Promoting Urban Community Gardens as “Third Places”: Lessons from Toronto and São Paulo

Abstract

Urban community gardens (UCGs) have been expanding globally. Initially created to provide fresh, organic produce for low-income populations, UCGs have evolved into models of sustainable agriculture with increasing economic significance. Beyond their economic role, UCGs serve as vital social spaces and may be categorized as third places—informal gathering spaces that foster social connections and promote well-being. This study analyzes and compares the impact of UCGs as third places in Toronto and São Paulo, focusing on their contributions to social cohesion, financial resilience, environmental sustainability, cultural transmission, and mental well-being. It is a review-based study utilizing publicly available data from policy documents, the academic literature, and official websites. Although the practice of community gardening has a long-standing history, the concept of gardens as third places is relatively recent, emerging in the late 1980s. In recent decades, there has been growing interest in their association not only with aesthetic and functional benefits but also with health, well-being, and social connection. UCGs are valuable not only for food production but also for fostering social interaction, preserving cultural practices, and promoting overall well-being. Cities must develop policies that strengthen community resilience by recognizing and supporting UCGs as essential third places.

1. Introduction

The concept of the “third place”, introduced by sociologist Ray Oldenburg (1989), refers to informal public spaces where individuals gather, relax, and socialize outside of home and work environments. These settings foster social connections, provide belonging, and support community well-being [1]. Urban community gardens (UCGs) may exemplify third places by offering inclusive environments where people across all demographics unite around shared interests in gardening, nature, and sustainability [2].

UCGs are designed to engage residents in the stewardship of public land through the cultivation of food, flowers, and native species. Beyond their role in transforming urban spaces, they serve as hubs for information sharing on topics such as gardening techniques, composting, recycling, and healthy living. They also foster community recreation, celebrate cultural and environmental heritage, and support civic engagement [3].

By functioning as third places, UCGs achieve a wide range of social and environmental benefits, encouraging communities to care for and improve public spaces; promoting leadership, organization, and civic pride; and enhancing health and well-being through access to nature and nutritious food. These UCGs also offer intergenerational recreational opportunities; contribute to neighbourhood safety; and increase local food self-reliance by providing families with low-cost, healthy produce. Moreover, they serve as living laboratories that demonstrate ecological principles and natural processes, inspiring environmental management among participants. Thus, UCGs are spaces not only for cultivation but also for connection, education, and empowerment within the urban fabric [3].

Toronto (Canada) and São Paulo (Brazil) are cities that, while differing in terms of cultural traditions, governance structures, and environmental conditions, are also highly comparable due to their advanced urbanization and rich multicultural diversity. Both cities face similar challenges related to social inclusion, food security, and environmental sustainability. It makes them ideal case studies for understanding how UCGs can foster community engagement, environmental stewardship, and social well-being [4,5,6].

Despite growing recognition of UCGs’ multifaceted benefits, research gaps persist in understanding how these spaces function as integrated systems for urban sustainability. Most existing studies examine UCGs through single-dimension lenses, limiting our comprehension of their systemic impact on urban resilience and community well-being. Therefore, this study aims to highlight how these spaces can serve as inclusive, multifunctional platforms that address local needs while promoting broader sustainability, public health, and social cohesion goals.

2. Research Question

“In what ways can urban community gardens be strengthened as ‘third places’, and how do their social, economic, and environmental dimensions contribute to urban sustainability in the contrasting contexts of Toronto and São Paulo?”

3. Materials and Methods

This study employs a comparative case study approach examining, through document analysis of available literature, two distinct metropolitan areas: São Paulo, SP, Brazil and Toronto, ON, Canada.

3.1. Toronto and São Paulo

Toronto stands as Canada’s most populous municipality, with approximately 3.0 million inhabitants within the city proper. The city exhibits a population density of 4427.8 people per square kilometer across its 631.1 km² land area. Its multicultural composition generates significant interest in community-based food systems and culturally diverse gardening practices within established urban planning frameworks [4]. The City of Toronto’s website shows 69 entries of registered UCGs [7], whereas the organization FoodShare Toronto (2024) [8] stated there are currently over 242 initiatives. These figures likely underrepresent the actual number, as new gardens are continuously being established throughout the city [8].

