Navigating Socio-Technical Challenges in Energy Efficiency: Case Studies on Hybrid Pumped-Hydropower Storage in Poland and Greece

Abstract

This study examines the socio-technical challenges and public acceptance of hybrid pumped-hydropower storage (HPHS) technology within the broader context of energy transition in two European coal-mining regions: Western Macedonia, Greece, and the Łódzkie Region, Poland. These regions, deeply rooted in lignite mining, face profound socio-economic transformations driven by the EU Green Deal and its commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2050. The transition from coal dependency to renewable energy represents not only a critical environmental goal but also a significant socio-economic challenge for local communities, necessitating innovative and inclusive strategies to mitigate impacts and ensure equitable outcomes. The research integrates desk studies with stakeholder surveys (n = 129) to assess public awareness, perceived impacts, and acceptance of HPHS technology as a repurposing solution for decommissioned open-pit lignite mines. Results reveal that while awareness of the energy transition process is high (90% in Western Macedonia and 80% in Łódzkie Region), familiarity with HPHS technology varies significantly (76% and 48%, respectively). Support for implementing HPHS in former mining sites is stronger in Western Macedonia (73%) compared to Łódzkie Region (63%), with knowledge of HPHS correlating positively with acceptance (r = 0.83, p < 0.01). Both regions recognize the environmental benefits of HPHS, including improved air quality and biodiversity; yet, socio-economic challenges such as job losses, reduced income levels, and limited opportunities for reskilling persist, particularly in Łódzkie Region, where 77% of respondents view the energy transition as negatively impacting the labor market. By focusing on regions historically dependent on mining, this study highlights the critical role of addressing the unique needs of communities undergoing systemic transformation. The repurposing of former lignite mines into HPHS facilities offers a promising pathway for balancing environmental objectives with local socio-economic revitalization. However, success requires region-specific strategies, including transparent communication, stakeholder involvement, and targeted investment in workforce adaptation and infrastructure. These findings contribute to the growing discourse on how socially inclusive and technically feasible solutions can drive equitable energy transitions in post-mining regions.

1. Introduction

The scheduled decommissioning of lignite mining in Europe requires innovative and economically viable strategies to support coal regions in transition. To achieve an 80 to 90% reduction in greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050, a significant transformation of the production, transportation, and consumption of energy is essential, with a particular emphasis on improving energy efficiency [1]. Renewable energy generation technologies, such as wind turbines, photovoltaic systems, and solar thermal energy, form the foundation of the energy transition envisioned by the EU member states [2]. However, the generation capacity of these renewable technologies is not continuously available. Versatile approaches are needed to enable the integration of renewable energy sources and ensure a stable energy supply for industry and society, including reducing load peaks and developing more flexible energy production, transport, and distribution concepts. In this context, the storage of excess energy from renewable sources and the electric grid is indispensable for a secure future energy supply and for overall energy efficiency improvement. This storage bridges periods of low supply and manages excess quantities by strategically placing storage facilities close to consumers and producers, thereby reducing investments in transmission networks [3]. Energy storage ensures a temporal balance between generation and consumption, making it one of the technological cornerstones of a successful energy system transformation [4]. Only a few large-scale energy storage technologies exist, such as pumped hydroelectric storage (PHS), chemical battery-based storage, and compressed air energy storage (CAES), have proven to be profitable. Among these, only PHS and CAES are viable for commercial bulk energy storage (>100 MW) of grid-tied or surplus energy [5]. PHS is the most widely accepted storage technology, as there are only two operational CAES plants globally—one with 110 MW capacity in the USA and another with 290 MW capacity in Germany [6]. On larger temporal scales (several hours to many days), pumped hydroelectric storage remains the most mature and efficient storage technology, representing 98% of the worldwide storage capacity and global installed capacity reaching approximately 165 GW [7]. This technology utilizes electricity from the grid to pump water into an upper reservoir, which is then released into a lower reservoir to generate electricity during peak demand periods. Hybrid power plants (HPHS) combine renewable energy sources such as solar and wind with hydropower to enhance stability and reliability in electricity generation [8]. However, recent studies highlight the significance of addressing operational challenges, such as cavitation scale effects, which influence energy conversion efficiency and the long-term stability of HPHS units [9]. This underscores the necessity for advanced technical evaluations to enhance performance and reliability under diverse operational conditions, while also reinforcing the imperative for interdisciplinary feasibility studies on repurposing open-pit lignite mines into HPHS facilities.

Although technical factors ultimately determine the extent of the implementation of combined HPHS systems for the storage of excess energy from photovoltaic and/or wind power generation as well as excess grid energy, non-technical factors—such as costs, potential environmental impacts, regulation, public acceptance, and consumer choices—will eventually influence the project’s success [10]. Therefore, aside from required topographic and environmental advantages for the implementation of this technology [11,12], a holistic approach, including social aspects, is necessary. In this context, existing studies have highlighted various aspects of lignite mining and its impacts—a.o. [13,14,15]. However, significant gaps remain, particularly concerning the social acceptance of HPHS projects in these contexts. Social acceptance presents a major challenge for the transition of mining regions.

One major gap in the literature is the lack of comprehensive studies that directly address the social implications of converting open-pit lignite mines into HPHS facilities. While some research has focused on the environmental impacts of lignite mining and its subsequent reclamation [14,16,17], there is limited knowledge on how local communities perceive these transformations. For instance, Pepliński’s work on external costs to agriculture associated with lignite mining emphasizes the economic ramifications, but does not delve into community attitudes towards HPHS projects [16]. Similarly, while Krassakis et al. provide valuable insights into the site-specific technical requirements for HPHS implementation in former lignite mines, their analysis does not extensively address the social dynamics that may play a crucial role in determining the success of such projects [11]. This oversight is critical, as social acceptance is often a determining factor for the feasibility of large-scale energy projects [18]. Makris et al. highlight the importance of supportive policies in transitioning lignite areas but do not explore how these policies are perceived by local populations [18]. This gap underscores the need for research integrating social science methodologies to assess community attitudes and identify the factors influencing public acceptance of HPHS facilities. Understanding these perceptions is essential for designing inclusive and effective transition strategies.

Another significant gap is the absence of comparative analyses evaluating different post-mining land uses, particularly in relation to HPHS. While some studies have explored sustainable rehabilitation strategies for lignite mining areas [14,15], they did not directly compare these strategies to HPHS as a viable alternative. Pavloudakis et al. [19] highlight the potentials for alternative applications of lignite mines, such as non-energy uses, but do not address the implications of HPHS. This lack of comparative analysis limits the understanding of how HPHS could be positioned as a socially acceptable and environmentally sustainable option in the broader context of lignite mining rehabilitation.

Accordingly, the current study focuses on both assessing citizens’ perceptions of the effects of the energy transition in their region and evaluating the feasibility of implementing HPHS in view of public acceptance. Numerous studies conducted across various regions indicate that the public generally supports the energy transition and the adoption of new energy technologies [20,21,22,23,24]. However, support for specific energy policy priorities and technological solutions varies significantly, influenced by factors such as individual perceptions among EU citizens, demographic variables [25], technological efficacy [26,27,28] and regional differences [24,25].

Although HPHS is a well-recognized solution with existing applications, there remains a notable lack of analyses assessing public perception and acceptance of this technology. This gap highlights the need for further research to understand societal attitudes toward HPHS, which are critical for its successful implementation. Public acceptance is a key factor in the deployment of new energy technologies, influenced by elements such as perceived benefits and risks, trust in stakeholders, and the transparency of decision-making processes. A comprehensive understanding of these factors is essential for policymakers and developers to address public concerns and foster the adoption of innovative energy solutions. This study seeks to fill a significant gap in the existing literature by investigating public perception and acceptance of energy transitions, with a particular focus on HPHS technology.

