3.1. Policy Background
The legal framework for Philippine Renewable Energy is the Republic Act No. 9513, or the Renewable Energy Act of 2008. To drive the adoption and development of renewable energy, RA 9513 provides necessary policy mechanisms to promote the use of renewable energy. Incentives are also included, such as grid priority for renewable energy generators, duty-free renewable energy equipment importation, along with other policy mechanisms. The act helps shift the energy usage from fossil fuels, lessens environmental damage, and improves access to energy, aligning with the Philippine Energy Plan and other socio-economic goals. The Department of Energy (DOE) has enacted RA 9513 with department circulars (DCs), creating the policy mechanism to aid further RE adoption, such as Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS), the Green Energy Auction Program (GEAP), Net Metering, and the Green Energy Option Program (GEOP), as shown in
Figure 6.
The Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS), enacted in Department Circular DC 2017-12-0015, require electricity cooperatives (ECs) and distribution utilities (DUs) to acquire a portion of their supply from renewable energy sources. The requirement is used to increase RE demand in a guaranteed way, providing an available market for potential providers. With RPS, DUs, and ECs, along with other suppliers, must increase usage from renewable energy sources by 1% every year as mandated by DOE. Department Circular No. 2022-09-0030 mandates that the previously set 1% annual increase is increased to 2.52% starting in 2023. This increase aims to create the required demand to reach the 35% RE share target for 2030. IEEFA forecasts that the increase to a 2.52% annual increase will result in a 37% RE share by 2030, with the supply being filled by GEAP [
24]. Even with the mandate from DOE, RPS compliance is put into question due to the lack of compliance data and transparency. Many also argue that compliance difficulties are further aggravated by the lack of technical and financial capabilities to source RE [
25]. Furthermore, there are also concerns about the enforcement of the ERC on the penalties for non-compliance. Although penalties are properly outlined, there have been no reports on the imposition of such penalties, highlighting the need for transparency in enforcement. Furthermore, the penalties are assigned to be enforced by the DOE even when ERC is the designated governmental body for regulation under RA 9136, the Electric Power Industry Reform Act, which shows the overlap and fragmentation of authority.
The Net Metering program, established through the 2013 Implementing Rules and Regulations (IRR) of RA 9513, allows consumers to produce their renewable energy (commonly through solar panels) and lower their electricity consumption by returning excess electricity to the grid. From 2015 to 2024, the number of producers has increased from 200 to 13,189, with a total capacity peak of 116,292 KW [
26]. To understand its impact on the annual RE share, it is multiplied by 8760 h per year and a capacity of 0.15 for solar panels. This results in roughly 152.93 GWh/year while the total power generation for RE in 2024 is 28,193 GWh. With this, net metering only contributes 0.54% to the total RE production, indicating that although there has been an increase in uptake, its contribution to the total RE share is very minimal. The program looks good on paper, allowing consumers to also produce electricity and reduce the load on grids, but adoption is limited. Some challenges that may cause low adoption are low rates for returned electricity and lengthy paperwork and processing.
The Green Energy Auction Program (GEAP), established through DC2021-06-0015, aims to increase the renewable energy supply by allowing bidding from interested parties. GEAP is the primary driver for RE development, driving the needed supply to help achieve the 2030 RE targets. The first auction in 2022 was successful in almost achieving its target of 2000 MW, awarding a total of 1966.93 MW, with the majority being 1390 MW from solar projects. In 2023, GEA 2 was conducted with a target of 11.6 GW but only awarded 3.43 GW, with 1.88 GW from solar and 1.46 GW from wind [
27]. The second auction showed challenges in achieving the targets. The recent GEA 3 conducted in 2025 showed success, awarding 6.677 GW, exceeding the targets of 4.65 GW. GEA 3 offered projects in pumped-storage hydropower, impounding hydropower, and run-of-river hydro [
28]. The following auctions are scheduled in 2025, with the GEA 4 tentative auction date on 2 September 2025, with a target of 10 GW. GEA 5 is expected to be conducted towards the end of 2025 with a focus on offshore wind projects. GEA 1 and 3 show successes in awarding RE development projects, while GEA 2 shows concerns in market structure and pricing. IEEFA reports that initial targets by NREP were an additional 15.3 GW by 2030 but were increased to 20 GW from 2018 levels [
24]. DOE power statistics show total dependable RE capacity in 2018 as 6.592 MW, which means that a total of around 26.6 GW RE capacity should be met by 2030. In 2022, when GEA-1 was first conducted, the total dependable capacity was 7.151 GW. The total capacity awarded by GEA 1, 2, and 3 is 12.07 GW. Adding the capacity in 2022 and the total awarded GEA capacity yields around 19.22 GW, still not meeting the needed 26.6 GW. This means that there is still a need to award at least 7.38 GW RE capacity in the following GEA. With the target capacity nearing achievement, the question lies in whether the developed projects will be finished on time and within the awarded capacity.