São Paulo stands as Brazil’s most populous municipality, with approximately 11.9 million inhabitants within the city proper. The city exhibits an extraordinarily high population density of 7216.3 people per square kilometer, creating intense pressure on urban infrastructure and available land for community initiatives [5,6]. This demographic density presents both challenges and opportunities for UCGs, as the concentration of residents creates substantial demand for green spaces and food security initiatives, while simultaneously limiting available land for agricultural activities within the urban core. Despite these spatial constraints, São Paulo has developed 1842 registered UCG initiatives across the metropolitan area, demonstrating significant community mobilization toward urban agriculture as a response to urbanization pressures [9].

3.2. Data Collection

The document analysis was carried out between April and May 2025. It was conducted following the READ approach [10], which consists of four main steps: (a) ready materials—searching for and gathering documents; (b) extract data—collecting information of interest; (c) analyze data according to the objective of the inquiry; and (d) distil data—presenting and discussing the findings.

This review was conducted by two authors, both of whom are fluent in English and Portuguese; therefore, the involvement of translators was not necessary. The search was performed in Web of Science and PubMed. Additionally, to incorporate official documents, public policies, programs, and technical references, publicly accessible websites of local governments were consulted, including those of the City of Toronto, the Government of Canada, the City of São Paulo, and the Government of Brazil.

Initially, the authors identified three main axes to be explored in order to develop a broader perspective on UCGs: (a) environmental benefits, encompassing urban planning for the development of greener cities; (b) social connection, which includes concepts related to mental health, multiculturalism, and intergenerationality; and (c) financial support, focusing on employability and food insecurity. These axes were defined through discussion groups among the authors, focusing on the relationship between UCG and sustainability.

Based on these axes, relevant keywords were selected to guide the search strategy. Accordingly, the term “community garden” was combined with “sustainability,” “financial support,” “food insecurity,” “mental health,” or “social connection” and restricted to the geographical areas of interest: “Toronto” or “São Paulo”. Boolean operators were used to structure the search queries, ensuring greater precision and comprehensiveness in the retrieval of the relevant literature.

This review included documents published within the last ten years (2015–2024) that were conducted in or contained relevant information about Toronto (Canada) or São Paulo (Brazil) and had full-text availability.

A spreadsheet was designed to guide data extraction from the documents selected and registered in Microsoft Excel^©. Information such as type of document, title, date of publication, author, study design, sample, results, and main findings were collected.

4. Results

The search yielded a total of 22 eligible articles addressing the proposed themes: 10 focused on Toronto and 12 on São Paulo. In addition to the academic literature, a significant amount of relevant information was found on the official websites of the City of São Paulo and the City of Toronto. Key findings were transcribed and synthesized into

Table 1. Summary of evidence of urban community gardens’ (UCGs’) impacts in Toronto and São Paulo through thematic analysis.

