Advancing Rural Electrification in Ghana: Sustainable Solutions and Emerging Trends in Solar Energy Utilization

Abstract

This study examines the integration and sustainability of solar energy technologies as a tool for rural electrification in Ghana, using the Lofetsume community as a case study. Persistent electricity access deficits in rural areas, coupled with unreliable grid systems and high energy costs, underscore the need for alternative energy solutions. Through semi-structured interviews and surveys, the study explores community perspectives and expert views on the viability of solar energy in rural Ghana. Findings reveal strong grassroots support for solar energy due to its reliability and environmental benefits, despite barriers such as high upfront installation costs and maintenance challenges. The study recommends multi-stakeholder partnerships, innovative financing models, and capacity-building initiatives to enhance solar energy adoption. By prioritizing solar energy technologies, the government, private sector, and local communities can collaborate to develop sustainable and affordable electrification solutions, ultimately improving living standards in remote areas and contributing to Ghana’s broader energy sustainability goals.

1. Introduction

Rural electrification aims to provide electrical power to remote areas. The government’s National Electrification Scheme (NES) in Ghana was initiated in 1989 to extend reliable electricity nationwide over 30 years (1990–2020) [1]. The first phase (1990–1995) targeted district capitals, towns, and nearby villages. Subsequent phases continued in five-year blocks: Phase 2 (1996–2000), Phase 3 (2001–2005), and Phase 4 (2006–2010), prioritizing communities based on economic viability (NES Master Plan) [1]. Progress has been made, with rural electricity access reaching 67.2% in 2018 [2]. However, significant disparities remain between urban and rural areas, and many remote communities still lack access to reliable power. Solar photovoltaic (PV) systems are key alternatives, improving quality of life but facing high costs and market limitations, not only in Ghana but also in other countries [3,4,5,6].

Rural electrification in Ghana is evolving through various innovative approaches, significantly impacting socioeconomic development. The integration of mini-grids, solar energy, and biomass resources is shaping the landscape of electricity access in rural areas. Mini-grids have been shown to enhance local development, improving education, healthcare, and employment, which in turn reduces urban migration [7]. The implementation of mini-grid systems is crucial for achieving universal energy access in off-grid regions [7]. Solar energy is emerging as a cost-effective alternative to traditional grid extension, with installation costs significantly lower than grid connection options [2]. Solar systems provide reliable power without monthly bills, promoting economic sustainability and job creation [8,9].

Photovoltaic cells (PV cells) are specialized semiconductor diodes that convert visible light into direct current (DC). These cells are a crucial component of solar electric energy systems, which are becoming increasingly important as alternative sources of utility power [10]. Solar photovoltaic electrification holds the potential to significantly enhance the quality of life in rural households by providing better education, healthcare, access to information, and indoor lighting, among other benefits [3,9]. However, the expansion of solar PV systems faces obstacles, including high installation costs, a lack of a local market, and challenges with long-term financing. Nevertheless, solar PV systems offer notable advantages, such as improved light quality, reduced need for car batteries, and decreased indoor smoke and fire hazards associated with kerosene lanterns [3].

High upfront costs have been identified as a significant barrier to the adoption of solar energy in rural Ghana. There is a need to explore and implement innovative financing models to alleviate this barrier. Studies have shown that financing mechanisms such as subsidies, low-interest loans, and pay-as-you-go models can significantly enhance the adoption of solar technologies in rural areas [11,12,13]. For instance, pay-as-you-go solar schemes allow households to obtain solar home systems with minimal initial payment, paying off the system over time through small installments, which has proven successful in other Sub-Saharan African countries. Moreover, institutional control and the influence of large energy sector corporations play a crucial role in shaping national energy priorities and determining how infrastructure investments are distributed across urban and rural regions [14]. Stable institutional frameworks and public–private partnerships can improve investor confidence and mobilize capital for rural solar projects [15]. We highlight these financing options as key to making solar energy more accessible and sustainable in off-grid communities.

Available literature also points to the potential for developing local solar equipment manufacturing and maintenance ecosystems. Developing local production facilities for solar equipment can create jobs, stimulate economic growth, and improve supply chain resilience by reducing reliance on imports [16]. Local capacity building—for example, training technicians in the community—can ensure that solar installations are maintained and can reduce downtime due to technical issues. Further research should investigate the feasibility and impact of establishing such ecosystems in Ghana, as this could address issues of maintenance and spare parts availability in rural electrification projects.

In terms of policy, Ghana’s Renewable Energy Act 2011 (Act 832) provides a framework for promoting renewables, but some policy and regulatory gaps remain. Studies indicate that robust policy frameworks are crucial for the successful implementation and scaling of renewable energy projects [15]. Fundamental issues such as inadequate legislation, weak policy support, and bureaucratic hurdles have been identified as hindrances to the growth of the solar industry in Ghana [15]. It is necessary to strengthen policies (e.g., clear net-metering regulations, financial incentives) and ensure effective implementation to create an enabling environment for rural solar electrification.