The Green Energy Option Program (GEOP), established through DC2018-07-0019, allows consumers with more than 100 kW to directly avail renewable energy from suppliers instead of the local utility providers. GEOP aims to provide consumers with direct options for more environmentally sustainable energy choices. However, limited adoption has been shown due to poor marketing and awareness, complicated switching processes, and few RE suppliers [
13]. GEOP is another promising mechanism that is hampered by poor implementation. Six years after the implementation of GEOP in 2018, there are only 451 registered end users and 18 suppliers as of September 2024 [
29]. The market is dominated by large companies such as the Ayala Group through ACEN and the Energy Development Corporation (EDC), covering around 48% and 30% of all GEOP switchers, respectively [
30]. Furthermore, out of the 18 suppliers, the Aboitiz Group controls 7 [
30]. This shows how, despite being started in 2018, there has been limited uptake and participation from suppliers. Furthermore, the market is dominated by large companies, making it more difficult for smaller companies to compete in the market, highlighting structural concerns.
Overall, the Philippines has a legal framework for renewable energy, along with its policy mechanisms (RPS, net metering, GEAP, and GEOP) through RA 9513, supporting the RE goals highlighted in the PEP, aiming to increase RE supply and demand. Even with the available legislative infrastructure, there are persisting operational hurdles. These operational challenges include inadequate infrastructure, limited enforcement, progress and compliance transparency, limited uptake, market structure issues, and stakeholder overlaps, all of which hamper the policy mechanisms from driving both supply and demand for renewable energy. The following sections of this critique dive deeper into the mentioned issues, highlighting the disparity between the planned and actual implementation of the policy mechanisms.
3.2. Critique of Renewable Energy Policy Mechanisms
Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS) as covered in Department Circular DC2017-12-0015 require electricity cooperatives (ECs), distribution utilities (DUs), and other electricity suppliers to source renewable energy with an annual increase of 1%, later increased to 2.52%. The mechanism aims to increase demand and provide a consistent market for RE suppliers. The design of the RPS is inherently good, aimed at creating market and demand for RE; however, its implementation faces many hurdles shown in
Table 3. There is no available data on RPS compliance, which raises questions about DOE transparency and whether DUs comply with RPS. Although penalties for non-compliance are set, there are also no reports on DUs being penalized for non-compliance, which further highlights the concern for transparency. Regarding enforcement of penalties, ERC is the assigned regulatory body, but the DOE is assigned for the enforcement of RPS penalties, resulting in an overlap in responsibilities that complicates matters. A report by the WWF states that DUs face further difficulties in meeting RPS targets due to limited financial and technical capabilities, as they must source from a limited number of suppliers, depending on their area. Furthermore, in a report by the ASEAN Centre for Energy, the Renewable Energy Certificate (REC) shows that shortcomings are expected from 2024 to 2032, making RPS compliance more difficult, considering that RPS compliance is regulated through the number of retired RECs [
25]. In 2025, a projected 5.4 million REC shortfall is expected by the DOE [
31]. Each REC is worth 1 MWh traded through the Renewable Energy Market (REM). The REM was fully operational as of 26 December 2024. Operations are ongoing with data showing that a total of 46,634 RECs were traded as of 3 February 2025 [
32]. This shows how the operations are still showing slow progress, far from the expected shortfall of 5.4 million RECs. Overall, key issues for RPS are the lack of compliance and enforcement transparency, stakeholder overlap in responsibilities, technical and financial constraints, upcoming shortfall, and a still-developing REM.
