducted as part of the present study reveal the existence of a range of traditional knowledge and practices for biodiversity conservation and miombo woodlands management (Table 2, Table 3 and Table 4). This knowledge has significant socio-cultural and spiritual values and plays a crucial role in maintaining forest ecosystems [60]. The beliefs and prohibitions associated with this TEK contribute to the preservation of forest resources and forest resilience [61,62]. These observations are consistent with the results of previous studies in Africa [28,63] and specifically in the miombo woodlands ecoregion [64,65]. The integration of TEK into the processes of vegetation cover restoration and miombo woodlands management could, to this end, represent a significant opportunity to encourage local communities to actively participate in these initiatives and take ownership of the processes [17].

On the other hand, the scarcity of forest resources, coupled with unfavorable economic conditions, increases anthropic pressure on these resources, thus, compromising the forest restoration and management mechanisms put in place [17,22]. The data collected also show that local communities in villages with abundant forest resources and a smaller population have a higher number of TEK than those in villages with limited resources and a large population (Table 2, Table 3 and Table 4). This disparity can be explained by the fact that villages with abundant forest resources and low population numbers retain and apply traditions to a greater extent due to the high availability of resources, in contrast to villages faced with limited resources and high population numbers. Previous studies in Zambia have revealed that the scarcity of forest resources and population growth leads to a decrease in the importance attached to traditional knowledge, resulting in an erosion of this knowledge and these practices [33,66]. The findings emphasize the critical need to bolster cultural and ecological practices in villages across the Lubumbashi region and the DR Congo, especially in areas with scarce forest resources and high population density. Moreover, safeguarding sacred sites as part of the cultural heritage is crucial, alongside raising awareness within communities about the preservation of rare and sacred plant species. The results of this study concur with the observations of Syampungani et al. [33] in Zambia, who showed that the scarcity of forest resources, coupled with rapid population growth, leads to a gradual erosion of TEK, as local populations turn away from traditional practices in the face of increased economic and ecological pressures. However, the durability of TEK, such as sacred sites, also depends on several factors such as geography, hydrography, and the distribution of miombo woodlands variants in the study area. These results confirm that TEK plays a crucial role in biodiversity conservation and the sustainable management of miombo.

4.1.2. Circumstances of Knowledge Transmission and the Role of Ceremonial in the Conservation of the Biodiversity and Miombo Management

The transmission of TEK, mainly orally through songs and stories (Table 5), remains a common practice in Africa, not least because of the low rate of school enrolment and the virtual non-existence of written documentation on the subject [66,67,68]. This mode of transmission, although adapted to poorly educated populations [52] such as those in Lubumbashi region, leads to a modification or even alteration of knowledge over time, leading to the loss or appearance of new knowledge and practices [65]. The results of this study corroborate research conducted in Zambia, demonstrating that stories, songs, and proverbs are predominant modes of transmission of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) [52,65,69]. Additionally, TEK are often transmitted during family councils, mourning ceremonies, and weddings (Table 5), as well as during ceremonies such as funerals exclusively held in the forest (Table 6). These events, frequent and gathering many community members, offer ideal opportunities for TEK transmission. These findings highlight that TEK is mostly transmitted orally during specific social events, emphasizing the risk of its loss in the Lubumbashi region, especially where ecological and demographic factors hinder certain ceremonies. The findings confirm the work of Milupi and Sampa [52] in Zambia, which emphasizes the importance of these ceremonies for the transmission of traditional knowledge, as well as for biodiversity conservation and forest management.

In examining cultural diversity, the number and species of plants considered sacred can vary from village to village due to differences in cultural practices, historical contexts, and ecological conditions. These sacred species are generally linked to specific geographic regions and community beliefs, leading to variability among villages. In Angola, for example, the Moringa oleifera Lam. tree is highly revered among certain ethnic groups, especially in the southern regions, for its medicinal properties, nutritional value, and role in community rituals [70]. However, other communities in different parts of Angola might venerate different species, such as the Adansonia digitata L., which is considered a spiritual symbol and a source of food, water, and shelter [71]. Thus, the differences in sacred species reflect the diversity of cultural practices and the local environment.