Thematic Axes	Toronto, ON, Canada	São Paulo, SP, Brazil
Social Connection
Cultural roots	Communities use their skills and reclaim a sense of home, deeply connected to their cultural heritage [11]. UCGs as a potential tool for promoting community engagement [12].	UCGs help preserve food heritage by reviving traditional crops and collective, culturally rooted food practices [13,14]. Social and political engagement, sense of belonging and connectedness to the city [13,14,15,16,17].
Leisure	Gardening thrives as a leading leisure activity, and UCGs embody this passion, combining shared stewardship, social connection, and environmental care [3,18,19].	Participants often describe the activity as enjoyable and meaningful, highlighting its social and recreational benefits [20].
Financial Support
Employment	Offer diverse employment and leadership opportunities through nature-based programs, workshops, and educational activities for all ages [18].	Income generation and job opportunities are provided for unemployed individuals and those requiring community reintegration [16,17].
Skills development	Foster hands-on activities that enrich gardening and cooking experiences [21,22].	In addition to gardening skills, São Paulo’s UCGs offer craft workshops and educational activities that foster entrepreneurship and support life purpose [17,23].
Food security	Food is commonly shared among participants or those in need and may also be sold tax-free [12,24].	Food may be donated, shared, or sold, contributing to food security and reducing household expenses [15,17,23].
Environmental Sustainability
Educational role	UCGs act as an educational centre and knowledge base for green technology [22].	Promotion of sustainable practices among youth through school- and university-based UCG and integrated gardening curriculum [23,25,26].
Food Safety: Air, Soil, and Water Quality	Toronto Public Health developed a guide for soil testing in UCG, providing risk classification and management recommendations based on soil conditions and contaminant levels [27]. Green structures such as UCGs have been reported to have the potential to improve urban microclimate [21].	Active engagement in global health, as well as valorization of organic farming and the principles of agroecology and permaculture [15,16,17]. Organic food produced in UCGs is safe for consumption [28,29].
Mental Health
Occupation	Promoted essential aspects such as staying active, fostering social ties, and enhancing skill [18].	UCGs are reported by women and older adults as opportunities for social belonging and personal fulfillment, offering housewives a sense of purpose beyond family roles and older adults a way to stay active and connected [13,30].
Social prescribing for mental illnesses	Participation in UCG is encouraged as an innovative strategy to promote mental health and mitigate feelings of loneliness [19,31].	Gardening is often prescribed by healthcare professionals as therapeutic interventions [22,31]. UCGs are built in basic health units’ facilities to promote engagement among patients of the unit [30].

, which highlights the main themes and insights identified.

4.1. Social Connection

In both Toronto and São Paulo, UCGs play a meaningful role in fostering social connection through the preservation and celebration of cultural identity. In Toronto, community members use gardening as a way to apply traditional knowledge and skills [11]. Similarly, in São Paulo, UCGs contribute to social cohesion by preserving food heritage, reviving traditional crops, and promoting collective food practices that are culturally rooted. This culturally grounded approach reinforces community bonds and supports a more profound sense of identity and continuity among participants [13,14].

Unlike Toronto’s experience, in São Paulo, the social connections fostered by UCG are closely tied to processes of spatial resistance and the transformation of peripheral urban territories, particularly in informal settlements. In many of these areas, gardens emerge not merely as spaces for food cultivation but as tools for reclaiming dignity, improving local infrastructure, and challenging the historical marginalization of favelas and other precarious neighbourhoods. UCG initiatives in São Paulo are often rooted in grassroots activism, where residents collectively mobilize to transform degraded or abandoned lots into productive and socially meaningful spaces. These efforts contribute to the re-signification of public space, the strengthening of local identities, and the gradual transformation of the urban periphery into more just and livable environments [13,14,15,16].

UCGs also emerge as a significant form of entertainment in both cities, enhancing social connection through shared enjoyment. In Toronto, gardening is already recognized as one of the city’s most popular leisure activities. This reflects a broader lifestyle choice, whereas in São Paulo, it is still in the process of gaining recognition as a form of leisure. Regardless, gardening is frequently described as both enjoyable and meaningful, emphasizing that the recreational dimension of UCGs contributes to emotional well-being and strengthens social ties, underscoring their multifaceted role in urban life.

4.2. Financial Support

In Toronto, UCG initiatives are often integrated into broader nature-based programs that create diverse job and leadership opportunities. These include roles in program coordination, facilitating workshops, and conducting educational activities tailored to different age groups. Such opportunities generate income and foster capacity building and community engagement [18]. Hands-on activities ranging from advanced gardening techniques to cooking workshops create learning opportunities that enhance practical skills while promoting healthy living practices [21].

In São Paulo, urban agriculture serves more as a critical strategy for addressing poverty and food insecurity. Firstly, they are reported as essential entry points for individuals who are unemployed or in need of social reintegration. The work experience supports both economic and social inclusion. São Paulo’s UCGs expand the educational concept by offering craft workshops and targeted educational sessions designed to foster entrepreneurship and strengthen participants’ sense of life purpose [17,23]. These activities, often specifically targeted at marginalized populations, help build confidence, creativity, and concrete pathways to self-sufficiency [13,30]. Both models demonstrate how UCGs effectively serve as informal educational hubs with broad social and financial benefits. Beyond formal employment opportunities, UCGs promote skill-building initiatives that support long-term economic resilience and personal development.