Social acceptance of energy technologies is influenced by various factors, including perceived benefits, risks, and their alignment with societal values. Research demonstrates that public conceptualizations of energy production and storage as a fundamental necessity can enhance acceptance of energy transitions, underscoring the need for effective communication strategies to highlight the advantages of technologies like HPHS [29]. However, there remains a notable lack of empirical research examining how specific informational initiatives and community engagement activities shape attitudes toward HPHS systems. While Buchmann et al. [30] emphasize the importance of public engagement in shaping subjective valuations of energy technologies, limited attention has been given to tailoring these processes to the unique characteristics and challenges associated with HPHS.

Local experiences and community involvement are particularly crucial in the context of HPHS technology, as its potential impacts on ecosystems can significantly influence public attitudes [31]. While existing research has provided valuable insights, there remains room for a deeper exploration of how local dynamics intersect with broader public perceptions of energy transition and specific projects. This perspective is particularly significant as HPHS projects can influence local well-being in diverse ways—positively through job creation and economic revitalization, and potentially negatively through perceived environmental disruption. A more comprehensive understanding of these factors would contribute to fostering public acceptance and ensuring equitable outcomes during the energy transition process [32].

Another underexplored dimension of public acceptance is its financial aspect. Research shows that the public often expects energy companies and governments to shoulder the financial burden of energy transitions, with perceptions of fairness and justice in cost distribution playing a decisive role in shaping acceptance [29,33]. Despite this, the specific financial implications of HPHS implementation—such as how these costs are communicated to the public and perceived by various stakeholder groups—remain inadequately addressed in the literature.

By integrating insights from prior studies and focusing on the socio-economic and local dimensions of HPHS acceptance, this research aims to bridge these gaps. Specifically, it explores how public attitudes are shaped by informational initiatives, community engagement, and financial considerations, offering a holistic perspective on the social dynamics underpinning the acceptance of HPHS technology. In doing so, this study contributes to a broader understanding of the complex interplay between technical, environmental, and social factors necessary to advance sustainable energy solutions effectively.

The present research was conducted as part of a broader feasibility study that explored various aspects of transforming open-pit lignite mines into HPHS facilities, taking into account the energy efficiency of this solution. The territorial range of the study are encompasses two open-pit lignite mining regions: the Kardia Lignite Mine in Western Macedonia, Greece, and the Bełchatów Lignite Mine in the Łódź Basin (Łódzkie Region), Poland, which are currently in transition in accordance with the EU Green Deal.

The analysis included assessing the percieved impact of implementing HPHS systems on local economies, labor markets, and broader societal well-being. As a basis, specific statistical data and standardized economic indicators were used, being necessary to assess the efficiency and effectiveness of HPHS technologies under different conditions and at different stages of development [34] and thus allow meaningful comparisons between different communities or regions. A study was carried out on a group of local and regional stakeholders most closely associated with the mining sector to better understand the public’s view of the impacts of the regional energy transition and the potential for HPHS technology implementation.

2. Conceptual Framework

2.1. Varied and Heterogeneous Issues of Perception and Acceptance

The public acceptance of renewable energy technologies (RET) is a complex, multifaceted issue that significantly influences the development and deployment of renewable energy projects. While there is widespread agreement on the necessity of renewable energy to mitigate climate change, local opposition often emerges, particularly concerning specific projects such as wind farms and photovoltaic installations. This opposition stems from diverse factors, including perceived impacts on local communities, environmental concerns, and socio-political dynamics. Socio-economic variables, such as age, education, and income, alongside psychological factors like trust in developers and perceived fairness in planning processes, are pivotal in shaping local acceptance [35,36]. The concept of “acceptance” itself is inherently abstract, with various theoretical definitions and frameworks proposed in the literature [20,22,37]. An often-cited concept by Schweizer-Ries [37] defines the term “acceptance” in the context of Renewable Energy Sources (RES) by an attitudinal and an action-level, differentiating between four levels of (non-)acceptance: passive acceptance (“approval”), and active acceptance (“support”), passive non-acceptance (“rejection”), and active non-acceptance (“resistance”) [37]. Although these four levels of acceptance are a simplification as public acceptance unfolds in a dynamic process with many different positions and actions, manifesting in many different forms, such as tolerance, apathy, indifference, uncertainty, etc. [20], this approach enables the operationalization of the abstract term “acceptance” and the assessment and comparison of acceptance levels between regions.

Public support for emerging technologies is crucial, as active acceptance facilitates political backing and incentivizes further investment by industry and governments [38,39]. Conversely, rejection or resistance can delay or cancel energy infrastructure projects [10]. The interplay between socio-political acceptance (general public attitudes toward renewable energy technologies) and community acceptance (attitudes toward specific projects in local neighborhoods) is a critical dimension, often highlighted in the literature [10,22,40,41,42]. While socio-political acceptance tends to be positive, community acceptance is more variable, influenced by proximity and specific project characteristics. Historically, the gap between these two dimensions was often explained through the NIMBY (“not in my backyard”) phenomenon [40]. However, contemporary research challenges this view, by indicating that local changes can just as likely provoke positive responses “when there is a good ‘fit’ between the symbolic meanings associated with both the place and the project” [43,44], as the local context and the community’s everyday life may offer symbolic, emotional, and conceptual points of reference [45,46]. For instance, Chomać-Pierzecka [47] has shown that offshore wind energy projects in Poland, particularly those leveraging the wind potential of the Baltic Sea, not only enjoy significant public support (68% in surveyed regions) but also align with economic incentives such as job creation and regional development.

These dynamics underscore the importance of understanding the local context and integrating community values into project planning [48], highlighting that social acceptance is a critical barrier to the implementation of renewable energy systems across Europe, and noting that local opposition can significantly hinder project development despite general public support for renewable initiatives. Moreover, studies have shown that public attitudes towards renewable energy projects are often shaped by economic considerations, where cost factors can either facilitate or hinder acceptance [49,50].

Furthermore, the literature highlights that social acceptance of renewable energy sources (RES) is not merely a reflection of general attitudes but is deeply rooted in local contexts and the specific characteristics of proposed projects. Local attitudes can be deeply rooted in environmental impacts, aesthetic changes to the landscape, and potential disruptions to community life cultural factors [48,51,52]. For instance, studies have shown that local communities may perceive renewable energy projects as threats to their quality of life, leading to significant opposition despite the overarching positive attitudes toward renewable energy [48,51,53]. This local resistance can significantly hinder the deployment of RES, as seen in various case studies across Europe and North America, where projects faced delays or cancellations due to public opposition [48,54,55]. Conversely, research by [56] illustrates how renewable energy communities—where citizens actively participate in energy resource management—can enhance acceptance by fostering a sense of ownership and shared benefits. This participatory model aligns with findings that local governance and engagement are critical in addressing public concerns. Transparent communication and inclusive decision-making processes can mitigate opposition by empowering communities and integrating their input into project planning [57,58]. Furthermore, financial incentives and policies promoting community benefits are effective in aligning local interests with broader environmental objectives [59,60,61].

To anchor these discussions, it is essential to contextualize public acceptance against broader national expectations for renewable energy development. This approach situates local concerns within the wider societal push for sustainable energy transition, offering a more comprehensive understanding of the challenges and strategies required to navigate them. By integrating these dimensions, future research can provide actionable insights to reconcile the general support for renewable energy technologies with the nuanced realities of local acceptance.

2.2. Aspects of Energy Transition in the Regions and Factors Influencing Its Acceptance

The increasing political consensus around achieving net-zero global CO₂ emissions is a critical driver for addressing the multifaceted challenges of the energy transition. This consensus is reflected in the ambitious targets set by various nations, including the European Union’s goal of net-zero emissions by 2050 and China’s commitment to carbon neutrality by 2060. These targets align with the Paris Agreement’s objectives, which aim to limit global temperature rise to well below 2 °C, with a preference for 1.5 °C [62,63]. The collective efforts of over 130 countries, which together account for a significant portion of global emissions, underscore the urgency and necessity of these commitments [62]. However, the enormous changes required to reach this ambitious target by 2050 are poorly understood [4,25,64]. The energy transition entails a systemic shift in the global energy landscape, moving from fossil fuel-based power generation to renewable energy sources. This development exposes many countries and regions to severe economic, social, and environmental impacts. Without proper management, the clean energy transition could result in prolonged economic downturns for areas still reliant on fossil fuel extraction. Furthermore, given the limited capacity of certain countries and regions to implement the necessary socio-economic transformations, the energy transition is expected to be accompanied by significant challenges, including substantial delays, adverse consequences, and socio-economic disruptions [1].