The Green Energy Auction Program (GEAP), covered under DC2021-06-0015, aims to auction RE development projects, creating a market for RE providers. GEAP is the main driver for RE supply to help achieve the 2030 RE targets. GEAP has seen success in the first and third auctions, with the second one falling short. To understand the shortcomings of the second auction, Cruz-Capellan, CEO of SunAsia Energy, reported that the auction framework caused limited participation. The set price cap was too low for many participants, leading to underbidding, and thus, projects were not awarded. As price caps were supposed to act as a ceiling, the ERC set the price cap too low, and Cruz-Capellan stated that “It seems, however, that the regulators are setting a floor price” [
33]. Additionally, the 2024 report of Aurora Energy Research found that the auction structure resulted in low bids because of the lack of a cost-pass-through mechanism or the ability to change service prices due to an increase in development costs [
34]. The set prices by the ERC for GEA 2 were P4.4043 per kilowatt hour for ground-mounted solar, P4.8738 per kWh for rooftop solar, P5.3948 per kWh for floating solar, P5.8481 per kWh for onshore wind, P5.4024 per kWh for biomass, and P6.2683 per kWh for biomass waste-to-energy. No cost-passed-through mechanism means that the developers cannot offer the resulting capacity at higher prices, which puts them in a position of uncertainty if they face any oversight in costing. Furthermore, IEEFA states that developers are having a hard time securing finances for GEAP projects due to unclear cost recovery mechanisms and limited incentives [
24]. With the GEAP being the main driver for RE capacity, this means that there is a call for an increase in infrastructure capacity as well. The Asian Development Bank expresses that there is a lack of grid capacity, even in priority areas of Luzon and Visayas, exacerbating the issue of accommodating the increase in RE capacity, increasing curtailment risks [
35]. The Philippines Daily Inquirer (2024) reports that delays in transmission projects have long-lasting impacts on energy security, placing electricity affordability and grid capacity at risk [
36]. Another challenge that GEAP faces is the limited time to finish developing projects, as 2030 is only 5 years away. The DOE has not released any development or enforcement updates despite the projects being contracted to finish on time strictly. This raises questions about the actual development of the awarded capacity before 2030. Overall, GEAP has had its successes and failures, and challenges are present in its auction structure, technical infrastructure, and development transparency.
Net metering, covered under section 10 of RA 9513 and 2013 Implementing Rules and Regulations, provides consumers with the ability to lessen electricity bills through selling excess RE generation, commonly through solar panels. Reports show that there is a total of 13,189 producers with a capacity peak of 116,292 KW [
26]. As previously discussed, this only accounts for 0.54% of total RE production, indicating that its contribution is very minimal. Some issues that can be linked to poor adoption include lengthy paperwork and processes, strict standards, and confusing rules from utility providers [
37]. Solar Install Ph identifies administrative complexity as one of the challenges, stating that complex processes and lengthy procedures discourage adoption [
38]. Solaric outlines the steps for net metering, which are document preparation, distribution impact study, yellow card issuance, service disconnect installation, electrical permit application, and net metering application and meter swap, adding that the whole process can take months [
37]. Solviva describes this process as long and tedious, spanning around 6 months to a year [
39]. Solviva then explains why they think net metering is not worth it yet and attributes it to financial pricing, stating that buying electricity from Meralco is around 13 pesos per kWh, but exporting is only around 5–6 pesos per kWh. Albay (2025) reports that although solar energy seems attractive in the Philippines because of high electricity prices, surveyed households in Metro Manila have concerns about the high initial costs of solar energy setups [
40]. Farias-Rocha et al. computed the payback period for net metering to be around 7.8 years, highlighting a long payback period for the upfront costs [
41]. With that, the main issues for net metering are its lengthy processes and limited financial incentives.