Natural resource management also relies on a variety of traditional forest management practices. These practices, shaped by cultural beliefs, environmental conditions, and resource availability, vary across regions and villages. For example, in Malawi, traditional agricultural practices, such as short and long fallow periods, differ depending on soil fertility and climate. Villages in more fertile areas practice shorter fallows (3–5 years), while those in the northern regions with less fertile soils extend fallow periods to 15–20 years, allowing the land to fully regenerate before cultivation resumes [72,73].

The transmission of traditional local knowledge, including forest management practices, is crucial for maintaining this knowledge across generations. In Tanzania, for instance, songs are a central mode of transmitting knowledge about forest management. These songs, often sung during community activities such as planting or harvesting, emphasize the importance of tree preservation and sustainable land use [74]. Riddles and proverbs, such as “The forest is not a market, it’s a home for all,” are used to convey wisdom about resource conservation. In Zambia, fables and stories play a key role, particularly in rural communities, where elders pass down knowledge of sacred trees and sustainable farming practices [75]. Thus, family advice shared around the fire, during times of bereavement, weddings, or the enthronement of a village chief, offers a reflective space for elders to impart wisdom. These rituals ensure that forest management knowledge remains embedded in cultural traditions.

Finally, the timing of bushfires is a crucial element of forest management, especially when guided by traditional ecological knowledge. Indigenous communities have long understood the relationship between fire, vegetation, and seasonal cycles, using this knowledge to determine the most appropriate periods for controlled burning. In Zambia, traditional fire management practices involve burning during the early dry season (April to June), when vegetation is less dry and fires are less intense, reducing the accumulation of fuel loads and preventing destructive late-season wildfires [76]. Similarly, in Tanzania, Maasai communities use controlled burns in early dry seasons to stimulate fresh grass growth for livestock while preserving woody vegetation [77]. These practices are aligned with ecological cycles, ensuring minimal disruption to forest resources.

4.2. Association Between TEK and Similarity of Implementation of Biodiversity Conservation Practices and Miombo Woodlands Management

Local communities in villages characterized by limited forest resources and a high number of inhabitants apply TEK less effectively than those in villages with available forest resources and a low number of inhabitants (Table 2, Table 3 and Table 4). This situation is attributable to the scarcity of forest resources and population growth, which encourage communities to modify or abandon TEK, thus, compromising the sustainable management of forest resources [61,78]. Previous studies in Zambia have shown that the scarcity of forest resources, combined with growing economic needs, is leading to a decline in respect for traditional beliefs and prohibitions when exploiting forest resources to meet daily needs [33]. In addition, high population density significantly reduces the usable area for everyone, increasing anthropogenic pressure on already limited forest resources [79]. This increased pressure contributes to TEK deletion or partial adaptation to cope with resource scarcity, particularly in villages with high population numbers. These observations are in line with the findings of Mekonen [28], who points out that TEK evolves over generations and adapts to environmental changes.

On the other hand, in villages where forest resources are available and the population is small, biodiversity conservation and sustainable forest management practices are mainly implemented by women, who are elderly, poorly educated, and whose main activities include charcoal production, art carving, and the collection of non-timber forest products (Table 7). This predominance of women in the implementation of practices can be explained by their central role in Africa, and particularly in the study area, in the education and transmission of cultural knowledge, including TEK. By passing on this knowledge to the younger generations, they integrate it into everyday practices, thereby contributing to their sustainability. Research in Venezuela also shows that women are more respectful of traditional beliefs and prohibitions than men [80]. Furthermore, the application of TEK increases with age. Older people apply these forest conservation and management practices more assiduously because of their experience, their role as custodians of culture, and their lesser exposure to modernity, which reinforces their perception of the relevance of this knowledge [81,82]. It should also be noted that the transmission of these TEK begins at an early age in the Lubumbashi region.