The concept of a ‘just transition’ encompasses a political imperative, a policy goal, and a set of practices meant to minimize the harmful impacts of industrial and economic transitions on workers, communities, and society at large. Although the term ‘just transition’ was first championed in the 1970s by the North American labor movement to describe a range of measures to secure workers’ rights and livelihoods in the wake of government-led environmental legislation and regulations that could have labor impacts [65], the ‘just transition’ logic became globally prominent in the context of international climate negotiations and through the advocacy of global union organizations [66,67].

Swarnakar and Singh [68] conducted a systematic literature review of articles combining energy transition and local governance, which ultimately concluded that: (i) there exists a wide gap of knowledge concerning just transition processes and their outcomes at the local level, (ii) agencies undertaking the role of developing and/or implementing just energy transition policies at a regional or local level should engage more key local stakeholders, other than trade chambers and labor unions, and (iii) there is a need to evolve and strengthen the necessary institutions to decentralize transition through a local government system. Regardless of the characteristics of each country or region, the conceptualization of energy transition, to the extent needed to provide sustainable development in terms of decent work, regional development, and social equity, is a prerequisite for local, regional, and national action planning [69]. Hence, it is important to conduct analyses in the context of the specific conditions of a particular region. In this aspect, we fully agree with Demski et al. [4] that there is a need to go beyond examining public attitudes towards specific RES technology and also look at the perception and attitudes to the whole energy system change, as this enables the establishment of a more complex picture. The study of awareness and acceptance of the changes taking place, as well as the perception of the associated opportunities and threats to the main stakeholders, is an important determinant of ensuring just transition and minimizing negative social impact [70].

The concept of a just transition encompasses diverse interpretations, broadly categorized into “jobs-focused”, “environment-focused” and “society-focused” perspectives [71,72,73,74,75,76]. Each of these perspectives not only focuses on different aspects but also carries distinct implications for the allocation of governmental policy support and investments. The “jobs-focused” interpretation advocates primarily for workers and communities impacted by environmental and climate policies, emphasizing the protection of workers and communities adversely affected by environmental and climate policies. Rooted in the original principles set forth by labor leaders who introduced the term “just transition”, this approach is often championed by social-democratic unions in regions heavily dependent on carbon-intensive industries and resource extraction [73]. This perspective aligns closely with the concept of “differentiated responsibility” and indicates that states and capital entities bear an obligation to support workers impacted by environmental regulations [72]. In contrast, the “environment-focused” approach prioritizes the transition to a zero-carbon economy, with a socio-technical lens of environmental sustainability that scrutinizes the production and consumption patterns within various sectors [71]. The “society-focused” interpretations adopt the broadest approach to just transition, advocating for systemic transformation that benefits workers, communities, and society as a whole. This perspective encompasses a wide array of interests, aiming to uplift and support a broader spectrum of stakeholders through comprehensive and inclusive solutions [75].

In terms of the “jobs-focused” approach, especially relevant are the challenges faced by local coal workers who are at risk of job loss or forced migration due to mine closures, which in turn significantly reduces the social capital of the region. Therefore, an urgent priority at the grassroots level is the prevention of job losses among these workers by preparing them for the renewable energy transition. Many countries have implemented welfare plans and interventions aimed at securing income for affected coal workers to mitigate the impacts of job displacement [76]. A key factor in facilitating a successful transition is the strengthening of local governance systems through substantial budgetary support, which helps to minimize conflicts with business firms and enhances stakeholder participation in multilevel governance mechanisms [68,77]. In countries where local governance bodies have limited capacity to generate tax revenue, the role of separate state finance commissions becomes crucial. These commissions are tasked with overseeing fund allocation and auditing local body accounts, playing a pivotal role in supporting the energy transition [78]. Funding by the national and state finance commissions/committees should be wisely handled to strengthen local bodies’ declining tax revenue and income due to mine closures [68]. Addressing potential declines in social capital and building alternative social support systems is a serious concern for policymakers, linking this aspect with the “society-focused” approach, which is closely linked to equity and justice by addressing inequalities at national and sub-national levels and promoting community well-being [79].

An important component of the “society-focused” aspects taken into consideration within transition challenges are measures connected with general well-being. Objective measurements of quality of life refer to the analysis of living conditions or the standard of living, encompassing the overall, primarily infrastructural, conditions in which people live. This aspect of studying quality of life is associated with societal welfare. For many years, its common determinants were primarily the economic aspects of life, with the gross national income being the main and widely used indicator of quality and socio-economic development. However, relying solely on this indicator overlooked a wide range of factors that more accurately reflect the level of societal development and the quality of life of its citizens. As a result, already in the 1970s, other indicators have been used, reflecting the social dimension of the phenomenon and creating a more comprehensive way of measuring a society’s quality of life [80]. It is important to evaluate both objective criteria and subjective feelings to gain a complete understanding. Key subjective indicators include, among others, a sense of happiness, security, satisfaction with work, availability of leisure time and quality of family relationships [81]. Therefore, aspects of both standard of living and life quality have been included in the survey, covering such value clusters as: (i) level of wealth, material goods, (ii) education, (iii) leisure time and social relations and (iv) feeling of security, which is especially connected with additional measures—crucial in social acceptance of energy transition and RET implementation, which is security of energy supply. The aspects of security emphasize the need for an energy system that ensures reliable access to energy services for all members of society. This value cluster is rooted in concerns about the safety of various energy technologies, the risks posed by energy transitions to different population groups, and the recognition that society depends on accessible and dependable energy services for proper functioning [4]. It also highlights the importance of minimizing the impact of shocks, such as resource scarcity, service interruptions, and cost fluctuations, as disruptions can have severe personal (e.g., inability to heat homes) and national (e.g., economic downturns) consequences [82].

Core to the “environment-focused” value cluster are the beliefs that energy systems should minimize pollution and impacts on societal health and well-being. The values in this cluster stem from concerns about environmental harm, influencing preferences for or against various energy technologies and processes. These concerns include both general environmental damages, such as contributions to climate change and pollution, threats to biodiversity, as well as specific issues like contamination risks. This perspective underlies the contrast between negative views of fossil fuels and positive views of renewable energy technologies. Renewable energy is more often perceived as clean with minimal waste by-products, while fossil fuels are seen as ‘dirty’ and harmful to the environment [4]. Therefore, the most relevant “environment-focused” aspects of energy transition and HPHS installation are impacts connected with (i) natural environment/biodiversity, (ii) landscape and (iii) air quality.

2.3. Factors Influencing the Acceptance of HPHS

HPHS in closed open-pit lignite mines is still a relatively unknown technology to the general public. Nevertheless, previous research on the acceptance of various renewable energy technologies has shown that factors such as perceived risks and benefits, trust, perceived fairness and personal norms influence attitudes and behavior toward these technologies [10,27,44,83]. Below, we briefly review the factors highlighted in the current study.

As mentioned in Section 2.1, there are various definitions and understandings of the term “acceptance”. In this study, acceptance is defined as an attitude towards the energy transition in general and specifically towards HPHS technology. HPHS acceptance, similarly to other RET, can be assessed both at a general and local level. General acceptance is usually evaluated as the overall attitude towards an energy technology and is sometimes referred to as socio-political acceptance, encompassing the acceptance of technologies and policies by society, key stakeholders, and decision-makers [20], whereas local acceptance is more focused on local stakeholders and concrete projects to be realized in the neighborhood. In this study, both local and regional acceptance have been assessed to improve understanding of HPHS stakeholders’ interests and motivation.