The Green Energy Option Program (GEOP), covered in section 9 of RA 9513 and DC2018-07-0019, allows consumers with a usage of over 100 kW to source from RE suppliers directly. The mechanism aims to provide direct choices and allow a free market, promoting market competition. Some obstacles include limited accredited suppliers, slow supplier accreditation, opposition from utility providers, and unclear switching procedures [
13]. GEOP adoption is limited, with only a few consumers directly contracting with providers. Fernandez reports that there were only 451 end users and 18 suppliers as of September 2024 [
29]. The RE Energize PH Survey found that the limited uptake in GEOP is caused by the public’s lack of awareness of such a program, hindering its growth and adoption [
29]. Capongcol, director of the Renewable Energy Management Bureau under DOE, admitted that the switching and application process for GEOP is long and tedious, often reaching six months [
42]. Many are hesitant with concerns about their ability to supply 100% renewable energy as they cannot guarantee supply, along with the ability to back up power due to the intermittency of RE sources such as solar and wind [
30]. Furthermore, the market is dominated by large companies such as Ayala, accounting for 48% of switchers, EDC, accounting for 30% of switchers, and Aboitiz owning 7 out of 18 suppliers [
30]. With large companies dominating the market, smaller energy suppliers face significant barriers to entry and capturing market share. GEOP’s main concerns are its limited uptake associated with poor program awareness and lengthy processes, and market difficulties such as RE intermittency and the market being dominated by large companies.
The compiled reports of renewable energy service contracts show a yearly increase from 2012 to 2024, showing growth in renewable energy development in the country in
Figure 7. The actual influence of renewable energy policy mechanisms can be seen through the pace of the increase in renewable energy service contracts. The initial increase from 2013 to 2017, from 334 service contracts to 872, can be attributed to the implementation of net metering and groundwork for the release of RPS in 2017, showing good initial growth with the uptake of net metering and anticipation for RPS implementation [
14,
43,
44,
45]. Between 2017 and 2021, RPS and GEOP were implemented but had limited growth from 872 to 932 RESCs; the data follows the reports of minimal compliance of RPS and limited GEOP uptake [
46,
47]. For the years 2021 to 2024, there is an increase from 959 to 1447, which follows the reported initial success of GEAP auctioning of renewable energy projects to developers along with the other implemented policy mechanisms [
48,
49,
50]. Overall, the number of renewable energy service contracts shows the influence of policy mechanisms on the renewable energy development rate and validates the reviews on the policy mechanisms, such as initial successes of net metering and GEAP, and the minimal compliance of RPS and limited GEOP uptake.
3.3. Stakeholder Analysis
Different stakeholders with different mandates, interests, and capacities shape the Philippines’ renewable energy (RE) policy mechanisms, as shown in
Figure 8. Some notable stakeholders include the Department of Energy (DOE), the Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC), and the National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP). Other stakeholders include electric cooperatives and distribution utilities (DUs), RE developers, local government units (LGUs), consumers, and civil society organizations or non-government organizations (NGOs). Knowing how the power dynamics work among these stakeholders is important in addressing the problems rooted in RE policy execution.
Of the notable stakeholders, the key policymaker and coordinator in energy planning and implementation is the DOE. Their roles include RE initiatives such as the Renewable Portfolio Standards (RPS), the Green Energy Auction Program (GEAP), and the Green Energy Option Program (GEOP). However, the DOE is often constrained by limited enforcement mechanisms and the need for cooperation from regulatory and operational entities [
14]. Another stakeholder is the ERC, which is responsible for regulating pricing and grid access. They play an important role in gatekeeping. However, their inefficiency in releasing regulatory disbursements and clarifications affects the rate of policy execution [
51]. Lastly, the NGCP is responsible for transmission planning and interconnection, which holds significant power in permitting or interrupting RE projects. An example is utility-scale projects that require grid updates or connections.
Distribution utilities and electric cooperatives are both implementers and gatekeepers. They are implementers in the sense that they are the ones delivering electricity to regular consumers. Conversely, they are gatekeepers in the sense that their interests often oppose rapid RE adoption, such as when mechanisms like net metering or RPS require additional operational adjustments and jeopardize their revenue models. Several DUs have delayed submitting their RPS compliance plans or expressed concerns about diluted obligations, arguing that they lack the technical and financial capacities to comply with mandates and integrate distributed generation [
52]. Net metering adoption is also restricted by procedural delays and technical barriers imposed by DUs. The reasons clearly show a discrepancy between policy intent and utility incentives.
On the other hand, RE developers that are eager to go through policy mechanisms are held back by barriers such as permitting, financing, and infrastructure. The World Bank reports that due to lengthy bureaucratic processes and incoherence, along with overlapping mandates, the permitting processes for renewable energy projects reach 3 to 5 years [
53]. Concerns regarding GEAP auctions favoring a lack of project readiness, unworkable and low bids, and a lack of grid interconnection guarantees have been raised. Additionally, NGCP’s delays in issuing transmission development plans and LGUs’ delays in granting permits have further held back project plans [
54]. Overall, the lack of a streamlined permitting process further emphasizes developer risk and discourages broader participation, especially in smaller and newer players.