According to the United Nations Development Programme, energy access has significant multiplier effects on human development. The availability of clean, efficient, affordable, and reliable energy services per capita is crucial for determining a country’s material standard of living [17,18]. Improved energy services are essential to achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In Sub-Saharan Africa, the average electricity consumption per person is ~200 kWh/year, significantly lower than the global average, highlighting infrastructural gaps [19]. Most rural energy consumption in the region comes from solid biomass (e.g., firewood) for cooking, contributing to higher energy burdens on households [20]. Despite progress in electrification, many countries—such as the Central African Republic and Burundi—lag significantly behind in access [21].

In Sub-Saharan Africa, over 50% of the population relies on solid biomass for cooking, with some countries exceeding 90% biomass usage. This contrasts with North Africa’s oil and gas wealth and South Africa’s heavy coal reliance. Despite being major fossil fuel producers, countries like Nigeria and Angola have seen limited improvements in domestic energy access. Ghana, with about a 70% overall electrification rate (~40% in rural areas as of the late 2010s), faces geographic and financial challenges in expanding rural access. Through the UN’s Sustainable Energy for All (SE4ALL) initiative, Ghana aims to achieve universal access, increase generation capacity to 5000 MW, and source 10% of electricity from renewables [22].

Energy availability significantly affects quality of life, especially in oil-importing developing countries, where high costs create balance-of-payments issues. Energy price surges can disrupt economic planning and strain household finances. Non-commercial fuel shortages, such as wood, exacerbate these challenges. Electrification is vital for social development, poverty reduction, and improved health and education, yet rural areas face capital and regulatory barriers. Isolated mini-grids, which must be safe, scalable, and efficient, offer a cost-effective rural electrification solution [23,24], and accurate energy demand forecasting is essential for proper mini-grid design and performance [25].

2. Solar Energy Potential for Rural Electrification in Ghana

Ghana has abundant solar energy potential—daily solar insolation averages between 4 and 6 kWh/m² across the country [16]. The Volta Region, where Lofetsume is located (around 6°N latitude), receives an average of about 4.5–5.0 kWh/m² of global horizontal irradiance per day, with an annual sunshine duration of approximately 2100–2200 h [26]. This level of solar irradiance underscores the suitability of solar PV solutions for the community, as there is sufficient sunlight year-round to generate electricity. Unlike some African countries with significant coal or oil resources, Ghana’s energy policy has pivoted toward renewables. Notably, the government canceled a proposed 700 MW coal-fired power plant in 2016, which would have been Ghana’s first coal facility, due to environmental concerns and public opposition [27]. This decision has effectively kept Ghana’s generation mix free of coal, reinforcing the focus on cleaner energy sources like solar.

Solar electrification has been shown to be more cost-effective than extending the national grid to remote areas. In Ghana, installation costs for solar mini-grids (sized for a small community) can range from GHS 40,000 to GHS 50,000, compared to roughly GHS 320,000 to connect a community to the national grid infrastructure [28]. Solar systems offer a good return on investment over their lifetime (often 20+ years) and require minimal recurring fuel costs, making them economically attractive for rural areas [9,28]. In addition to basic household lighting and appliance use, solar electrification can transform community services: for example, solar-powered mini-grids can electrify healthcare facilities, improving medical equipment operation and cold-chain storage for vaccines [28]. Likewise, schools with solar power can hold evening classes or utilize computers, enhancing educational outcomes.

Integrating solar energy with productive uses (such as agro-processing or cottage industries) further boosts rural development. Studies show that pairing solar PV with activities like grain milling or refrigeration helps communities derive economic value, which in turn improves the financial viability of the energy system [8]. For instance, adding agro-processing machinery to a solar mini-grid can create jobs and increase incomes, helping villagers afford the electricity tariffs. Moreover, advanced solutions like hybrid renewable systems (solar combined with battery storage or backup generators) and smart metering can optimize energy use. A recent project in Ghana demonstrated that integrating advanced metering infrastructure in off-grid solar PV systems improved consumption efficiency and system sustainability [29].

While solar energy presents a promising solution, challenges remain for widespread adoption in rural Ghana. Initial capital investment is one major hurdle—many rural communities or local governments struggle to afford the upfront cost of PV panels, batteries, and installation without external support. Additionally, the need for supportive regulatory frameworks cannot be overstated. For example, clear policies on feed-in tariffs or mini-grid licensing can incentivize private investors to fund rural solar projects [13]. Financial modeling research indicates that the viability of solar energy investments improves significantly when mixed financing instruments (grants, concessional loans, community contributions) are in place, alongside stable institutional support [13]. We discuss these financing aspects further in the following sections.