Previous research related to other energy projects has shown that general acceptance does not necessarily equate to local acceptance of a particular technology [10,22,40,41,42,44] and its implementation at a specific location, as resistance to the technology can occur despite its general acceptance. Local acceptance is often much more dependent on case- and project-specific variables rather than the overall attitude towards the energy technology [84]. Therefore, the relationship between general and local acceptance was also included in our research. We considered both general acceptance and then examined the level of active acceptance (support) for the installation’s location near the respondents’ homes. Previous studies have shown that perceived risks and benefits play an important role in the social acceptance of RET [26,27]. Some studies analyze risks and benefits at a rather general level, for example, by asking respondents how useful, positive, or safe they perceive these technologies to be [85]. However, risks and benefits assessed in this way are indirectly related to both the general and local acceptance of energy technologies [85,86]. Therefore, this study also considered the specific economic costs and benefits perceived by local residents, starting from the context of labor market changes—by asking respondents how they perceive their employment opportunities in emerging technologies.

In contrast to renewable energy technologies (RET) such as wind or photovoltaic energy, HPHS in closed open-pit mines remains relatively unfamiliar to the general public. It is therefore essential to acknowledge the potential and risks associated with limited knowledge of this technology. This limited understanding, rooted in a general openness to renewable energy sources (RES), can evolve into either approval or rejection based on various factors, including project-specific characteristics, the availability of information, the level of community engagement, and the dynamics of communication [87,88,89]. Similarly to other renewable technologies, there may also be concerns about whether the HPHS technology is being developed and implemented for the common good or solely for the business interests of a company and its investors [44,90]. In addition, previous studies indicate that in the case of little-known technologies, their social acceptance is strongly influenced by trust in its stakeholders, as lay judgments of technology may be based on the assessments of those responsible for the technology and considered as technical experts [10,91]. For example, studies conducted in the United Kingdom and the Netherlands reveal similar conclusions, pointing to a lack of trust in industry and public institutions as a significant barrier to acceptance [85,92,93]. Therefore, it is important to understand the level of trust in the responsible entity, as well as to analyze and assess its potential (and the potential of the entire region) for the effective, safe, and socially beneficial development of the technology, which was taken into account in our study.

3. Materials and Methods

The research methodology for this study was structured in a systematic and multi-phase approach, as illustrated in Figure 1. The process integrates desk and empirical research to comprehensively examine the social acceptance of RET, with a specific focus on the HPHS technology within the context of energy transition.

The initial phase of the methodology involved an in-depth literature review to establish a theoretical foundation for the study. The starting point was examining the concepts of perception and social acceptance, specifically within the context of RES. Secondly, analysis of the relevance of HPHS and other RET acceptance in energy transition has been undertaken in parallel to a regional analysis—based on regional reports to ensure considering the specific characteristics of the two study regions. The results of the literature review relevant to the present study are summarized in Section 2 (Conceptual framework).

Building on the insights from desk research, the empirical research phase was designed to assess the impact of a hypothetical HPHS implementation on local economies, labor markets, and overall social well-being in the two open-pit mining areas in regions in transition: the Kardia Lignite Mine in Western Macedonia, Greece, and the Bełchatów Lignite Mine in the Łódzkie Region, Poland. The empirical phase was designed to empirically validate key findings and assess the real-world implications. The main steps involved: (i) designation of the quantitative stakeholder survey focused on public perception, awareness, and acceptance of the region’s energy transition and the potential role of the HPHS technology in supporting it, (ii) selection of a representative sample of local and regional stakeholders from both study regions, closely associated with the mining sector, (iii) conducting the survey, and (iv) analysis of the survey results to identify critical aspects of energy transition and HPHS acceptance and its implications for the regional energy transition dynamics. This article presents the findings of this survey, while the overall figure and broader socio-economic footprint of HPHS implementation are detailed in Kempka et al. [12,94] and Kruczek et al. [95], respectively.

3.1. Characteristics of the Two Study Areas

The Greek study site concerns the area around the former Kardia Lignite Mine, Kozani located in Western Macedonia, one of Greece’s 13 administrative regions, which is located in the northern part of the country and includes the regional units of Kozani, Florina, Grevena, and Kastoria. The region’s economy has historically relied on lignite mining and energy production, particularly in the Lignite Centre of Western Macedonia (LCWM), located within the regional units of Kozani and Florina. Western Macedonia’s economy has been historically dependent on lignite mining, which began in the 1920s and became fully industrialized in 1956 with the involvement of the Public Power Corporation of Greece (PPC). Over the decades, lignite-fired power plants reached a combined capacity of 4300 MW, providing approximately 5600 permanent mining jobs and 2500 jobs in power plants by the 1990s [19]. To date, 1.8 billion tons of lignite have been extracted, alongside the excavation of over 8.8 billion cubic meters of waste materials. Lignite production peaked between 2001 and 2005, and after 2010 it entered a period of decline. This shift has been accelerated by Greece’s commitment to phasing out lignite use as part of its energy transition and climate goals, leaving the region to face considerable socio-economic disruption. Despite its rich energy history, Western Macedonia faces significant socio-economic challenges. As of the 2021 census, the region’s population represents only 2.4% of Greece’s total. This makes it the third least populated region in Greece, with a notably low population density of 31.9 people per square kilometer. Furthermore, the region has been grappling with a persistent trend of negative natural population change, as the number of deaths consistently exceeds the number of births. In 2021, Kozani and Western Macedonia recorded natural population changes of −0.10 and −0.22 per 1000 people, respectively, contributing to a broader demographic decline observed across Greece (−5.5 per 1000 people nationally). These demographic challenges highlight the region’s need for economic diversification and revitalization to counteract the declining population trends and ensure sustainable development. One of the most challenging issues in Western Macedonia is unemployment, exacerbated by the ongoing phase-out of lignite mining starting in 2010. In 2021, the unemployment rate in Western Macedonia stood at 19.7%, significantly higher than the national average of 14.8% and among the highest in Greece, although declining from 2016 to 2024. The lignite phase-out has disproportionately affected the region since 2010, given the heavy reliance of its workforce on mining and related industries. Initiatives like the European Commission’s Just Transition Fund (JTF), which first launched in Western Macedonia, aim to support the region’s transition by financing projects that diversify the economy and improve employment prospects.

The Polish study site concerns the area around the Bełchatów Lignite Mine and power plant, located in the Łódzkie Region, in Central Poland. The Bełchatów open-pit is one of the deepest open-pit lignite mines in the world, with two fields separated by a salt seep: Bełchatów and Szczerców [16]. Bełchatów county, similarly to the whole Łódzkie Region, faces significant demographic challenges, including population decline and over-aging. Between 2010 and 2020, the population decreased by 3.8%, one of the highest rates of depopulation in Poland, driven by a natural population decrease and negative net migration. The region has the lowest proportion of pre-productive-age individuals and the highest share of post-working-age residents in Poland, with a demographic dependency ratio of 41.3 post-working-age persons per 100 working-age individuals in 2019. This trend threatens the sustainability of the regional labor market and economy. The regional economy is diverse but faces challenges in innovation and research. In 2018, research and development (R&D) expenditure per capita in the region was 485.2 Polish zloty (PLN), constituting 0.94% of gross domestic product (GDP), below the national average of PLN 659.9 (1.21% of GDP). While innovation capacity is improving, greater R&D investment is critical to foster a knowledge-based economy and enhance competitiveness. The labor market, with a professional activity rate of 78.9% in 2019, reflects structural shifts from agriculture to services. Employment remains concentrated in agriculture (17.4%) and industry (27.5%). Industry contributes 28.9% of the region’s gross value added, exceeding the national average of 25.8%. From 2010 to 2019, industrial output increased by 162.5%, slightly above the national growth rate. Key sectors include automotive, chemicals, metals, and paper, while traditional industries like textiles and leather have stagnated. The Bełchatów power plant, which produces 20% of Poland’s electricity, underscores the region’s reliance on coal. The transition away from coal towards RES is expected to be a complex and costly process, with significant socio-economic implications [16,57].