Consumers and producers are critical in energy transition efforts but are often under-supported. Net metering and GEOP are intended for end-users; however, most remain unaware or are unable to access them due to financial costs, tricky requirements, and poor consumer education. Apart from consumers, prosumers tend to face obstacles from utilities, while GEOP customers encounter difficulties in transferring suppliers due to confusing processes and limited retail competition. Moreover, LGUs are vital in advocating for local RE efforts but are often tied by limited technical capacity and unclear roles in energy planning.
NGOs and civil society organizations, such as the Institute for Climate and Sustainable Cities (ICSC), Center for Energy, Ecology, and Development (CEED), and Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), are advocates of transitions towards sustainable energy. They help expose accountability gaps and act as middlemen between communities and state institutions. However, their influence is heavily limited by difficult-to-understand institutions and unclear policies. The same organizations have also raised concerns regarding transparency and the effectiveness of RE policy implementation.
The stakeholder map shows the potency of relationships between different stakeholders in
Figure 9. The arrows represent the two-way relationship between stakeholders. The darkness of the arrows signifies the potency of their influence, with the darker arrows being more potent. For the DOE and ERC connections, DOE is the policymaker setting different RE targets and market mechanisms, while ERC is the regulatory body that operationalizes DOE plans. DOE has a significant influence on ERC, as it mandates the implementation of its plans for ERC to regulate. A specific example of this is the Energy Efficiency and Conservation Act by the DOE, where the ERC is assigned to price in the rates for investor investment recovery mechanisms. On the other hand, ERC, with the ability to dictate rates and tariffs, can act as gatekeepers who are responsible for whether DOE’s plan is executed under proper market conditions. An example of ERC’s influence on DOE is an instance in 2025 where there was a delay in the approval of procurement agreements by the ERC, which slowed down DOE’s advances for RE integration [
55]. For the DOE and NGCP relationship, NGCP makes the TDP, but DOE can modify and approve the final plans. A specific recent example is the Mindanao-Visayas Interconnection Project proposed in the TDP, which the DOE reviewed and approved [
56]. With the NGCP drafting the technical plans, they are essential for the DOE to facilitate their developments in RE, especially in the transmission infrastructure. This relationship means that delays in NGCP plans and development lead to delays with DOE plans, such as the Cebu-Negros-Panay Transmission Project, which faced delays affecting DOE solar plans in Negros, including curtailment issues [
15,
57]. Another key relationship to developing RE projects is the DOE and LGU relationship. DOE approves and grants RESC authorization for projects in LGU locations, such as in 2018, where DOE approved a wind farm [
58]. With the DOE’s endorsement, the LGU was able to process requirements and proceed immediately. Conversely, the LGU has the executive ability, somewhat like a hidden veto, if they do not want projects to push through in their territory. A specific example of how LGU influenced DOE plans is a project in Mindanao where a geothermal plant development was stalled due to opposition from local communities despite DOE development plans [
59]. A key stakeholder in delivering RE to end users is DUs. Understanding their relationship with the DOE helps define their influence among themselves. The DOE outlines the responsibilities of DUs, including compliance with RPS and guidelines, for executing programs like net metering and DOE. An example of this is the respective department circulars outlining the policy mechanisms and how DU must comply with them. Inversely, the performance and challenges faced by DUs affect the DOE’s mandates, such as DC No. 2025-06-0008, where the National Electrification Administration is tasked with facilitating bidding and sourcing processes to help DUs and ECs comply with RPS targets [
60].
With the stakeholder relationships for DOE already covered, it is essential to explore the other relationships with ERC, given their important role in ensuring that development targets are met. With transmission infrastructure acting as the backbone for delivering RE, understanding the relationship between ERC and NGCP is important. The ERC regulates the plans of the NGCP, approving capital expenditure for different projects and adjustments for tariffs. The ERC approves the capabilities of the NGCP to collect the funds required for transmission development. A specific project example is the Mindanao-Visayas project, which the ERC approved for 52 billion pesos, allowing the NGCP to begin development [
61]. Similarly, NGCP, being the sole developer for transmission infrastructure, can request ERC to approve proposals. NGCP can request emergency capital expenditure, which the ERC has to review or can provide fast-track approval [
62]. For the ERC and DOE, the ERC regulates the performance of DUs, setting limits on customer charges and imposing penalties in cases of infractions. DUs submit tariff applications, reports, and other legal documents that shape regulatory plans and timelines. This shows the relationships between the ERC and other stakeholders.
