2. Previous Critical Commentaries on the SDoH Approach
- The foundational basis for the SDoH approach is “ancient,” with written materials dating back hundreds of years, documenting the ubiquity of health inequalities by socioeconomic status. This in turn means that it is very difficult to “create a sense of urgency” to address these perennial phenomena observed in virtually all human societies. Indeed, the biblical observation that “the poor are always with us” (Deuteronomy 15) captures the kind of inured and complacent audience reaction which frequently occurs when SDoH ideas are presented, especially to policy stakeholders.
- The measurement of “what is social” is problematic. McQueen points to a persistent lack of convincing conceptual work in public health publications around the complex construct of social class and its profound nonequivalence to simple unidimensional markers such as individual income or education, let alone area-based measures such as indices of multiple deprivation, which can have remarkably different implications in different settings.
- The etiological evidence base is relatively well-developed for social determinants as key causal factors affecting health status. However, the evidence base for the effectiveness of specific public health interventions (programs and policies) to reduce overall ill health in a society, while also reducing health inequalities by socioeconomic status (SES), is much less well developed .
3. Emerging Challenges to the SDoH Model
3.1. Emerging “Exogenous” Challenges to Global Health Equity
- Emergence and recognition of ever more complex and “wicked” public health problems. For example, the obesity pandemic continues unabated in high-income countries (HICs) and is rapidly growing in lower- and middle-income settings (LMICs), despite widespread policy and program efforts to control it. One challenge to SDoH thinking is that obesity is not consistently socially patterned internationally. Indeed, obesity tends to demonstrate “reverse social gradients” in some HIC adult male populations, and more widely in LMICs . This suggests that SDoH concepts are not well-suited to helping public health professionals and policy makers deal effectively with obesity at a global scale. As the widely cited Foresight Report on Obesity in the UK pointed out more than a decade ago , using the word “determinants” in relation to such a complex, system-level problem seems problematically reductionistic.
- In a similar vein, over the last decade there has been increasing recognition of the importance of government legislation/regulation to control “marketable health hazards” to combat the ongoing global rise in noncommunicable/chronic diseases. Such hazards include poor-quality and energy-dense food and drink, alcohol, tobacco and psychoactive drugs, and gambling (especially online) [14,15,16]. Yet, typical SDoH writings appear unclear—or at least uninformed—about the specific sections and levels of government at which such decisions are actually taken, making targeted, effective advocacy more difficult.
- Increased multisectorality of global health and development thinking: The UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) cover many sectors. On the one hand, health is explicitly prominent in only 1 of its 17 Goals. On the other hand, in line with the “health in all policies” terminology, health is typically interpreted by public health advocates as inherent in all of the SDGs. This is an expansion of those SDoH writings that can be read as assuming that all societies should value health outcomes above others—so-called “health-ism.” This issue is extensively discussed by Crammond and Carey .
- Increasing scientific evidence and public recognition that socioeconomic inequality, per se, probably has a causal relationship to the suboptimal “performance” of many societies globally, extending well beyond health outcomes [17,18,19,20,21]. This recognition has led to an increased emphasis on equity-oriented public policy-making, with a focus on redistributive tax and transfer (welfare benefits) policies as key levers for achieving increased societal inequity [22,23,24]. SDoH writings before 2009 often do not prioritize tax and transfer policies in this way.
- Increased recognition by the global public health community that climate change and environmental degradation (barely mentioned in the main SDoH writings) are core priorities for public health, in partnership with many others in civil society. Fortunately, it is quite possible to update SDoH thinking to incorporate the repeated observation that the poorest and least educated persons in any society are most affected by incipient climate change and environmental degradation, so that, in fact, the environmental justice movement fits well into SDoH concepts .
- SDoH approaches tend to avoid the “relationality” in the unequal distribution of resources for health. SDoH thinking tends to focus on “deprivation,” saying nothing about the privileged side. However, insofar as health inequalities are socially made or reproduced (i.e., they are preventable “inequities”), their generation and perpetuation represent an issue of political power and economic influence [19,20,21]. SDoH writings traditionally appear to avoid confronting this issue head-on, perhaps for strategic reasons related to the conservative political environment during the years after the WHO Commission Report in 2008, which, of course, coincided with the 2008 recession.
3.2. Challenges Related to Weak Policy and Practice Implementation
- Lack of in-depth analysis of institutions’ key role in codetermining how well-intended, pro-equity policies and programs are finally executed in communities: Institutions—whether NGOs, government-based, or academic—all have a role in supporting, both in spirit and financially, key areas of SDoH work. For example, the WHO played a key role in creating excitement about the SDoH with the Marmot report (2005–8). However, the WHO, like all large global institutions, is a microcosm of diverse ministries of health and political leaders of all types who constantly want to move on to new agendas. It thus sometimes appears to act rapidly onto the next exciting idea before the last one has been fully implemented. Such influential institutional behaviours are worthy of more study.
- Institutions are often affected by the overarching influence of cultural and political beliefs and related national politics: In the USA’s Healthy People 2020 planning process, for example, the SDoH played a role, but it was minor. Even before the Trump period, there was a distinct lack of enthusiasm for SDoH ideas at the top of US public health leadership, a situation that could only get worse under the current government. Notably, there has been a sharp falloff of support for SDoH in the USA, reflected in rising right-wing political activities globally, which signals a move away from the “social.” Lack of financial support for SDoH policies then follows in lockstep .