The global momentum towards cleaner energy also bolsters the case for solar in Ghana. The 2020 Tracking SDG7 Energy Progress Report revealed that despite 411 million people gaining electricity access between 2010 and 2018, over 620 million may still lack access by 2030 at current rates. In 2018, 548 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa remained without electricity, with efforts in countries like Burkina Faso, the DRC, and Niger proving insufficient to meet universal access goals. This has led to increased international support (technical and financial) for off-grid solar solutions as a rapid means to close the access gap. Ghana can leverage such support to advance its rural electrification agenda.

Another advantage of solar energy is its minimal environmental footprint during operation. All stakeholders in our study—from community members to national energy experts—unanimously viewed solar energy as a sustainable solution with no direct greenhouse gas emissions at the point of use. This perspective aligns with global efforts to transition towards cleaner energy sources to mitigate climate change. Replacing or supplementing diesel generators and kerosene lanterns with solar power in rural areas can significantly reduce local air pollution and carbon emissions [30]. By tapping into its high solar irradiance, Ghana can also reduce reliance on fossil fuel imports and improve energy security.

The potential of solar energy to enhance rural electrification in Ghana is significant. The country’s solar resource is ample, the economics are increasingly favorable, and the social and environmental co-benefits are substantial. The following sections describe how we investigated this potential in the Lofetsume community, and what our findings reveal about the path forward for sustainable rural electrification.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Research Design and Approach

This study employed a mixed-methods research design, integrating both qualitative and quantitative data collection and analysis techniques to provide a comprehensive understanding of the integration and sustainability of solar energy technologies for rural electrification in Ghana. A case study approach was used, focusing on the Lofetsume community as a representative example of an off-grid rural community facing electrification challenges. The mixed-methods design allowed us to triangulate findings from surveys, interviews, and secondary data, thereby increasing the reliability of our conclusions.

Lofetsume is a rural community located in the Akatsi South District of Ghana’s Volta Region (approximately 6°04′ N, 0°49′ E). The community has an estimated population of around 500 people, primarily engaged in farming and small-scale trading. Prior to the study, Lofetsume was not connected to the national electricity grid; residents relied on a combination of car batteries, kerosene lamps, and a few privately owned solar lanterns for their energy needs. Figure 1 shows the location of Lofetsume on the map of Ghana. The choice of Lofetsume was also guided by logistical considerations and community willingness to participate in the research.

3.2. Population, Sample, and Sampling Technique

The population for this study comprised two distinct groups: (1) residents of the Lofetsume community and (2) energy experts and stakeholders involved in rural electrification initiatives in Ghana. The target population for the community survey was all households within the Lofetsume community (see Appendix A, Appendix B and Appendix C). For the expert survey, the population consisted of professionals working at the Energy Commission and the Electricity Company of Ghana, as well as representatives from relevant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and research institutions.

A sample of 100 respondents was selected from the Lofetsume community using a combination of random and convenience sampling techniques. Random sampling ensures that every household has an equal chance of being selected, enhancing the representativeness of the sample [31,32]. A list of all households in the community was obtained from the local assembly, and 100 households were randomly selected using a random number generator. This approach minimizes sampling bias and improves the generalizability of the findings to the wider community population [33].

Convenience sampling, on the other hand, was employed to select 45 energy experts and stakeholders. Individuals who met the inclusion criteria (e.g., expertise in rural electrification, involvement in solar energy projects) and were readily available for interviews or surveys were included in the sample. While convenience sampling may introduce some bias, it is often a practical and efficient approach for accessing specialized populations [33]. Potential biases arising from the use of convenience sampling were acknowledged and mitigated by diversifying the expert sample (including government, utility, private sector, and NGO perspectives) and by triangulating expert insights with community data.

3.3. Data Collection Instruments and Procedures

Two primary data collection instruments were utilized in this study: questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. Questionnaires are standardized tools that allow for the collection of self-reported information from a large number of respondents in a relatively short period [34]. Two questionnaires were developed: one for the community survey and one for the expert survey. The community survey questionnaire consisted of ten closed-ended statements (presented for agreement on a five-point Likert scale) covering topics such as energy usage, satisfaction with current services, perceptions of solar energy, and willingness to support solar initiatives. Likert scales are widely used in social science research to measure attitudes and opinions [35]. The expert survey questionnaire included both closed-ended (Likert-scale) questions and open-ended questions, allowing for a more in-depth exploration of expert perspectives on the sustainability of solar energy for rural electrification.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of local opinion leaders in the Lofetsume community (such as the village chief, elders, and heads of social groups) as well as a subset of the experts. Purposive sampling involves selecting participants who possess specific knowledge or experience relevant to the research question [33,36]. Opinion leaders in Lofetsume were identified through consultations with community elders and local authorities.

The semi-structured interview format allowed for a flexible and interactive approach to data collection, enabling the researchers to probe deeper into the respondents’ perspectives and experiences [37]. An interview guide was used to ensure key topics were covered (e.g., perceived barriers to rural electrification, suggestions for improving solar project implementation, experiences with policy or community engagement), but interviewees had the freedom to introduce new insights. Each interview lasted approximately 30–45 min and was conducted in the respondent’s preferred language (English or Ewe, with translation assistance provided for Ewe where necessary).

