The American workforce is aging, with 22.4% of full-time workers over 55 years of age in 2016, compared with 13.1% in 2000 [
1]. Because the work environment is linked to aspects of quality of life such as job satisfaction [
2] and mental and physical health [
3,
4], employers need to consider the ways in which workplaces can adapt to meet the needs of older workers. Workplaces that facilitate a happy and healthy older workforce may increase labor force retention, job engagement [
5] and occupational health [
6].
The literature suggests that there is a balance between job demands that require sustained physical or psychological effort and job resources that promote learning and engagement, and that greater job demands relative to job resources result in burnout [
7]. Economic, social, psychosocial, and organizational resources available to employees may be a particularly important feature of the workplace, as these resources have been linked to more job satisfaction and engagement in the workplace [
8]. Perhaps as important, however, is that the resources available to workers may offset the burden of job demands [
9].
To date, the vast majority of research on the link between job demands, job resources, and worker well-being has relied on measures captured through self-reports. These subjective measures are useful for understanding worker agency and engagement. For example, although the physical and organizational aspects of one’s job may be beyond one’s control, social and psychological aspects are realized through individual perception and experience. If workers perceive that they have autonomy, skill variety, and opportunities for growth, they may have motivation to persist despite exposure to draining job demands [
10].
However, objective measures of the workplace environment may also provide unique and useful information not captured by subjective self-reports. Objective data on workplace settings are available through the Occupation Information Network (O*NET). O*NET is a comprehensive database of job characteristics produced by the U.S. Department of Labor’s Employment and Training Administration and is the leading data source on job ratings [
11]. O*NET ratings of workplace characteristics are assigned by occupational analysts and are based on information obtained from randomly surveying a broad range of workers within each occupational category. As such, these ratings could be considered a population average of job demands and resources that workers experience within a given occupation. In the context of an aging workforce, researchers are increasingly utilizing objective data on workplace settings to study later life well-being. For example, using O*NET information linked to surveys, previous research suggests that workplace environment is related to health disparities [
12,
13], later-life cognition [
14], workplace injuries [
15], and later-life employment transitions [
16,
17].
Nevertheless, neither subjective nor objective measures are without limitations. For example, self-reports may lead to inflated or biased associations between job demands and resources if the same worker is providing all of the information on the work environment (i.e., common method bias), or if they are not accurately perceiving their work environment due to unmeasured dispositional traits [
18,
19,
20], affect [
19,
20], mental state [
21], or other characteristics. Furthermore, racial/ethnic, gender, and socioeconomic occupational segregation means that women and non-White racial/ethnic and lower socioeconomic groups are more likely to occupy jobs with greater job demands and fewer resources than other groups, regardless of how these demands and resources are perceived, e.g., [
22]. This segregation has important implications for effective interventions to reduce job strain and promote worker well-being. On the other hand, the downside to O*NET ratings is they do not capture the heterogeneous nature of workplace experiences within a given occupation, which can directly affect how an individual experiences work [
23]. Thus, analyses of workplace characteristics that affect worker well-being and labor force attachment may benefit from research that includes subjective as well as objective measures [
13,
17].
To determine the distinction and utility of subjective and objective measures for future research, the purpose of this study was to evaluate whether subjectively and objectively rated job resources in older workers were differentially associated with a common set of personal resources, job demands, and sociodemographic characteristics. Given the increasing use of O*NET data on job characteristics, it is important to characterize these associations because factors that predict O*NET job resources may differ from factors that predict individual reports of job resources. Both self-reported job demands and personal resources such as health or personality attributes were hypothesized to be associated with self-reported job resources, while demographic characteristics were hypothesized to be more strongly associated with objective ratings of job resources.
1.1. Description of the Job Demands–Resources (JD–R) Model: The Contribution of Subjective and Objective Measures
To guide the current study, the Job Demands–Resources (JD–R) model was used. JD–R has influenced decades of research in occupational health and safety and informed workplace health and safety programs in organizations [
24,
25]. The current JD–R model seeks to predict how worker motivation and strain affect job performance. According to JD–R, every job can be characterized by the presence of job demands and job resources [
26]. Job demands refer to physical, psychological, social, or organizational aspects of the job that require sustained physical and/or psychological effort or skills leading to job strain [
27]. Examples include high work pressure and emotionally demanding interactions with customers. Job demands are associated with physical health problems [
28] and depression [
29]. In contrast, job resources are physical, psychological, social, or organizational aspects of the job that stimulate personal growth, learning, and development leading to work engagement and motivation [
26,
30]. Examples of job resources include autonomy, skill variety, performance feedback, and opportunities for growth.
Research indicates that an imbalance of high job demands relative to job resources results in exhaustion and burnout [
31,
32]. On the other hand, proportionately higher job resources are shown to buffer the negative association between job demands and burnout [
32] and promote motivation to cope with stressful working conditions [
9]. Subsequent versions of the JD–R model have been expanded to include personal resources (e.g., self-efficacy, self-esteem), which are presumed to increase engagement and mitigate the association between job demands and burnout [
33,
34].
