1. Introduction
Amid the escalation of the Russia–Ukraine warfare taking place within direct proximity to the EU, the conditions affecting Europe’s energy policies have changed significantly. The standard policy preconditions defining the three layers of affordability, security and environment—the so-called “energy trilemma”—have gained new dynamics. The energy security layer, threatened by the instability of supplies and the hostility of Russia, who have been accused of weaponizing energy exports [
1], has been struggling with that trilemma more strongly than before the breakout of the current military conflict. Russia, which had supplied one third of European gas consumption, cut its gas flows to Europe just before the start of the current invasion of Ukraine, causing a negative supply shock on the gas markets and unprecedented price increases [
2], reminiscent of the first oil crisis in 1973–1974. Nevertheless, the situation does not imply that the two remaining layers of energy considerations should be forfeited. Looking for an optimal trade-off between economic affordability and environmental sustainability is still a valid approach to policy-making, but the reoriented energy security preconditions have been altered. The question arises as to what will be required for countries and governments to agree on how to reconcile all these considerations amidst the current geopolitical outlook. The International Energy Agency (IEA) argued that, rather than a setback of the efforts to tackle climate change, today’s energy crisis should be a historic turning point towards a cleaner and more secure energy system by leveraging an unprecedented response from governments around the world [
3]. On the other hand, some voices claim that early evidence reveals a prioritization of short-term, seemingly quicker policy solutions focusing on new fossil fuel supply routes in order to address the immediate energy security concerns in this time of war. They claim that the fossil fuel industry may leverage the current energy crisis for its own benefit and create new lock-ins [
4]. Therefore, the prospective paths for energy transition may vary.
In this regard, the initiatives under an umbrella term of the EGD, such as Fit for 55 and REPowerEU, may be the EU’s response to the crisis. They encourage collective action to meet the objectives of the international climate agenda and to rapidly reduce the dependence on Russian fossil fuels. While actions such as the diversification of energy supplies and scaling-up of renewables appear relevant, some, mainly energy efficiency targets, may remain too ambiguous to deliver. Furthermore, the execution timeline and track for particular actions may be prone to local (national) variations. Therefore, the question again arises as to whether the EU member states can find a common path towards a homogenous EGD, and what it will take to achieve that goal. The EU Energy Council that convened on 24 November 2022 in Brussels demonstrates that EGD legislation will take time to negotiate, since even the Fit for 55 package of acts was not proposed to the EU ministers of energy in one attempt [
5]. The past structural similarities and differences of the EU member states’ dependence on Russian energy raw materials, as well as the factors that might have determined them in recent years, may be among the key drivers of current negotiations and future energy policy choices in Europe. Past structural convergence might foster reaching an EGD consensus, while critically divergent past conditions might trigger withdrawals from a single EU energy agenda.
Therefore, the aim of this paper is to investigate, economy by economy, the energy mix dependence rates on Russian fossil energy raw materials (the country-level dependence of the EU economies on Russia in terms of coal, oil, and gas imports combined), throughout various layers and dimensions. DRi,t stands for the dependence rate of an energy mix of a country, “i”, on Russian fossil energy raw materials within a period, “t.” The scope of the analysis will comprise the EU member states and the EU itself throughout the period after its 2004 enlargement. This analysis will relate to four features of the DRs: (a) magnitude; (b) dynamics; (c) consistency; and (d) idiosyncrasy. The following research questions are posed in this paper:
Research question 1: have the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials been similar across the EU countries?
Research question 2: have the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials been associated with the economic size of the EU member states and their proximity to or remoteness from Russia?
Finding the answers to these research questions is the objective of this paper. In order to achieve that goal, quantitative research on secondary data was conducted using a multifaceted approach, from descriptive statistics to multiple linear regression model analyses (the conditions for using a multiple linear regression model analysis are satisfied). The study claims that investigating the dissimilarities among the EU member states, with respect to their dependence on Russian energy raw materials, and proving (or disproving) a linkage of the potentially identified dissimilarities to the geographical proximity to Russia, offers a contribution to the existing literature by explicitly focusing on the perspectives of Poland, the Baltic States, and the wider Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) region. Understanding this perspective may be helpful, if not essential, to designing the optimal EGD operationalization. Additionally, investigating the potential disparities, with a focus on the economic size of the EU member states, may enhance the discussion of energy policy fundamentals.
Common sense suggests that a transition away from fossil fuels might be a remedy for the destabilized economic and geopolitical foundations of the EU, as well as a panacea for the climate concerns that have evolved within the global agenda throughout the past decades. It has become apparent that the climate and energy security strategies adopted throughout the EU over the past decades have resulted in an increased vulnerability to external shocks from Russia, and requires the rethinking of priorities and vulnerabilities [
6]. Such rethinking may, however, be prone to the path dependency phenomenon, as well as the different preconditions across the EU member states. In this regard, some researchers have explicitly underlined that the large European countries do have very different energy situations [
7]. It has also been noted that the EU member states such as France, formerly the UK, and especially Germany, have been pushing the climate agenda, while the Eastern member states, particularly Poland, have prioritized security considerations [
8]. It implies that the EU energy policy outlook is far from homogenous. Focusing specifically on the dependencies on Russian energy raw materials, rather than the generic energy mix and energy policy circumstances, leads to the formulation of the first research question of whether the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials were similar across the EU countries throughout the period 2004–2020.