3.2. Empirical Research Methods

The survey questionnaire was structured into three sections. The first section comprised a preamble outlining the study’s purpose and scope, along with a glossary clarifying key terms and information about HPHS technology. The second, core section assessed respondents’ awareness and acceptance of HPHS technology. This section also included questions related to energy transition and its perceived impacts on the economic and social conditions in the study area, with particular emphasis on changes in quality of life and future expectations. Conditional logic (conditional questioning) was employed, where respondents were directed to additional sub-sections based on their answers to key questions. This ensured that participants only provided input on the perceived impact if they acknowledged a connection between the energy transition and various aspects of their lives, or if they demonstrated theoretical knowledge of HPHS. The layout of this part of the survey adopted a narrow scope—ten questions, including eight closed-ended, one multiple-choice, and one open-ended question, narrowing the research reference to the relevant aspects of the issues under study. The third section collected demographic and statistical information about the respondents, with the use of closed questions.

Surveys using the developed questionnaire were carried out among project stakeholders from the study areas—Western Macedonia and Łódzkie Region from mid-January to the end of April 2024. For the validity of the survey, the survey questionnaire was created in two versions—online (with links and QR codes to enable easy distribution), as well as MS Word^® and PDF versions to be distributed via e-mail, downloaded or even filled in as printed versions, depending on the stakeholder needs. The use of both online and paper-based questionnaires ensured broader accessibility to stakeholders, enabling the collection of a wide spectrum of opinions. This approach minimized digital exclusion, accommodated varying preferences, and enhanced the inclusivity and representativeness of the data. The choice of instrumentation was determined by the characteristics of the data and the basic research assumption.

Purposive sampling was used to include respondents who were both involved in the ongoing transition process and potentially most knowledgeable about the impact of the transition, and who may be dealing (now or in the future) with the HPHS technology. The questionnaire targeted a broad group of stakeholders in both mining regions in transition. In both regions (Western Macedonia and Łódzkie Region) the survey focused on residents—mostly residents of the immediate vicinity of the mines (Kardia Lignite Mine and Bełchatów–Szczerców Mine) as well as the neighboring municipalities, scientific staff of the regional project partners, academic staff, and students at the University of Western Macedonia. In this way, an effort was made to minimize the number of respondents who were completely indifferent and to increase the completion status—that is, the percentage of respondents completing the survey in its entirety as they began to fill it out. A total of 161 people took part in the survey, with 129 correctly completed questionnaires accepted for further processing. The complete surveys were subjected to statistical processing and analysis.

A statistical approach (calculation of the r-Pearson correlation coefficient and non-parametric tests), supported by the IBM SPSS Statistics software (v.25.0), has been used.

In the in-depth analyses directed at identification of the degree of dependence of the course of energy system transformation in the studied regions with HPHS technologies, four main variables were identified and examined:

• X₁. Respondents’ knowledge and awareness of the energy transition process in the region;
• X₂. The perceived direct impact of the energy transition process on the respondent’s life;
• X₃. Respondents’ awareness and knowledge of HPHS technology;
• Y₁. Acceptance of the construction of HPHS facilities on post-mining sites in the region.

As the first step, the non-parametric tests, Mann–Whitney U Test and Chi-Square Test, have been conducted. The ordinal variables (X₂—perceived impact and Y₁—HPHS acceptance) have been determined using Mann–Whitney U Test (Wilcoxon Rank-Sum Test), according to the formula:

$$U=n_1{n}_2+{\displaystyle \frac{n_1\ast (n_1+1)}{2}}-R_1$$

(1)

where:

• $n_1$, $n_2$: sample sizes of the two groups;
• $R_1$: sum of ranks for group 1.

Whereas X₁ (energy transition awareness) and X₃ (HPHS knowledge) variables have been determined with the Chi-Square Test, according to the formula:

$${\chi }^2=\sum {\displaystyle \frac{{\left(O_{ij}-E_{ij}\right)}^2}{E_{ij}}}$$

(2)

where:

• O_ij: observed frequency in cell i, j of the contingency table;
• E_ij: expected frequency under the null hypothesis.

In order to test the relationship between the variables, the calculation of the r-Pearson correlation coefficient and the regression model were used, according to the formula:

$$r={\displaystyle \frac{\sum {(x}_i-\overline{x}){(y}_i-\overline{y})}{\sqrt{\sum {{(x}_i-\overline{x})}^2\sum {{(y}_i-\overline{y})}^2}}}$$

(3)

where:

• $x_i$: individual data points of the variable X;
• $y_i$: individual data points of the variable Y;
• $\overline{x}$: mean of X;
• $\overline{y}$: mean of Y;
• ${(x}_i-\overline{x})$: deviation of each X value from its mean;
• ${(y}_i-\overline{y}):$ deviation of each Y value from its mean;
• $\sum {{(x}_i-\overline{x})}^2$: sum of the squared deviations for X (variance of X);
• $\sum {{(y}_i-\overline{y})}^2$: sum of the squared deviations for Y (variance of Y).

4. Results

The collected responses were largely completed online. In both regions, more than 300 stakeholders have been contacted by regional partners. The response rate was 53.66%, with 161 respondents (total from both regions) starting/entering the survey. After preliminary verification of the completeness of the collected questionnaires, 67 fully completed questionnaires were received for Western Macedonia and 62 for the Łódzkie Region. The completion rate for both regions was over 80% (80.12%).

4.1. Respondents’ Socio-Demographic Profile

Among the respondents, 48.84% are male and 45.74% female, whereas 5.43% of responders decided not to answer the question. In both regions, most respondents have a high education level—in Western Macedonia, 91.04% have a higher (mostly university) degree and 7.47% completed high school, whereas in the Lódzkie Region, the education levels are 86.67% and 10%, respectively. Respondents in Łódzkie Region are statistically older, as people under the age of 44 accounted for 46.66% of respondents, compared to 58.21% in Western Macedonia. The significant majority of respondents in both regions (89.55% in Western Macedonia and 90% in Łódzkie Region) are working people, while students accounted for less than 5% of respondents (see

Table 1. Characteristics of the research sample.

Łódzkie Region (%)	Western Macedonia (%)	Respondents Characteristic/Variables
		Gender
48.39	43.28	Female
45.16	52.24	Male
0.00	0.00	Non-binary
6.45	4.48	I do not want to answer this question
		Age
13.33	8.96	18–29 years old
33.33	49.25	30–44 years old
46.67	34.33	45–59 years old
6.67	7.46	60 years old and over
		Education level
3.33	0.00	Elementary and junior high school
0.00	1.49	Basic vocational/professional (School of Industry of the first degree, basic vocational school)
3.33	0.00	Secondary vocational/professional/technical (Technical school, secondary vocational school)
6.67	2.99	Secondary general education
0.00	4.48	Post-secondary (non-tertiary)
86.67	91.04	Higher
		Professional status
3.33	4.48	Student
90.00	89.55	Employed
6.67	4.48	Pensioner
0.00	0.00	Unemployed
0.00	1.49	Other

).

4.2. Awareness and Knowledge About Energy Transition

The first aspect of the survey was the knowledge about the energy transition in both regions. The results show that almost 90% of respondents have knowledge about the Just Transition process in Western Macedonia and more than 80% of respondents are aware of the Just Transition process in Łódzkie Region. The in-depth statistical analyses, with the use of non-parametric Chi-Square test, have confirmed that there are no significant differences in awareness levels between both regions (χ² = 0.305, p = 0.581).

For the next queries, conditional questions were used to ensure that the respondents only answered those appropriate to their situation. In the case of the Western Macedonia region, 83% of respondents feel that the Just Transition will have a direct impact on their lives, whereas in the Łódzkie Region, this belief is stronger, as 88% of respondents feel that way (Figure 2). At the same time, the results of Mann–Whitney U Test showed that there is no statistically significant difference in the perceived impact (U = 1717.0, p = 0.073).

In-depth analyses also revealed diverse opinions regarding individual aspects concerning changes in the labor market, quality of life and natural environment in both regions.