Prior to data collection, ethical considerations were addressed. Participants were informed about the purpose of the study, their rights as participants (including the right to withdraw at any time), and the confidentiality of their responses. Informed consent was obtained from all participants before the administration of questionnaires or interviews, either in written form or verbally (with a witness) for participants with limited literacy. Data collection was conducted in a culturally sensitive manner, respecting local customs and norms; for example, we engaged a local liaison to introduce the research team to the community and to assist in communicating the study’s intentions.

3.4. Data Analysis

Data from the community and expert surveys were analyzed using descriptive statistics. We entered the survey responses into the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software (version 16.0) for processing. Descriptive statistics—such as frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations—were used to summarize and describe the characteristics of the data [38]. The results are primarily presented in tables and charts. For example, we calculated the percentage of respondents who agreed or disagreed with each statement, and we computed the mean Likert score for each item as an overall measure of agreement. A mean close to 5 (the maximum on our scale) indicates strong overall agreement, while a mean near 1 indicates strong disagreement; the standard deviation (SD) indicates the variability of responses (a low SD means most respondents gave similar ratings, whereas a high SD means opinions were more divided).

No complex inferential statistics were performed, as the aim was to capture descriptive insights from the case study rather than to generalize to a broader population with hypothesis testing. We did, however, compare subsets of the data where relevant—such as examining if there were notable differences between male and female respondents’ answers or differences between age groups. These comparisons were exploratory and are discussed qualitatively if pertinent.

Qualitative data from open-ended survey questions and semi-structured interviews were analyzed using thematic analysis, a widely used method for identifying patterns and themes within qualitative data [39]. Interview recordings and notes were transcribed and translated into English where necessary. The research team carefully reviewed the transcripts multiple times to familiarize themselves with the content. Initial codes were generated for interesting features of the data (e.g., codes such as “perceived unreliability of grid,” “community involvement in projects,” “maintenance issues,” “financial constraints”). These codes were then examined for broader themes. We identified key themes such as “benefits of solar energy”, “challenges and barriers”, “community readiness”, and “policy and support”.

Data relevant to each theme were collated, and representative quotes that illustrated each theme were extracted. We ensured the credibility of the qualitative analysis by having multiple researchers independently code a subset of the transcripts and then discussing any discrepancies in coding to reach consensus (investigator triangulation) [40]. The qualitative findings were used to complement and provide context to the quantitative results—often explaining the “why” behind the survey patterns. For instance, if many respondents agreed that “current energy infrastructure is unsatisfactory,” interview data provided insight into whether this was due to frequent blackouts, voltage fluctuations, etc., with direct quotes supporting the narrative.

4. Results

4.1. Demographic Profile of Respondents

The community survey had 100 respondents representing 100 households in Lofetsume. The average age of respondents was 34 years, with a range from 18 to 68 years old. This indicates a mix of both younger and older adults, though the majority were middle-aged (the 30–50 age bracket constituted about 55% of respondents). In terms of gender, approximately 40% of respondents were female and 60% male. Most respondents were either the heads of their households or spouses of heads. The average household size reported was 4.1 persons per household, reflecting the extended family structures common in rural Ghana. Household sizes ranged from two persons (single individual with one dependent) to nine persons (larger extended families).

Education levels among respondents were generally modest. About 35% of respondents had no formal education, and 50% had only primary or junior high school education. Roughly 15% had attended senior high school. The primary occupations were subsistence farming (about 70% of respondents) and petty trading (15%), with others engaged in craftwork or services. The income levels were low; while we did not survey income in numeric terms, most households rely on seasonal farming income and occasional market trading, placing them in the low-income bracket by national standards.

These demographic characteristics provide important context: a largely agrarian, low-income community with limited formal education. It shows why affordability and simplicity are key for any technology interventions (like solar) and why external support may be needed to initiate projects. The relatively balanced gender representation in responses means the survey captured both male and female perspectives. In our interviews, women in the community often highlighted concerns such as the difficulty of doing household chores or providing care under poor lighting, whereas men frequently mentioned the impact of power outages on productive work and income—reflecting different day-to-day energy needs.

Of the 45 experts surveyed, 60% were male and 40% female, with an average age of around 42 years. They included electrical engineers, energy policymakers, NGO project managers, and academic researchers. Nearly all (98%) had at least a university degree, and many had over a decade of experience in the energy sector.

4.2. Electricity Access and Usage in Lofetsume

4.2.1. Electricity Gaps and Community Experiences

A survey of 100 residents of the Lofetsume community revealed significant dissatisfaction with the existing electricity infrastructure.

Table 1. The electricity gaps in the Lofetsume community in Ghana (n = 100).