- Insufficient attention to the precise public sector context for intervention (i.e., the precise sections and levels of government most likely to be able to action policy and program advice in a given setting concerning SDoH): As mentioned in the previous section, providing advice to public health professionals on interventions to improve health equitably without clearly specifying which section and level of government should be the priority target of advocacy efforts can seriously impair those advocates’ effectiveness. For example, the radical 2012 Lansley reforms of England’s previously NHS-based public health system were sold by the Tory-led coalition government on the basis that there would be clear population health benefits from relocating public health services out of the NHS to some 200 local authorities (LAs) across England. Specifically, it was argued that this reorganisation would enable those professionals to have more access to decisions made by local authorities (LAs), such as zoning and licensing of fast-food or alcohol/tobacco outlets, potentially having a strong impact on NCD risk factors in an equitable way. That argument systematically avoided pointing out that public health professionals immersed in the local bureaucracies of LAs might well be unable to engage simultaneously in effective national-level advocacy. That failure of dual tasking by public health might in turn be expected to reduce the chances of successful control of noncommunicable disease risk factors through national-level legislation or regulation, as has been advocated by many experts [14,15,16]. This is particularly the case for increased taxes on unhealthy foods and drinks or subsidies on healthy ones—policy options now widely advocated by public health experts , which necessarily require advocacy at the national level aimed at that level of government, which largely controls such taxes and transfers—certainly within the UK.
- Innovative approaches to the governance of programs/policies/interventions: Given the deep complexity of many current public health challenges (e.g., the obesity pandemic) and the need to involve multiple actors of “pluralistic society,” it is essential to innovate public/voluntary sector governance in order to avoid “pouring new wine into old wineskins.” The cocreation approach [27,28,29], for instance, accepts this complexity and the several “multis” linked to it (multilevel, multidisciplinary, multi-actors, etc.). This approach focuses on searching for common objectives across the typically diverse stakeholder constituencies with an interest in such challenges.
- Weak analysis of, and planning for, powerful and sophisticated political opposition to proequity policies and programs: In many pre-2009 writings about SDoH, there appears to be a slightly naïve unwillingness to acknowledge the virtual certainty of explicit and profound opposition by powerful vested interests to policies likely to improve health equitably. Policy-analytic approaches originating in political science, including the careful identification of “interest groups” around any proposed legislation or regulation, would better enable public health professionals to plan for, and succeed in overcoming, such daunting opposition. A particularly disturbing example is the protracted resistance on the part of the British food production, processing, marketing, and distribution firms to shift their obesogenic practices that massively contribute to that slow global pandemic [14,15].
3.3. More Fundamental Challenges Related to SDoH Theory and Research
- SDoH research tends to focus on individuals/populations as more or less passive “victims of deprivation/inequality” and thus “carriers of risks”: This reflects a limited and rather paternalistic view; more importantly, it leaves unexplored the potential agency of people to use social resources for health. The early SDoH approach included the broader sense of agency by referring to A. Sen’s “capability” approach  but later dropped it.
- Persistent focus on, and repetition of, mere descriptions of health and other inequalities: Although some public health research has been brilliant at analysing the underlying origins and drivers of social and economic inequalities in health, the vast bulk of such research rarely goes beyond increasingly more “precise” description. This continued focus on description has led to a paucity of studies on “how and why” to change things—developing and testing feasible policy and program interventions to guide policy makers in improving health equitably. More recently, critical social scientists have provided strong theoretical frameworks to support the development of a new field of “public health intervention research” to address previous shortcomings in this arena [31,32].
- Weak research theory and methods for assessing the socioeconomic redistributive effects of public health interventions (i.e., whether they increase or decrease health inequalities): As an example, a recent review of the degree to which the existing evaluations of all sorts of public health interventions have adhered to widely accepted methodological criteria for assessing an intervention’s differential effects, in this case across different socioeconomic groups, shows that remarkably few studies to date have passed this basic test of quality . Analogously, there has been inadequate development of theory to support public health interventions’ evaluations, especially related to their distributional effects . This weakness is accompanied by widespread failure among public health researchers to understand and address the complex interplay of structural conditions and individual agency .
- Excessive reliance on traditional scientific ideas about “generalizability” (external validity) of evidence: Biomedical science, viewing all human beings as members of one “genetically bottlenecked” species, has traditionally tended to assume biological equivalence across human societies for biomedical interventions. Notably, even that is increasingly coming into question—for example, due to humans’ surprising genetic and epigenetic diversity. However, policy and program interventions aimed at changing human behaviour for health gains are typically so contextualized by the sociocultural and political setting of their implementation that their effects (both desired and undesired) may be virtually impossible to extrapolate generally. Fortunately, recent social science innovations in both “realist evaluation” and “complex intervention” methodologies are shifting public health practice towards a more explicit characterization of the context of any such interventions, which are the mainstay of chronic disease prevention through behavioural change [35,36]. Explicitly addressing instead of ignoring or controlling context effects could be achieved by more use of parallel case studies of particular settings’ influence on such variation in a given intervention’s effects.
- Excessive reliance on randomization in intervention trials: The randomised controlled trial (RCT) still reigns supreme in the eyes of many public health experts, even when randomization is not feasible or ethical, or more cost-effective, compared with sophisticated quasi-experimental/observational study designs from sociology and economics, which are especially well suited to evaluating policy and program effectiveness across societies and time periods [37,38,39]. However, epidemiology, “the basic science of public health,” has been slow to adopt these new study designs.
3.4. Broader Issues around Modern Research
Conflicts of Interest
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