In Western Macedonia, respondents are most critical about the impact of the energy transition on security of energy supply—62% of respondents evaluated it negatively (total of “strongly negative impact” and “rather negative impact”), with only 28% having an opinion about its positive impact (total of “strongly positive impact” and “rather positive impact”). Even fewer responders (24%) have a positive view of the impact of the energy transition on “Standard of living and quality of life—feeling of security”, but at the same time, the percentage of people indicating a lack of impact significantly dominates in this case (44% of respondents). A more negative impact of the energy transition is also perceived in the case of “Labor market—salary levels”. At the same time, it can be observed that a substantial percentage (30%) of respondents have no opinion in this regard, while for the second aspect of labor market—the changes in employment (and number of new jobs)—opinions are more diverse and firm (only 4% believe in “no impact” in this case), which may be due to the fact that the transformation process is already underway, and above all to the fact that the closure of the mine was a result of careful planning. Further, respondents have had the opportunity to observe the changes taking place in the region over the past 2 years, even if they did not affect them directly. Meanwhile, the respondents are practically unequivocally positive (less than 4% negative responses) about the impact on the quality of the environment—concerning all three aspects: natural environment/biodiversity, landscape and air quality (Figure 3).

Also, in the Łódzkie Region, respondents are most critical about the impact of the energy transition on security of energy supply—81.82% of respondents evaluated it negatively (total of “strongly negative impact” and “rather negative impact”), with only 15.91% having an opinion about its positive impact (total of “strongly positive impact” and “rather positive impact”). These results exhibit a tendency similar to Western Macedonia regarding perceptions of the energy transition’s impact on the security of energy supply, although the intensity of negative evaluations is notably higher in Łódzkie region. Respondents have been also very critical about the impact of the energy transition on both aspects of labor market—77.28% of respondents evaluated it negatively (total of “strongly negative impact” and “rather negative impact”), with slightly more votes on “strongly negative impact” on the aspect of employment. Similarly, respondents negatively perceive the impact on “Standard of living—level of wealth, material goods”, although here a greater number of positive voices can be observed compared to undecided ones. Only slightly less negatively (72.72% = sum of “strongly negative impact” and “rather negative impact”) respondents perceive the impact on “Standard of living and quality of life—feeling of security”. However, in this case, a lower degree of conviction can be observed, with opinions being more evenly split between “rather” and “strongly”, compared to the strong convictions dominating in the previously described aspects. The other surveyed aspects in the “Standard of living and quality of life” category have more diverse responses, but also with predictions of negative impacts prevailing. On the contrary, the respondents are generally positive (almost 60% of total of “strong positive impact” and “rather positive impact”) about the impact on the quality of the environment—concerning all three aspects: natural environment/biodiversity, landscape and air quality, although the level of conviction also in this area is significantly lower than in Western Macedonia (Figure 4).

To gain a deeper understanding of perceived changes in social and economic aspects resulting from the energy transition, respondents were asked to share their experiences and observations regarding the impacts and changes occurring both locally—in their place of residence—and at the regional level. It has been observed that among the respondents in both regions, the prevailing opinion is that the negative impact of the energy transition on all studied social problems will outweigh the positive, although the significance of this difference varies greatly. At the same time, for the remaining social problems, most respondents (from 78.33% in case of level of crime to 46.67% in case of poverty) do not see any impacts (Figure 5).

In case of the Łódzkie Region, most respondents are convinced that the long-term effects of the energy transition will exacerbate almost all existing social problems that have been analyzed (Figure 6).

In case of economic issues, a greater variety of responses was observed in both regions. In Western Macedonia, over 53% of respondents indicated that a Just Transition process would positively impact the increase in the development and number of jobs in new professions, especially in industries related to RES (Figure 7). At the same time, greater uncertainty can be observed regarding the predicted changes in salary levels (56.67% of “no impact” and 33.33% of negative impact), and an even more critical approach concerning the impact of the energy transition on the economic situation of local government units (municipalities and counties)—with 40% votes on negative impact, as well as generally at the GDP level (50% votes on negative impact). Respondents from Western Macedonia assessed the impact of the ongoing energy transition on energy prices mostly unfavorably, with 68.34% perceiving it as having a negative impact, only 16.67% indicating a belief in a moderate improvement, and no respondents expressing confidence in a definite improvement. This is partly due to their practical experiences with increasing short-term energy costs and constitutes a significant contribution to the discussion on the conditions necessary for the effective and socially acceptable implementation of Just Transition Mechanisms. On the other hand, it also points to the opportunities and potential for using sustainable energy generation and storage technologies, including HPHS.

In the Łódzkie Region, even more negative opinions predominate in most cases (Figure 8). The respondents rate the impact of the ongoing energy transition on salary levels the worst (92% votes on negative impact, with only 4% votes on “rather will improve” and no votes for definite improvement). Even in the most “optimistic” area concerning the possibility of new job generation, comparing the results with those for Western Macedonia, we can observe much more specific opinions in the Łódzkie Region and, above all, a significantly greater dominance of negative attitudes. Although 32% of respondents in the Łódzkie Region indicate that a Just Transition process would positively impact the increase in the development and number of jobs in new professions, especially in industries related to RES, still 56% perceive more threats than opportunities in this regard.

To deepen this topic, in the next question, respondents were asked whether they see their own employment opportunity in the chosen, specific sectors/industries connected with the Just Transition process (Figure 9).

A significant majority of Western Macedonian respondents foresee their employment opportunities in works related to the reclamation of mining sites and preparing these for other purposes (e.g., manufacturing, trade, logistics). Second in line is the photovoltaic industry. In comparison, a majority of respondents from the Łódzkie Region do not foresee their employment opportunities in any of the mentioned sectors, which indicates the urgent need to increase both information and education activities and re-skilling, and above all, multi-directional support for stakeholders in the development of the enterprise related to the RES sector.

4.3. Awareness and Acceptance of the HPHS Technology

The second assessed aspect was the knowledge about the HPHS technology. In the Łódzkie Region, 48.39% of respondents have confirmed having knowledge on HPHS, which is relatively lower compared to Western Macedonia, where more than 76% of respondents have heard about it. Despite this noticeable difference, the in-depth statistical analyses, with the use of non-parametric Chi-Square test, have shown that the differences in awareness levels between both regions are not statistically significant (χ² = 1.088, p = 0.297).

The in-depth analysis with the use of Mann–Whitney U Test revealed significant regional differences in the acceptance of HPHS facilities, with Western Macedonia respondents showing notably higher levels of support (U = 2663.0, p = 0.004). When in Western Macedonia 73.13% approve the use of decommissioned open-pit lignite mines to implement green technologies, especially HPHS, this level of acceptance reaches 67.74% of respondents in the Łódzkie Region. Respondents voicing their general approval have been also asked about their support of the construction of such an installation near their place of residence to ensure that this approval is not just of theoretical character. In Western Macedonia, 73.44% of the respondents support the construction of such an installation near their place of residence, although 12.5% do so only under prerequisites, mainly due to concerns about excessive noise and the necessity of providing security measures in this regard, the need of detailed environmental impact assessments, and providing the safety of the construction for land, water and people’s health. In addition, 4.69% of Western Macedonian respondents do not support the construction of such an installation near their place of residence and 21.88% are not sure about it. In Łódzkie Region, this support is lower, as 63.64% of the respondents positively respond to the construction of such an installation near their place of residence, although 4.55% do so only under prerequisites, concerning mainly the need of providing the safety of the construction for land, water and people’s health (Figure 10).

The results indicate that, in general, among the respondents in both regions, there is both theoretical knowledge that solutions such as HPHS exist and theoretical approval of using decommissioned open-pit lignite mines to implement green energy technologies, especially HPHS.

4.4. Correlations Between Awareness and Impact of Energy Transition and Awareness and Acceptance of HPHS Technology Implementation

In the in-depth analyses directed at the identification of degree of dependence of the course of energy system transformation in the studied regions with HPHS technologies, the calculation of the r-Pearson correlation coefficient and the regression model were used to assess the relationships between the four main variables X₁, X₂, X₃ and Y₁.

An initial analysis was carried out on all the above-mentioned variables, using descriptive statistics (

Table 2. Descriptive statistics results for Western Macedonia.