Statements	SD (1)	D (2)	N (3)	A (4)	SA (5)	Mean	SD
1. My choice of energy is expensive	0%	0%	0%	18%	82%	4.82	0.386
2. My choice of energy is environmentally friendly	0%	0%	4%	17%	79%	4.75	0.520
3. The government should invest more in solar energy because it is readily available	0%	0%	0%	38%	62%	4.62	0.488
4. My primary source of energy is hydroelectric	0%	0%	0%	39%	61%	4.61	0.499
5. There are energy-related challenges in my community	0%	0%	0%	39%	61%	4.61	0.490
6. Power outages are frequent in the Lofetsume community	3%	1%	0%	25%	71%	4.60	0.816
7. I limit the use of energy due to the cost	0%	0%	0%	44%	56%	4.56	0.490
8. Access to reliable and affordable electricity is important for the development of the Lofetsume community	8%	13%	0%	31%	48%	3.98	1.318
9. My energy is from a reliable source	17%	13%	4%	27%	39%	3.58	1.525
10. The current energy infrastructure in my community is satisfactory	64%	19%	0%	7%	10%	1.80	1.341

Source: Own compilation based on survey data. Each statement was rated on a Likert scale: 1 = Strongly Disagree (SD); 2 = Disagree (D); 3 = Neutral (N); 4 = Agree (A); 5 = Strongly Agree (SA). The table shows the percentage of respondents selecting each option, along with the mean and standard deviation of responses.

summarizes responses to statements regarding the current energy situation (the grid connection was absent, and a few households used solar lanterns or generators). For instance, 100% of respondents agreed that their current choice of energy is expensive, with 82% strongly agreeing. This refers to the cost of alternatives like kerosene, disposable batteries, or small generator fuel. The mean rating for “My choice of energy is expensive” was 4.82 (SD = 0.39) on the 5-point agreement scale, indicating near-universal perception of high cost. Many households reported spending a sizable share of income on lighting and phone charging. An overwhelming majority (96%) felt that their current energy source (mainly kerosene or grid electricity from a nearby town via battery charging) is environmentally friendly, which might seem contradictory given kerosene’s smoke. However, in context, many interpreted “my choice of energy” to mean grid electricity (when available) or perhaps lack of heavy pollution at the household level. About 79% strongly agreed and 17% agreed with this statement (mean = 4.75, SD = 0.52). It is possible respondents considered that using electric light (when they could obtain it via batteries or generators) produces no smoke, especially those who had solar lanterns—hence the high agreement.

Furthermore, there was a unanimous sentiment that the government should invest more in solar energy because it is readily available—100% of respondents agreed with this statement, with 62% strongly agreeing (mean = 4.62, SD = 0.49). This shows a clear recognition among the community that solar power is a promising resource for them; they see sunlight every day and likely have heard of or seen small solar devices working. Furthermore, 100% agreed that their primary source of energy is hydroelectric (mean = 4.61, SD = 0.50). In practice, this reflects that the community’s reference point for “electricity” is the national grid (which in Ghana is predominantly powered by hydro and thermal sources). Many households, while off-grid, have experience with grid electricity indirectly (e.g., bringing batteries to charge in grid-connected towns). So this response highlights both a reliance on and a limitation of grid power—they consider it primary when they can access it, but it is not directly available in the community.

Again, 100% agreed that there are energy-related challenges in the community, with 61% strongly agreeing (mean = 4.61, SD = 0.49). This unanimous agreement (all respondents chose “Agree” or “Strongly Agree”) is not surprising given the known issues: lack of grid connection, expense of alternatives, and unreliability of any ad hoc solutions. When asked about power outages, 96% of respondents agreed that “Power outage is frequent in Lofetsume” (mean = 4.60, SD = 0.82). In fact, 71% strongly agreed and 25% agreed. This might refer to the experience that even the indirect sources of electricity (like charging a car battery from the grid in the nearest town) are subject to Ghana’s grid load-shedding. It may also capture the fact that any local initiative (like someone running a generator for neighbors) is intermittent. Essentially, reliable 24/7 power is non-existent for them, hence the near-unanimous feeling of “frequent outages.” Every single respondent indicated that they limit the use of energy due to cost (56% strongly agreed, 44% agreed; mean = 4.56, SD = 0.49). In other words, 100% of households reported consciously rationing electricity or fuel consumption to save money. This is a critical finding: even when some form of energy is available (like a generator or battery), people use it sparingly (for lighting a few hours, charging phones, etc.) because they cannot afford continuous use.

Interestingly, while still a majority, this statement saw slightly lower absolute agreement. About 79% of respondents agreed that “Access to reliable and affordable electricity is important for the development of the Lofetsume community,” with 48% strongly agreeing and 31% agreeing (mean = 3.98, SD = 1.32), whereas 8% strongly disagreed and 13% disagreed, which could suggest that a small segment might be skeptical or have not seen the benefits of electricity directly. Nonetheless, a large majority recognizes electricity as a driver of development, citing reasons like improved education, healthcare (refrigeration for medications), and entrepreneurship if they had power. When considering if their energy source is reliable, only 66% agreed (39% strongly, 27% somewhat; mean = 3.58, SD = 1.53) that their energy is from a reliable source. A substantial 30% disagreed or strongly disagreed with that statement. This split view reflects that some households with, say, rechargeable lanterns might consider that modest setup “reliable” to an extent, while others emphasize that overall, their situation is not reliable. The high standard deviation here shows variability in experience—some have slightly better setups than others.