One prime barrier across all entities would be the constant overlapping and poorly coordinated mandates among stakeholders. As an example, when the DOE sets a policy direction, the ERC should release regulatory issuances before utilities and developers can act. However, due to delays or variabilities in the ERC’s action, such as finalizing net metering rules or clarifying GEOP terms, bottlenecks have been created. Moreover, no single entity is responsible for coordinating transmission planning by the NGCP, policy objectives by the DOE, and regulatory approvals by the ERC, resulting in disorganization.
As a result of the lack of coordination between different stakeholders, a fragmented energy governance is created, wherein RE policies struggle to be implemented. In order for us to avoid these bottlenecks, a revised energy governance that has a shared goal of streamlined procedures, aligned incentives, and highlights accountability from all entities and stakeholders is called for.
3.4. Root Causes and Policy Gaps
The Philippines has been underperforming in terms of renewable energy (RE) policy mechanisms. It is rooted in systemic, technical, economic, and political changes. Although efforts to close the gap between legislation and implementation through the presence of the Renewable Energy Act of 2008 and other Department Circulars, structural weaknesses can still be seen. The vulnerabilities of the institutions, such as the Department of Energy (DOE) and Energy Regulatory Commission (ERC), are highlighted in these gaps seen in
Table 4. The DOE cannot enforce compliance or penalize negligence, while the ERC has been underperforming in enforcing regulations. Consequently, a fragmented policy environment results in unsystematic and untimely development.
A persistent bottleneck in the advancement of the Philippine RE sector is the incoherence between key government agencies, DOE, ERC, and NGCP. DOE dictates the direction and framework for RE development, and ERC regulates the development through the approval of expenditures and tariffs. It imposes penalties, while NGCP constructs the much-needed transmission infrastructure to cover the influx of RE capacity. The incoherence lies within how the agencies operate as solo entities and not in coordination, leading to overlaps and misalignments. The incoherence between DOE and NGCP is seen in the mismatch of the development plans of the DOE and the TDP of the NGCP, where the DOE calls for cooperation to fix the mismatch between the plans in 2025 [
63]. They specifically cited mismatches such as the need to connect Visayas and Mindanao to facilitate the influx of RE capacity. For DOE and ERC, the incoherence can be seen in the implementation and enforcement of the RPS and REC markets. The misalignment is seen in the implementation of the ERC on the REC market, which resulted in it not meeting DOE’s RPS requirements with an expected shortfall in 2025 [
64]. Furthermore, the DOE is tasked with the regulation of RPS compliance, but ERC is the overall regulatory body, creating an overlap. Another project that showed incoherence was in 2023 in which the NGCP notified the ERC of possible power outages requiring extensions for ancillary services, which the ERC denied. The regulatory decision of the ERC was not aligned with the operational requirement of the NGCP, leading to power interruptions [
65]. The different examples show the cases of incoherence between different stakeholders, highlighting the need for such entities to work as a group rather than as a solo entity.
DUs and ECs have been showing resistance to RE programs for several reasons, such as disincentives, operational concerns, and subsidy dependence. According to the IEEFA, one example of a financial disincentive is the missionary electrification fund, which is meant for rural areas where electricity generation is costly, thus requiring an electrification fund for end users to avail at affordable prices [
24]. The disincentive lies in switching to RE, although it results in lower costs. The allocation of the missionary electrification fund decreases, but this does not lead to actual savings for the DUs and ECs; instead, it only shows savings for the fund with no benefit to DUs [
66]. Solar Install PH reports that resistance is evident with some ECs conducting more rigorous testing than required, such as distribution impact studies, and reserving the right to disconnect solar setups if generation is too much, citing alleged network stability concerns. For the end users or net metering producers, this adds another level of technicalities, requiring careful sizing and optimization of systems to ensure that ECs do not have reason to cut off their setup [
67]. With the financial requirements of improving systems to handle RE developments, DUs and ECs often rely on government subsidies and aid. This reliance results in stagnancy with limited motivation to improve handling of policy mechanisms like net metering and GEOP. Reports from Manalo state that some DUs and ECs enjoy preferential treatment and subsidies, which have become lax, resulting in inefficiencies and poor performance [
68]. These examples show the reasons behind resistance or limited motivation for DUs and ECs to advance RE development and implementation further.