	M	Me	SD	Sk.	Kurt.	Min	Max
X1	1.89	2.0	0.31	−2.59	4.69	1.00	2.00
X2	3.86	4.0	1.11	−0.99	0.26	1.00	5.00
X3	1.76	2.0	0.43	−1.23	−0.50	1.00	2.00
Y1	4.21	5.0	0.99	−0.99	0.16	1.00	5.00

M—mean; Me—median; SD—standard deviation; Sk.—Skewness; Kurt.—kurtosis; Min—minimum score; Max—maximum score.

and

Table 3. Descriptive statistics results for Łódzkie region.

	M	Me	SD	Sk.	Kurt.	Min	Max
X1	1.81	2.0	0.39	−1.55	0.41	1.00	2.00
X2	4.16	5.0	1.06	−0.85	−0.75	1.00	5.00
X3	1.48	2.0	0.50	0.06	−1.99	1.00	2.00
Y1	3.68	4.0	1.13	−0.86	0.08	1.00	5.00

M—mean; Me—median; SD—standard deviation; Sk.—Skewness; Kurt.—kurtosis; Min—minimum score; Max—maximum score.

).

The descriptive statistics show that in both regions, none of the variables follow a normal distribution (confirmed by the Shapiro–Wilk test), which is typical for categorical or ordinal data. For most examined variables, the left skewness can be noted, indicating more positive responses, which was already described in Section 4.2 and Section 4.3.

The results of the correlation analysis in both regions reveal several statistically significant relationships among the examined variables generally indicating stronger correlations in Łódzkie Region than those observed in Western Macedonia (

Table 4. Correlation analysis results—Western Macedonia.

	X1	X2	X3	Y1
X1. Energy transition awareness	1
X2. Perceived direct impact of the energy transition process on repondent’s life	0.2676 *	1
X3. HPHS knowledge	0.3809 *	0.0903	1
Y1. HPHS support and acceptance	0.3200 *	0.1491	0.8292 **	1

* p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01.

and

Table 5. Correlation analysis results—Łódzkie Region.

	X1	X2	X3	Y1
X1. Energy transition awareness	1
X2. Perceived direct impact of the energy transition process on repondent’s life	0.5417 **	1
X3. HPHS knowledge	0.4743 **	0.4045 *	1
Y1. HPHS support and acceptance	0.4428 **	0.2640 *	0.5679 **	1

* p < 0.05; ** p < 0.01.

).

Very strong positive correlation (r = 0.8292, p < 0.01 in Western Macedonia and r = 0.5679, p < 0.01 in Łódzkie Region) between X₃ and Y₁ shows that individuals with greater knowledge of HPHS technology are significantly more likely to support and accept its implementation.

Also, significant positive correlation (r = 0.3809, p < 0.05 in Western Macedonia and r = 0.4743, p < 0.01 in Łódzkie Region) between X₁ and X₃ suggests that awareness of the energy transition process is linked to higher knowledge of HPHS technology. The positive correlation between knowledge of HPHS and awareness of just transition process is also evidenced by the regression line (Figure 11).

Also, the relationship between acceptance of HPHS (Y₁) and awareness of energy transition (X₁) in both regions is correlated positively. At the same time, Łódzkie Region demonstrates a stronger positive correlation, with the trend line indicating a lesser degree of dispersion. This suggests that while there is some positive association in Western Macedonia, the data points are more spread out compared to Łódzkie Region, indicating greater variability in the strength of the relationship (Figure 12).

A positive correlation between X₁ and X₂ indicates that individuals with greater awareness of the energy transition process are more likely to perceive its direct impact on their lives. It can be noted that this correlation is stronger in Łódzkie Region (r = 0.5417, p < 0.01) than in Western Macedonia (r = 0.2676, p < 0.05).

5. Discussion

First, the study confirms that respondents in both regions exhibit relatively high levels of awareness of energy transition, potentially due to prior exposure to energy transition concepts and being—at least indirectly—connected with the mining sector. At the same time, the findings underline the critical role of public awareness and knowledge in shaping perceptions and acceptance of energy transition initiatives.

On the other hand, results of this study highlight the contrasting perceptions of the energy transition’s impact across different dimensions in Western Macedonia and the Łódzkie Region. These findings reveal critical insights into how socio-economic and environmental factors influence public opinion, as well as how the stages of energy transition implementation shape the survey respondents’ attitudes. These regional differences also highlight the need for tailored communication strategies to address specific public concerns and enhance understanding.

In Western Macedonia, a high percentage of the respondents relates energy with energy security. This aligns with studies that emphasize the uncertainty surrounding energy supply reliability during transition phases, especially in regions heavily dependent on conventional energy sources like coal [96]. Similarly, concerns about the standard of living and quality of life, particularly the “feeling of security” in both regions surveyed in our study, mirror findings from other research suggesting that economic uncertainty and cultural dislocation associated with energy transition can exacerbate public anxiety [22,97]. However, the significant proportion of respondents indicating “no impact” (44%) in this area may reflect a growing awareness of the long-term stability and benefits energy transition could bring, consistent with findings by Jenkins et al. [98] and Meadowcroft and Rosenbloom [99].

Both regions exhibit strong negative perceptions of the energy transition’s impact on the labour market, particularly regarding salary levels and employment changes. This is particularly pronounced in the Łódzkie Region, where 77.28% of the respondents have a negative view of these impacts. The dominant concerns here align with global patterns, as noted in the literature on Just Transition, where economic dislocation from mine closures and shifts in employment patterns disproportionately affect communities reliant on fossil fuel industries [100]. In the Western Macedonia case, more respondents appeared undecided about salary levels (30%), possibly reflecting greater regional variability in the observed outcomes of the transition and stemming also in part from current positive experiences—since the mine has been closed for more than two years now, and some former employees have found work in other sectors. The nuanced views regarding employment changes (only 4% indicating “no impact”) suggest that respondents are acutely aware of ongoing developments and have likely observed tangible shifts as part of the transition process. Such findings corroborate studies indicating that perceptions of economic disruption are heightened in regions where transition policies are actively implemented [94,97,100,101].

The observed regional differences, particularly regarding the labour market and standard of living concerns, likely reflect variations in the energy transition progress and the degree of dependence on fossil fuel industries. The Łódzkie Region’s more negative views across these dimensions might stem from its heavier reliance on conventional energy sectors and the immediate socio-economic disruptions experienced during the ongoing transition. This is consistent with the concept of “transition readiness”, where regions at earlier stages of transition experience heightened resistance due to uncertainty and economic vulnerability [102]. Conversely, the Western Macedonia region’s comparatively diverse and less polarized responses on some aspects may indicate a greater degree of adaptation and acceptance as the transition progresses.

The results also reveal a critical divergence between respondents from Western Macedonia and the Łódzkie Region regarding their perceptions of future employment opportunities in sectors related to RES and post-mining land reclamation. While most respondents from Western Macedonia anticipate employment opportunities in reclamation projects and industries such as photovoltaics, the lack of similar optimism among respondents from the Łódzkie Region is concerning. This discrepancy underscores the urgent need for targeted information campaigns, educational initiatives, and reskilling programs to prepare stakeholders for the labour market transitions accompanying the energy transition. Similar challenges have been identified in other studies exploring public perceptions of economic opportunities in regions transitioning away from fossil fuel-based economies. For example, Wüstenhagen et al. [20] found that communities in regions of Germany transitioning away from coal mining expressed scepticism towards the promised economic benefits of renewable energy projects. Residents doubted whether job creation in new sectors such as wind or photovoltaic energy would sufficiently compensate for the loss of mining-related jobs, particularly due to skill mismatches. Walker et al. [103] observed in Scotland that public opposition to renewable energy projects was often rooted in the perception that economic benefits, such as employment and profits, were not retained locally. This reinforced scepticism about the broader socio-economic benefits of renewable energy transitions. Also, studies focused on another Polish region transitioning away from coal mining revealed a lack of public trust regarding economic opportunities tied to renewable energy technologies as well as ensuring energy supply security, especially in light of the recent energy crisis triggered by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine [101,104]. At the same time, Arora [105] and López-Morado et al. [106] highlight the importance of tailored education and training programs in fostering workforce adaptability and securing public support for renewable energy projects. Moreover, strategies such as multi-directional stakeholder engagement and targeted investments in skills development have been shown to enhance local economic resilience during industrial transitions and enhance community enterprises development, which may play pivotal roles in sustainable transitions. In summary, these study results emphasize the need for a comprehensive, multi-faceted approach to workforce development and stakeholder engagement in both regions concerning the general awareness of energy transition. By addressing information deficits, promoting reskilling initiatives, and supporting local enterprise development, policymakers can better align the goals of the energy transition with the socio-economic needs of affected communities [57,107].