Finally, there was broad dissatisfaction with the current energy infrastructure: only 17% gave a positive rating (10% strongly agree, 7% agree) that it is satisfactory, whereas 83% disagreed (64% strongly disagreed, 19% disagreed). The mean was 1.80 (SD = 1.34), clearly indicating overall dissatisfaction. This is expected given that there is effectively no formal infrastructure in place in Lofetsume (no grid, just a few solar streetlights and personal devices). The few who “agreed” it was satisfactory might be individuals who have personal solutions and feel content with them, but they are a small minority.

These results portray a community that is keenly aware of its energy poverty. The community members find current options expensive and inadequate, they strongly desire investment in solar solutions, and they unanimously acknowledge the challenges they face. Each of these points to a readiness for change and a receptive attitude towards sustainable energy innovations.

4.2.2. Perceptions of Solar Energy and Sustainable Solutions

In addition to diagnosing problems, the survey and interviews probed the community’s views on potential solutions, especially solar energy.

Table 2. Exploring sustainable energy solutions—community perspectives (n = 100).

Statements (Sustainable Energy Focus)	SA (5)	A (4)	N (3)	D (2)	SD (1)	Mean	SD
Access to reliable and affordable energy is important for the development of Lofetsume	48%	31%	0%	13%	8%	4.48	0.76
Power outages are frequent in the Lofetsume community	67%	29%	0%	4%	0%	4.63	0.58
My energy is from a reliable source (current reliability perception)	10%	27%	4%	13%	46%	2.42	1.30
I limit energy use due to cost	56%	44%	0%	0%	0%	5.00	0.00
The current energy infrastructure is satisfactory	0%	7%	0%	19%	74%	1.25	0.51
Government should invest more in readily available solar energy	62%	32%	0%	6%	0%	4.64	0.63

Source: Own compilation based on survey data.

(below) distills some of these insights by focusing on the sustainable energy statements and their responses. The findings are very much in line with what was discussed above, but with an emphasis on solutions. Every respondent (100%) strongly agreed that they “limit energy use due to cost” and that “hydroelectric (grid) power is their primary source when available”. This came out as mean = 5.0, SD = 0 in the summary Table 2, indicating unanimous strong agreement. It underscores both the desire for more affordable energy and the fact that people see grid electricity (with all its issues) as the main desired source—hence, a solar solution that can mimic grid electricity supply would be readily welcomed.

There was unanimous strong agreement (mean = 5.0, SD = 0) that “their choice of energy was environmentally friendly”. This likely reflects pride or satisfaction in using cleaner sources when possible (for example, some households using solar lanterns consider that a point of pride compared to kerosene). It might also reflect a general awareness of environmental issues—interestingly, people do care that the energy they use does not harm their environment, even if their options are limited. Dissatisfaction with existing infrastructure is reinforced here with a very low mean of 1.25 (SD = 0.51) in Table 2 for the statement on infrastructure satisfaction. This is essentially the flip side of the coin: they strongly disagree that the status quo is acceptable. Support for solar investment remains very high in this section: the community showed strong support for the idea that solar energy, being readily available (sunshine), should be capitalized on by the government (mean ~4.64, SD ~0.63 in the summary). This echoes the earlier results and came through vividly in interviews. Several interviewees mentioned that “the sun is always there—if we had panels on every roof, imagine how much we could do”. Such comments demonstrate a grassroots understanding of solar potential.

In interviews, community members frequently expressed hope that a solar project could bring reliable lighting and power for appliances like fans, TVs, or irrigation pumps. One community elder said, “We see solar panels used for the clinic’s fridge in the next town. It works, so why can’t we have the same here? If the government helps us, we can maintain it”. This shows both awareness and willingness to embrace solar technology.

From these results, it is clear that the community is not only aware of the shortcomings of their current energy situation but also strongly in favor of solar-based improvements. There is virtually no resistance at the community level to the idea of solar electrification—in fact, it is demanded. This sets a positive stage for any interventions, meaning that social acceptance would likely be high.