Measures of job demands and resources overwhelmingly rely on self-reports. Capturing perceptions of the workplace are useful; individuals have a variety of experiences in the same job [
35]. It is through these differences that scholars have identified mechanisms to create proactive changes to working conditions that foster gain (e.g., job crafting [
36]) and mitigate loss (e.g., undermining [
37]) spirals on the job [
24]. However, studies that primarily use subjective measures may not be capturing the multi-level nature of organizations and their effect on worker outcomes. For example, job resources may be realized at the level of the organization at large (e.g., pay, career opportunities, job security), at the level of interpersonal or social relations (e.g., supervisor and co-worker support, team climate), by the organization of work (e.g., role clarity, participation in decision making), or at the level of the task (e.g., skill variety, task identity, task significance, autonomy, performance feedback) [
7].
Moreover, subjective measures may not reflect societal level processes driven by sociodemographic characteristics such as gender, race, age, and socioeconomic status that are also “acting in the background” to influence the lived realities in workplaces. Evidence indicates sustained gender and racial occupational segregation are associated with multiple aspects of the employment process that result in lower quality jobs for women and non-White groups [
22,
38,
39,
40,
41]. For example, jobs predominantly occupied by women and non-Whites not only have lower pay but also less flexibility, opportunities for advancement, and other resources compared to jobs predominantly occupied by White men [
39,
42,
43,
44]. Additionally, Black and Hispanic men and women are more likely to occupy jobs with hazardous exposures or fewer resources compared to their White counterparts [
45]. Therefore, while subjective measures capture important aspects of the workplace, they leave gaps in our understanding of the ways in which social and organizational structures are related to the psychosocial reality of the workplace.
Since O*NET ratings can be thought of as a population average of workplace characteristics for a given three-digit occupational code, they may be useful for capturing constructs across levels of analysis that also affect psychological phenomena unfolding within organizations. Thus, knowledge gathered from using objective data in addition to subjective data may help to guide the development of more population-based, effective interventions. To date, studies that have used objective indicators typically assess objective indicators of job demands, e.g., [
46], since these are more easily assessed than objective measures of job resources. For instance, work hours, work overload, and time pressure are easily documented job demand metrics. In this study, we chose to compare four well-established subjective and objective measures of job resources (as opposed to job demands) because we were able to find nearly identical corollaries of these job resource measures in the HRS and O*NET.
1.2. Factors Predicting Subjective and Objective Measures of Job Resources
Factors such as self-reported job demands, personal resources, and demographic characteristics that predict job resources are important to clarify as they may moderate or mediate the job demand–job resource imbalance. With respect to job demands, the vast majority of studies show a strong inverse relationship between subjectively reported job demands and job resources [
24]. However, past research has not assessed the relationship between subjective job demands and objective job resources.
Personal resources generally refer to internal mechanisms that help individuals function, appraise situations positively, and deal with stress [
10]. Examples of personal resources include self-efficacy, optimism, and self-esteem [
24]. Personal resources influence perceptions of job resources and demands, often leading to higher levels of work engagement. Personal resources may also include aspects of personality, including the Big Five personality traits [
47]. For example, extraversion is associated with multiple dimensions of organizational commitment [
48,
49], job proficiency in occupations requiring social interactions (i.e., sales) [
50,
51], and job satisfaction due to experiencing positive emotions [
52,
53]. In contrast, neuroticism predisposes individuals to greater experiences of negative emotions and distress, which is in turn associated with lower job satisfaction [
50,
52]. Characteristics of conscientiousness, namely self-discipline and achievement, strongly predict job performance [
50], continuance commitment [
48], and job satisfaction [
54]. Additionally, a recent study suggests that personality traits may moderate the effects of non-monetary job characteristics (i.e., physical demands, computer skill requirements, job flexibility, and workplace age discrimination) on retirement [
16]. Finally, openness to experience is generally related to higher workplace creativity [
55] and increased worker performance in the face of change.
In addition to dispositional resources, physical and mental health contributes to workplace performance and appraisal, e.g., [
56]. Studies show that perceptions of one’s health are stronger predictors of change in health status compared to objective health measures [
57,
58]. Altering one’s perception of stress (subjective indicator) also fundamentally changes objective physiological processes [
59].
Finally, given their potent role in shaping life experiences and opportunities, divergent patterns of association between sociodemographic factors and different sources of workplace reports may occur for several reasons. First, measures of social stratification affect selection into work environments and work experiences, e.g., [
60,
61,
62]. For example, Black men and women are substantially less likely to hold managerial positions at any point in their life compared to White men [
39], positions which may provide more job resources to offset job demands. Furthermore, socioeconomic status and gender both shape access to and progress in occupational career tracks [
63]. A practical implication of occupational sorting based on sociodemographic characteristics is that people who are like each other will find themselves in similar jobs. To exemplify, given geographic segregation, women who are K-12 teachers are likely to have other women as colleagues who share similar demographic and educational backgrounds [
64]. Thus, their subjective perceptions of the resources available to them are likely to be similar to their peers.