The backbone of Philippine RE development is the transmission infrastructure development of the NGCP. Considering the ambitious goals of adding a total RE capacity of around 20 GW by 2030 requires upgrades in technical infrastructure to facilitate the influx of capacity and limit curtailment risks. Despite the importance of transmission infrastructures, the RE development of the nation is facing persistent delays and limitations. In a House committee hearing, it was reported that only 29% of projects are completed as of 2025 and that 75% of projects are delayed [
69]. This shows how there are severe delays in transmission infrastructure, which would also result in the delay of overall national RE development. A report by Delilan attributes Right of Way issues as one of the main barriers for the NGCP transmission project completion, describing such issues as a 15-year-old hurdle dating back to 2009 [
70]. Furthermore, Lackovic and Bawalan report that the current transmission infrastructure is decades old and is geared more towards stable fossil fuel generation, not equipped for the intermittent RE nature, which requires two-way flexible flows [
71]. Moreover, it is noted that the transmission line length growth of the Philippines has been less than 0.6% per year since 2009. The IEA forecasts a huge 25 trillion-dollar investment requirement solely to improve transmission infrastructure to accommodate the 2050 net-zero goals, highlighting the scale of infrastructure upgrades needed by the country [
71]. With RE development being reliant on transmission infrastructure, this places heavy pressure on the NGCP to deliver the necessary upgrades and development on the transmission infrastructure of the country.
Another aspect slowing down the development of RE in the Philippines is the lengthy interagency permitting processes that lengthen timelines. The WWF reports that the permitting processes required for RE in the Philippines need meticulous navigation through different government agencies, acting as a barrier to development [
7]. This lengthy process is acknowledged by the DOE, as highlighted in an example for wind projects, where there are more than 80 required permits across more than 25 different agencies that must be processed before development starts. Tribdino reports this regulatory challenge through the awarding of 92 wind service contracts in December 2024, with only five of which have started to have their permits processed as of January 2025, showing bottlenecks in permitting processes [
72]. Actions are being taken to streamline the RE permit processing through the Energy Virtual One-Stop Shop (EVOSS) enacted under RA 11234. However, as of September 2024, only 56 out of 103 energy permitting processes are incorporated. This shows that despite efforts, permitting issues have yet to be addressed, showing the persisting complexity of acquiring necessary permits for RE development [
73].
LGUs, being one of the key stakeholders to ensure the proper rollout of RE development projects, have poorly defined roles in RE due to insufficient technical capabilities and inconsistencies in policies. The decentralization of LGUs from the DOE results in a misalignment in plans, as the DOE must rely on LGU implementation. UNDP’s DREAMS (Development for Renewable Energy Applications Mainstreaming and Market Sustainability) project addresses the issues of limited LGU involvement with its mid-term review, highlighting the need to improve LGU RE capabilities through methods such as RE trainings and a call for better local policies and planning for RE [
74]. Lelis reports that DOE projects, such as the green lane, which aims to fast-track cooperation with LGUs, encounter problems, such as some LGUs still having complex and lengthy processes despite green lane status, leading to delays [
75]. Furthermore, the DOE calls for better cooperation with the LGUs to ensure the successful rollout of RE projects. Moreover, Power Philippines highlights the lack of a nationwide policy regulating the fees for LGU approval, citing a project that spent 153,000 pesos in Rizal but only 16,000 in Laguna for the same capacity [
76]. With this, the challenges with LGUs are multifaceted, showing that there is a need for a more comprehensive national policy outlining the roles and responsibilities of LGUs in the rollout of RE technology.
In conclusion, the root cause of policy issues stems from weak implementation, conflicts of interest between entities, and insufficient institutional reforms. The Philippine Energy Plan’s RE targets have a lot to tackle before becoming successful. These include stronger governance, better coordination between stakeholders, and more inclusivity. Focusing on building better infrastructure and aligning political dynamics is one step they can take in bridging the gap between policy making and implementation.