In addition, people with low levels of education are also more likely to apply TEK. Indeed, activities related to the management of forest areas are often dominated by individuals with a low level of education, due to the lack of alternatives in the labor market and the absence of required skills [17]. Finally, charcoal producers, sculptors, and NTFP collectors are more likely to apply TEK than farmers. Agriculture, whether intensive or slash-and-burn, requires deforestation to avoid competition between natural trees and crops, which contrasts with other activities with selective exploitation of forest resources [6,44,83,84]. These observations highlight that the socio-demographic characteristics of the population play a decisive role in the application of biodiversity conservation and forest management practices in the Lubumbashi region and across the DR Congo. These findings corroborate those of Kyale and Maindo [85] in the Yangambi Biosphere Reserve, who show that forest conservation and management practices are mainly linked to sacred tree prohibitions, agricultural practices, and respect for sacred sites.

However, the implementation of conservation and forest management practices is influenced by other factors, such as the amount of forest space available to an individual. TEK-integrated forest management requires not only recognition of this traditional knowledge but also adequate access to the resources needed for its application. The decrease in forest area available to an individual limits his or her ability to maintain and transmit TEK [79,86]. Furthermore, the application of this TEK in Africa is also influenced by cultural changes, such as formal education, modernization, and above all Western and Asian religions [65]. Indeed, formal education and modernization stemming from colonization have contributed to the marginalization of traditional knowledge in Africa, inculcating Western values that are largely incompatible with local cultures [65,87]. Furthermore, studies carried out in Nigeria, Ghana, and Botswana have shown that local communities adopting Western and Asian religions now reject the application of this TEK, considering it inferior, demonic, and fetishistic [88,89,90]. These results confirm that TEK depends on the ecological and socio-demographic conditions of the villages.

4.3. Implication of the Results for the Sustainable Management and Restoration of Miombo Woodlands

TEK has considerable cultural and spiritual values, but its application is under constant threat from modernization and the shrinking of miombo woodlands areas. This situation contributes not only to deforestation and forest degradation but also to the erosion of the cultural and spiritual values of local communities. To remedy this problem, it is essential to promote the popularization of TEK within local communities. An effective approach for this popularization could include educational programs facilitating the empirical learning of TEK [91]. However, the low school enrolment rate in rural Lubumbashi is a significant obstacle to the application of this method. To overcome this obstacle, it is crucial to foster intergenerational exchanges of knowledge between grandparents, parents, and younger generations, as well as to organize various socio-cultural awareness-raising activities to facilitate the transfer of this TEK [65]. Furthermore, universities should collaborate with the Congolese government to systematically collect and document (including digitizing) the various forms of TEK, to prevent its erosion and preserve this knowledge for current and future generations [92,93]. This documentation is essential to prevent the loss of this traditional knowledge over time.

In addition, there is a need for conservation and sustainable management programs for miombo woodlands remnants, as well as forest restoration initiatives through reforestation and assisted natural regeneration [21,94]. These programs should focus on sacred sites (such as cemeteries, river springs, and the habitats of ancestors and deities), using sacred woody species such as A. quanzensis, E. delevoyi, and S. quinqueloba, whose associated beliefs and prohibitions are respected by local communities [95]. This approach would not only help restore forest ecosystems but also revitalize the cultural and religious practices associated with these places [95,96]. In addition, taking this TEK into account in the forest restoration mechanism would encourage the involvement of local communities and ownership of these forest management and restoration mechanisms, which is crucial to ensuring their long-term success [17]. Similar studies in Central Africa [97], particularly in Zambia [98], demonstrate that integrating TEK with modern scientific knowledge is crucial for sustainable natural resource management. However, the effective implementation of TEK is constrained by difficult socio-economic conditions and ongoing socio-cultural changes prevailing in the DR Congo [85], particularly in the Lubumbashi region [44].

These results suggest that the integration of TEK into forest policy requires the creation of a local participatory framework, involving both local communities and decision makers. This participatory framework could facilitate the identification of relevant TEK and its application at the local scale, its integration into forest management plans, and reforestation or assisted natural regeneration initiatives [99]. In addition, incorporating the sacred woody species identified in this study, such as A. quanzensis and S. quinqueloba, into reforestation initiatives could strengthen community commitment while respecting local beliefs. Furthermore, integrating fire management strategies, such as controlled burns and community firebreak systems, can enhance the sustainability of these efforts [100,101]. Tanzania’s Participatory Forest Management (PFM) programs have successfully involved communities in fire prevention and controlled burning to reduce wildfire risks [102], while Zambia’s Community-Based Natural Resource Management (CBNRM) initiatives have established firebreaks and promoted traditional fire control practices to protect forest ecosystems [103].