The overwhelmingly positive assessment of the energy transition’s impact on environmental quality—spanning biodiversity, air quality, and landscape—provides a stark contrast to socio-economic concerns. In both regions, respondents recognize the tangible environmental benefits of reducing reliance on fossil fuels, which aligns with widespread evidence on the environmental benefits of decarbonization initiatives [108]. However, the lower levels of conviction in the Łódzkie Region compared to Western Macedonia suggest regional variations in either environmental awareness or the visibility of ecological improvements. This aligns with research highlighting how perceived environmental benefits often depend on proximity to degraded ecosystems and direct exposure to improvements [4,45,98].

In addition, the findings of this study are consistent with the broader literature emphasizing the critical importance of stakeholder engagement and public awareness in the successful RES implementation. While the results of our survey confirmed that, in general, among respondents in both regions there is both theoretical knowledge of the existence of solutions such as HPHS and theoretical approval of the use of decommissioned open-pit lignite mines for the deployment of green energy technologies, particularly HPHS, a persistent gap in public knowledge of the broader implications of such projects can be observed. This is particularly important in light of the fact that in both regions, support for HPHS facilities shows the strongest correlation with knowledge about HPHS technology, confirming the importance of targeted education campaigns to increase public acceptance. This also underscores the need for comprehensive and transparent communication strategies that cover not only the technical aspects of HPHS technologies but also their socio-economic implications and environmental benefits. Similar conclusions have been drawn in other studies focusing on different RET, which show that increased public understanding of RES projects often leads to higher levels of acceptance [42,43]. These results lead to the conclusion that preparations for implementing such installations still require multifaceted informational and knowledge-expanding actions among stakeholders. These actions should be focused not only on information regarding the technology itself but also on its environmental impacts and potential for generating additional employment, as well as ensuring energy security. Only effective engagement of stakeholders at all preparatory stages will enable avoiding protests and implementation difficulties associated with the NIMBY effect [40,41,43] at the further stages of HPHS implementation. The aforementioned so-called NIMBY effect is one of the recurring challenges in RES infrastructure development, leading local communities to oppose projects despite general support for renewable energy. Research by Wüstenhagen et al. [20] identifies three key dimensions necessary for overcoming this challenge: procedural fairness, distributional justice, and trust in the decision-making process. Without addressing these aspects, local resistance can escalate, delaying or even halting projects. The current study confirms the importance of these principles, particularly in the context of providing information about the environmental impacts of HPHS installations on land, water and people’s health, their potential to create local employment opportunities, and their contribution to energy security. These concerns are in line with the stakeholders’ perspective concerning other RES technologies and solutions cited in the literature, e.g., hydrogen technology in the mobility sector analysed by Zimmer and Welke [90], where the importance of hydrogen produced in an environmentally friendly way is one of the crucial factors of its acceptance. Another key aspect of building acceptance is that the population affected by energy storage technology must be able to derive short- and medium-term benefits from it, such as reduced electricity costs or direct investment in urban infrastructure.

Moreover, ensuring stakeholder involvement at all stages of project planning, from initial consultations to the decision-making process, has been consistently highlighted as a best practice in the literature [68,87,88]. Such engagement does not only help to mitigate conflicts but also fosters a sense of co-ownership and shared responsibility among community members. For instance, Walker et al. [103] demonstrate that participatory approaches in RES projects are associated with significantly higher levels of community acceptance and trust in project developers, whereas van der Berg and Tempels [109] confirmed—on the example of solar farms—that community benefits increase acceptance, especially if they meet the local needs.

Finally, the emphasis on employment generation as a benefit of HPHS and other RET installations is particularly relevant in regions undergoing economic transitions, where public support often hinges on tangible economic benefits. Studies by Jobert et al. [110] and Ellis and Ferraro [111] confirm that framing RES projects as opportunities for economic revitalization can play a pivotal role in gaining public acceptance, especially in areas historically reliant on fossil fuel industries.

In conclusion, the findings underscore the need for a holistic approach to stakeholder engagement and information dissemination. By addressing not only technological and environmental concerns but also the socio-economic benefits of HPHS projects, developers can effectively enhance public support, aligning with best practices observed in similar contexts worldwide.

Limitations and Future Research

This study captures public perceptions at a specific moment in the energy transition, which may evolve as policies mature and outcomes become more tangible. Future research could explore longitudinal changes in public opinion and investigate the specific factors influencing variations between regions, such as the economic structure, demographic composition, and exposure to transition policies. Additionally, integrating qualitative methods, such as focus groups or individual in-depth interviews (IDI), could provide deeper insights into the underlying reasons for public concerns, particularly in areas where respondents remain undecided. It is especially important as assessing public acceptance and stakeholders’ approach to energy transition is crucial for the successful implementation of RES solutions, such as HPHS systems. Public acceptance reflects the willingness of individuals and communities to support, adopt, or tolerate changes associated with RES projects. Stakeholders, including policymakers, industry leaders, environmental organizations, and local communities, play a pivotal role in shaping the social, economic, and political landscape that influences energy transitions. Without understanding their perspectives, it becomes challenging to align renewable energy projects with societal expectations, address concerns, and mitigate resistance.

6. Conclusions

This study investigates the socio-technical challenges and public acceptance of hybrid pumped-hydropower storage (HPHS) technology in two European coal-mining regions transitioning towards renewable energy under the EU Green Deal framework. The findings highlight significant variations in regional public awareness and support for HPHS, with familiarity levels at 76% in Western Macedonia and only 48% in the Łódzkie region. Correspondingly, support for implementing HPHS technology in former mining sites was higher in Western Macedonia (73%) compared to Łódzkie (63%). These disparities underscore the importance of targeted educational and outreach initiatives to bridge knowledge gaps and foster broader acceptance, particularly in communities where familiarity with innovative energy technologies remains limited.

Quantitative analysis further reveals a very strong positive correlation (r = 0.83, p < 0.01 in Western Macedonia and r = 0.5679, p < 0.01 in Łódzkie Region) between knowledge of HPHS and public acceptance, reinforcing the critical role of informed communities in advancing renewable energy projects.

While the environmental benefits of energy transition, such as improved biodiversity and air quality, were widely recognized across both regions, socio-economic concerns—including the risk of job losses and inadequate reskilling opportunities—were particularly pronounced in Łódzkie Region, where more than 77% of respondents viewed the energy transition as detrimental to the labour market. Although a comparable pattern in perceptions regarding the impact of the energy transition on this aspect is evident in both regions, the results show that the magnitude of negative evaluations is markedly more pronounced in Łódzkie Region, highlighting a significantly stronger adverse sentiment in this region. These findings emphasize the need to integrate socio-economic policies with technical energy solutions to ensure equitable outcomes in affected regions.

The results of this study also underscore the need for a tailored approach in post-coal energy transition strategies, combining transparent decision-making, inclusive stakeholder engagement, and significant investments in human capital development. For instance, policies should prioritize workforce adaptation to mitigate the negative impacts of mine closures and provide alternative economic opportunities aligned with the needs of local populations. Additionally, sustained investments in public infrastructure and targeted financial support are necessary to ensure the viability of such projects.

In conclusion, the success of HPHS technology as a repurposing solution for decommissioned lignite mines lies in addressing both technical feasibility and socio-economic challenges unique to each region. By leveraging public awareness, fostering community trust, and implementing region-specific strategies, HPHS can become a cornerstone for achieving the dual goals of environmental sustainability and socio-economic revitalization. Future research should explore long-term impacts on regional development and public attitudes to refine policy and practice for sustainable energy transitions.