4.3. Expert and Stakeholder Insights

A survey of 45 Ghanaian energy specialists confirms near-unanimous confidence in solar power for rural electrification (Figure 2). Forty-three respondents (96%) judged solar a sustainable option, and all agreed it emits no greenhouse gases, echoing projections that solar could supply almost half of global electricity by 2050 [30] and the wider literature on its environmental merits [30,41,42]. Every expert acknowledged that photovoltaic systems operate independently of auxiliary fuels, and 91% described them as reliable for off-grid villages. Perceived drawbacks centered on finance: two-thirds considered installation expensive and 62% cited significant upkeep costs; field prices of roughly USD 400 m⁻² put a typical 24 m² rooftop array at about USD 9600—twenty times Ghana’s average annual income [43]. Despite cost concerns, all respondents characterized solar as safe, non-polluting, and definitively renewable, and 93% viewed it as a valuable complement to other technologies. Experts therefore endorse solar PV as the cleanest and most practical route to rural energy access, provided capital subsidies or innovative payment schemes can bridge the affordability gap and maintenance funds are secured. Their assessment aligns with evidence that solar lighting replaces kerosene, cuts indoor smoke, and broadens opportunities in education, health, and enterprise [44,45,46,47]. Many experts advocated strengthening policies: implementing the Renewable Energy Fund (established by Act 832) to directly support rural projects, offering tax waivers on solar equipment to reduce costs, and establishing a clearer framework for mini-grid tariffs (so that private operators can recover costs reasonably). They also stressed capacity building—not just technical training in villages but also training local government officials to manage and oversee projects.

5. Discussion

The results from Lofetsume demonstrate a high level of community readiness and eagerness for solar electrification. Virtually all community members acknowledged the shortcomings of their current energy situation and expressed strong support for solar energy as a solution. This finding is consistent with other case studies in Sub-Saharan Africa, where off-grid communities readily embrace solar technology when given the opportunity, due to the immediate improvements in quality of life it offers [44]. The unanimous agreement (100% of respondents) that the government should invest more in solar energy underscores a critical point: there is a demand pull from the grassroots for renewable energy solutions. This challenges any notion that rural populations might be resistant to new technology; on the contrary, in Lofetsume, they are effectively asking for it.

The fact that every household reported limiting energy usage due to cost is telling. Energy poverty has real impacts on daily life—children studying by dim light, businesses closing at sunset, health clinics unable to refrigerate medicines, etc. Our study adds a specific Ghanaian example to the broader literature on energy poverty (see Brown et al., 2020 [20], who discuss how low-income households often face high “energy burdens”). In Lofetsume, even when grid electricity is absent, people incur high costs for inferior substitutes (kerosene, batteries)—a situation mirrored in many off-grid African communities (as noted by Hafner et al., 2018 [19]). By providing affordable solar electricity, these communities can redirect money previously spent on expensive fuels to other needs, potentially creating local economic stimulus.

However, enthusiasm alone does not guarantee success. The discussion must consider how to meet these expectations sustainably. The community’s lack of satisfaction with the current infrastructure (which is minimal) implies that any introduced solution must be reliable and well-maintained, or it will quickly fall into the same category of “unsatisfactory.” This is where the insights from the expert survey become crucial. The experts correctly identified maintenance and financing as key challenges. If a solar mini-grid were installed in Lofetsume, who would maintain it? How would battery replacements be financed 5–10 years down the line? These are critical questions that have derailed projects elsewhere. For instance, Ref. [12] observed that some renewable energy projects in rural Ghana had “built-in limitations,” often related to maintenance and community training. Our findings strongly echo that: the community is willing but will need support structures (either training local technicians or an external O&M service contract) to keep systems running.

Another aspect of community readiness is behavioral adaptation. Will households that are used to rationing suddenly consume excessive power if solar is provided? Possibly not—evidence from other rural electrification efforts (e.g., in East Africa) shows that demand grows gradually as people acquire more appliances over time. But initially, they might remain conservative in usage. Our data showed some respondents even initially disagreed that electricity access is crucial for development (21% were negative/neutral)—perhaps because they have not yet experienced it. After acquiring electricity, those perceptions often change dramatically, with communities finding new opportunities (as documented in Kenya [48]). This suggests that education and demonstration will be important. Early on, showing people how to maximize the benefits of electricity (for income, for education, etc.) can help ensure the community fully exploits the solar electrification once provided, thereby improving livelihoods and justifying the investment.

Long-term success hinges on reliability. Panels may last two decades, yet batteries and inverters often need replacement within 5–10 years; projects therefore require a sinking fund and local technicians trained at the outset. Community ownership and clear responsibility deter theft, a recurrent problem for rural installations in Ghana. Seasonal irradiance dips demand correctly sized storage or hybrid back-up so that early failures do not tarnish solar’s reputation. If the national grid eventually arrives, mini-grids should be built with future interconnection in mind to protect investor assets. Module degradation of roughly 1% per year observed by [49] must be factored into system sizing and monitoring plans.

A supportive regulatory environment is as important as hardware. Experts criticized slow licensing and unclear tariff rules; faster “one-stop” approval for mini-grids and activation of Ghana’s Renewable Energy Fund would accelerate deployment [50]. Political commitment, evidenced by the cancelation of a proposed coal plant and targets for universal access, needs continuity beyond election cycles. Embedding projects in local governance—district assemblies and energy committees—and sharing ownership with villagers enhances accountability and guards assets. Effective rural electrification, therefore, depends on coordinated action by government, private investors, donors, and communities, reflecting the multi-stakeholder approach highlighted in the literature [51].