However, Local communities in the Lubumbashi region heavily rely on forest areas for their livelihoods, primarily through agriculture, charcoal production, and the collection of non-timber forest products (NTFPs). Enhancing agricultural systems stands out as a key strategy to promote the sustainable management of miombo woodlands. By integrating agroforestry practices, these systems could address agricultural itinerancy and improve the low yields that currently characterize farming practices in Lubumbashi and across the DR Congo [104]. Indeed, agroforestry, still underutilized in this region according to Hick et al. [35], has the potential to restore soil fertility, a critical factor in increasing agricultural productivity. For illustration, the agroforestry model in Mampu, located on the Bateke Plateau in the DR Congo, has demonstrated remarkable results, producing an average of 1.5 metric tons of charcoal, 1.25 metric tons of cassava, 70 kg of maize, and 0.75 kg of honey per hectare [83]. By prioritizing tree species that provide NTFPs, such systems could meet local communities’ daily needs while reducing their reliance on natural forests [105], thereby alleviating human pressure on forest resources [106].

Additionally, improving access to electricity is a critical strategy for reducing dependence on wood energy, particularly in urban areas. Paired with alternative energy technologies such as improved cookstoves and renewable energy sources like photovoltaic energy, biogas, biomass briquettes, or eco-friendly charcoal, this approach could significantly contribute to preserving the remaining miombo woodlands [107]. However, adopting these alternatives requires greater effort, particularly among communities most reliant on forest resources. Environmental education and awareness campaigns are essential to promote biodiversity conservation and sustainable management practices [108]. Finally, improving the socio-economic conditions of the population is vital for reducing their dependence on forests. Indeed, many of these populations live in precarious conditions, exacerbating their reliance on natural resources [17]. Facilitating access to microcredit and promoting diverse income-generating activities [109] would alleviate anthropogenic pressure on forest resources while supporting the sustainable management of miombo woodlands.

The present study focused on a limited number of villages and respondents, which may have constrained the breadth of insights into local ecological practices. Additionally, the study did not fully capture the cultural variability among the diverse tribes in the Lubumbashi region, which could influence traditional ecological knowledge and its application. While these factors may limit the generalizability of the findings, the research provides valuable foundational insights and highlights the need for further studies encompassing a broader cultural and geographical scope to build on this work.

5. Conclusions

This study aimed to identify and describe TEK relating to biodiversity conservation and miombo woodlands management, through interviews (group and individual) carried out in two categories of villages differentiated by the availability of forest resources and their population. The results show that most respondents are aware of sacred sites and woody species, including their beliefs and prohibitions. In addition, biodiversity conservation and miombo woodlands management practices include small-scale farming, intercropping, the prohibition of cutting trees in sacred sites, long rotation periods, and the use of dead wood. Certain ceremonials, such as burials of the dead, take place only in the forests, encouraging people to leave certain forest patches untouched. TEK is more rigorously applied in villages with abundant forest resources and smaller populations, enabling daily needs to be met while respecting local beliefs and prohibitions. This TEK is particularly observed by women, the elderly, and the less educated, who are involved in charcoal production, art carving and the collection of non-timber forest products.

The present study was carried out on a limited sample of villages and participants. Furthermore, the cultural diversity of the different tribes in the Lubumbashi region was not sufficiently considered, which limits the possibility of generalizing the results obtained. Nevertheless, this study demonstrates the existence of TEK in the Lubumbashi region and its potential to contribute to the sustainable management and restoration of miombo woodlands. The DR Congo’s national forest policy must include concrete strategies for the integration of TEK. This could involve setting up local forest management committees, legally protecting sacred sites and species and prioritizing TEK in reforestation initiatives. In addition, the documentation and digitization of this traditional knowledge by scientists is essential to ensure its transmission and preservation.