Regardless of whether the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials were similar across the EU member states, it is clear that an extensive dependency persists. Accordingly, some claim that—as for the dependency on natural gas supplies—time, money, and sustained political effort could reduce Europe’s dependence on Russia, but it would not be an easy task [
9,
10]. All these prerequisites seem challenging in the context of long-term energy policy formulations—time and money are generally scarce, and political effort consensus is not a given, especially considering that the gas market is where Russia has been seeking to leverage its warfare actions by exposing consumers to higher energy bills and supply shortages (yet the prices of all energy raw materials increased considerably in 2022). In general, the war-driven energy crisis has resulted in inflationary pressures and the risk of recession [
3]. However, potential recession scenarios are not homogenous, since the economic prospects resulting from Russia’s aggression vary greatly across countries—from catastrophic economic losses due to the war, to spillover effects from the warfare through commodity, trade, and financial channels [
11]. The consequences of the crisis may be heterogeneous, as are the paths for recovery. The prospects of economies in terms of diversifying from Russia may vary and depend on country-by-country specificities. Potential specificities on the causal side lead to the formulation of the second research question of whether the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials have been associated with the economic size of the EU member states and their proximity to (or remoteness from) Russia.
The varying energy interests across the EU have existed since long before the current warfare and energy crisis. To a certain extent, they have determined the energy mix of the respective EU economies and have been constraining policy coordination and the creation of a fully integrated European energy market. Experts claimed that two major clusters of countries emerge with respect to energy priorities: those countries seeking a higher security of supply and those countries seeking a stronger position in the energy market [
12]. Having said that, most of the countries in the CEE have articulated fears about politically rooted gas disruptions from Russia. Given that, and the great dependence of the CEE economies on the energy production from fossil fuels [
13], energy policy and the target energy mix should be analyzed with due consideration for geopolitics and their legacy.
4. Discussion and Conclusions
The study proposes an assessment of the past dependence of EU economies on Russian energy raw materials (or DRs), in which a self-designed analysis framework is populated with secondary historical data. This assessment covers dependence rates defined as the combined dependence of a given country’s energy mix on Russian coal, oil, and gas, analyzed annually throughout the four dimensions of magnitude, dynamics, consistency, and idiosyncrasy.
The pre-warfare outlook of 2020 suggests that the mean and median value of the DRs across the EU member states stood at 24%, ranging between 2% and 65%. While most of the countries had DRs of less than 27%, and 12 countries had DRs of no more than 14%, two countries, Estonia and Poland, had DRs of over 62%. This implies heterogeneous magnitudes of the DRs in 2020. The longer time horizon of 2004–2020 reveals that the highest DRs were observed in Lithuania (92% in 2010), while the lowest DRs (nil dependence) were observed in several countries throughout various periods. Thus, it also demonstrates heterogeneity even for longer-term magnitudes. Most of the EU economies have been decreasing their combined dependence on Russian fossil energy raw materials since 2004, while the whole EU economy has increased such dependence. Most of the EU countries have experienced weak DRTs, with an average yearly rate (compound rate) of less than 2%, where positive DRTs were less frequent than the negative ones, but of a higher magnitude. This implies divergent dynamics of the heterogeneous DRs throughout the period between 2004 and 2020. Investigating the consistency through a self-designed indicator of the DR dynamics demonstrates that the increasing combined dependency of the EU on Russian energy raw materials occurred during half of the periods, while during the other half of the analyzed periods, this dependence was decreasing (the value of such an indicator for the whole EU at 50%). To a certain extent, it infers a volatility of the divergent dynamics of the DRs. Several countries demonstrated distinguished idiosyncratic deviations of the DRs from the EU-wide patterns throughout the whole period, especially Estonia, Lithuania, and Poland. Some other countries demonstrated such idiosyncratic deviations throughout part of the analyzed period, mainly Croatia and Finland. This analysis demonstrated that the past dependency on Russian energy raw materials was not similar across the EU countries (answer to research question 1). This entails that some countries demonstrate inherently divergent past features that may cause the differences in the energy consensus now and in the future.
Since the modeled relationship between the idiosyncrasy of the DRs and GDP per capita, as well as between the idiosyncrasy of the DRs and the distance from Russia, have demonstrated statistical significance, it is possible to claim that the idiosyncrasy of the DRs is related to those independent variables. In this regard, strongly negative correlation coefficients have been obtained, suggesting that the EU countries neighboring Russia and having a lower economic output per capita than their more developed peers (especially in the cases of Estonia, Lithuania, and Poland) have demonstrated, in general, structurally different dependence rates of energy mix on Russian fossil energy raw materials than the EU countries more remote from Russia that boast a higher GDP per capita. This also suggests that the past dependencies on Russian energy raw materials are, to a certain extent, associated with the economic size of the EU member states and their proximity to, or remoteness from, Russia (answer to research question 2).
Such findings are consistent with the known problem of the so-called East–West divergences [
28] and, to a certain extent, reflect observations that the energy-related divergence between Eastern European and Western European economies began as soon as central planning was adopted [
29]. However, the findings presented in this paper constitute a value added, in the sense that the perspectives of Poland, the Baltic States, and the wider CEE region are advocated and backed by the latest empirical data. While divergent energy transition interests within the EU have been known and articulated in the past [
30], they matter most now, in the context of the EGD decision-making. This perspective was indeed discussed before, especially for Poland and Lithuania [
31], but prior to the current warfare and without the contextual concept of the idiosyncratic analysis proposed in this paper.
The paper is limited by the high-level granularity of its analysis, and therefore a more granular analysis on a per-raw-material basis could enhance the conclusions. A dataset could also be extended to cover more energy-related commodities such as uranium (Russia is an important supplier in the nuclear energy sector [
31]). Another area for further improvement could be to analyze such enriched data using structural equation modeling.