Our findings resonate with many studies in Africa and beyond but also provide some unique local insights. For instance, studies such as [16] have long advocated that solar must be part of the solution to reach the last mile in electrification. Our real-world case study provides micro-level evidence backing that macro-level argument. A review by [11] across Africa highlighted that technical solutions abound, but socioeconomic factors (like the ability to pay, local capacity) often determine success. Lofetsume exemplifies this: technically, a solar solution is straightforward, but the community’s low income and need for support systems are the critical factors to address. In East Africa, countries like Kenya and Tanzania have seen a boom in off-grid solar, driven by innovative companies and mobile payment integration. Ghana has been a bit slower on that front. Our study indirectly points to this gap—none of the community respondents mentioned any ongoing solar home system usage, whereas in a Kenyan village of similar profile, several might already have small solar kits. This suggests Ghana could learn from those models. Some companies are now entering West Africa, so the situation might change.

Our study also touches on the energy–gender nexus, albeit briefly. The literature on women’s empowerment through electrification indicates that electrification can reduce women’s drudgery and expand their opportunities [52]. We found that women in Lofetsume are particularly concerned with lighting for domestic tasks and safety. If solar brings lighting, women benefit by having more productive time in the evenings and reduced smoke exposure (from kerosene replacement). We add to the literature by confirming that women in the community see value in electrification—thus, gender mainstreaming in energy policy (ensuring women are involved in decision making and training) will be important for project success and equity.

6. Conclusions

This study provides evidence for the potential of solar energy technologies to transform rural electrification in Ghana, using the Lofetsume community as a representative case study. The findings resonate strongly with existing literature on energy access challenges and the role of renewable energy in bridging the rural energy gap. Key conclusions and implications include the fact that rural communities like Lofetsume are not only lacking electricity but are actively demanding sustainable solutions. The near-universal support for solar investments among community members indicates that social acceptance of solar technology is high. This counters any notion that rural populations might prefer conventional grid power at all costs; in fact, they welcome solar as a practical alternative given their context. Policymakers and project developers should leverage this positive community disposition by involving locals in the planning and implementation of solar projects, thereby enhancing ownership and long-term success.

The absence of reliable electricity in Lofetsume has tangible negative impacts—economic (high energy costs, low productivity), social (limited evening activities, safety concerns), health (pollution from kerosene), and educational (students unable to study at night). Introducing solar-powered electrification can significantly improve living standards: it would lower household energy expenditures, enable income-generating ventures (e.g., agro-processing, small businesses with lighting or refrigeration), improve health outcomes (by providing clean lighting and powering clinic devices), and enhance educational opportunities (lighting for schools/homes, powering electronic devices) [52]. These multi-dimensional benefits underscore why rural electrification is a catalyst for development.

The success of rural solar initiatives hinges on financing mechanisms that address upfront costs and ensure sustainability. Our study underlines the need for innovative financing models such as pay-as-you-go plans, microcredits, or subsidies targeted at the poorest. Public–private partnerships could be a vehicle for scaling investment—public funds or guarantees can attract private solar developers into rural markets that they might otherwise find unattractive. Importantly, we advocate for establishing maintenance funds or incorporating the cost of battery replacements and other upkeep into the tariff structure from the outset. This aligns with the best global practices where a portion of revenue from solar mini-grids is set aside for future reinvestment, thus avoiding project collapse a few years down the line [53].

To facilitate the above, the policy environment in Ghana should continue to evolve. Streamlining bureaucratic processes for mini-grid approvals, clarifying the regulatory framework for off-grid energy (including what happens when the main grid arrives), and actively operationalizing financial support instruments (like the Renewable Energy Fund) will remove some of the major barriers identified. The government’s commitment to avoiding coal and focusing on renewables is commendable and should be followed through with concrete rural energy programs. Decentralized renewable energy should be integrated as a formal component of Ghana’s national electrification strategy, with clear roles for local governments and communities.

Solar electrification projects in communities like Lofetsume must be designed with local conditions in mind. Anti-theft measures, robust community training, and slightly over-provisioned capacity (to handle future demand growth and component degradation) can greatly enhance reliability. Hybrid systems (solar PV with battery storage, and possibly a standby generator or other backup) may provide the optimal balance of reliability and cost for critical services. Additionally, incorporating productive use equipment from the start (such as a solar-powered water pump or mill) can boost economic impact and make the energy system more economically sustainable by driving higher demand and revenue.

While this study focused on a single community, it raises questions that merit broader investigation. Future research could compare multiple communities implementing solar solutions under different financing models to evaluate outcomes. There is also room for research into the socio-cultural dynamics of technology adoption, for instance, how community training and involvement in management affect system performance and longevity. In the Ghanaian context, monitoring and evaluation of the upcoming mini-grid projects under government programs will provide valuable data, and researchers should be ready to analyze and disseminate those lessons.