In terms of food access, UCGs offer direct contributions to household food security. In Toronto, harvested food is commonly shared among participants or distributed to individuals in need, and in some cases, produce may be sold tax-free, enhancing both accessibility and income generation (Sustain Ontario, 2019). In São Paulo, similar practices are observed: food is donated, shared, or sold, with a notable impact on reducing family food expenses [23]. These actions increase the availability of fresh, nutritious food that many UCG workers and citizens of both cities would not have access to.

Concerns have emerged regarding the safety of produce cultivated in these UCG, given their frequent location in highly polluted urban environments where exposure to airborne contaminants and soil contamination may compromise food quality. To address these concerns, a comprehensive Brazilian study examined the dual impact of atmospheric pollution and soil contamination on urban agricultural systems. The research findings demonstrated that the cultivation of vegetables with abbreviated growth cycles in São Paulo’s UCGs did not result in significant accumulation of combustion-derived polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) in the foliar tissues of these crops, regardless of whether they were grown in existing garden beds or in controlled soil conditions [29].

These results offer important evidence supporting the safety of short-cycle vegetable production in urban agricultural contexts [20]. According to these findings, this evidence reinforces the viability of urban agriculture as a sustainable food production system, thereby reinforcing the role of UCG as viable strategies for enhancing food security in metropolitan areas. Nonetheless, they also emphasize the need for ongoing research and continuous monitoring of food safety measures to ensure the long-term reliability and sustainability of urban food production systems [15,28,29].

In this regard, Toronto stands out as a relevant example of proactive public policy implementation. The city has adopted structured measures to ensure food safety, including an official soil testing guide developed by the city. This guide offers risk classification and management strategies based on contaminant levels, ensuring that urban-grown food meets safety standards and protecting public health [27]. São Paulo has no similar specific legislation, and this is a gap that should be addressed in the near future.

4.3. Environmental Sustainability

UCGs in both Toronto and São Paulo demonstrate a strong commitment to environmental sustainability, serving as spaces that foster ecological awareness, promote sustainable practices, and ensure food safety. Their contributions are evident in both the educational and environmental health dimensions.

In terms of education, these gardens serve as powerful tools for environmental learning and community engagement. In Toronto, UCGs function as educational hubs and living laboratories where residents engage with green technologies and sustainable practices through hands-on experiences. These interactions help build environmental literacy and encourage individuals to apply sustainable principles in daily life [22]. São Paulo’s approach is even more integrated into the broader community. The city promotes organic farming, agroecology, and permaculture principles within its UCG, often through school-based initiatives. These programs include gardening curricula that promote environmental responsibility among children and youth, contributing to the cultivation of sustainability values across generations. Together, these efforts underscore the potential of UCG as long-term educational tools to foster environmentally conscious communities.

4.4. Mental Health

UCGs play a significant role in supporting mental well-being by offering spaces that foster meaningful engagement, social connection, and therapeutic intervention. In both Toronto and São Paulo, these gardens contribute to mental health through non-labour occupation and, increasingly, through integration into healthcare strategies such as social prescribing.

As a form of meaningful occupation, community gardening provides participants with opportunities to stay active, socialize, and develop new skills—activities that are strongly associated with improved mental health [2]. In Toronto, UCGs are embraced as accessible environments where individuals can experience the psychological benefits of physical activity and social interaction [21,22]. In São Paulo, this role is particularly pronounced among women and older adults, who describe the gardens as spaces of personal fulfillment and social belonging. For housewives, gardening is said to offer a renewed sense of purpose beyond domestic roles, while older adults view it as a way to remain engaged and connected [13,30]. Importantly, this form of occupation is not tied to formal employment but rather to the therapeutic value of pleasurable, structured activity—helping individuals maintain organized, constructive thoughts and a sense of routine.

Beyond their occupational value, UCGs are also being utilized in both cities as part of social prescribing efforts. In Toronto, participation is promoted as an innovative strategy to reduce feelings of loneliness and promote mental well-being through nature-based social engagement [31].

In São Paulo, this practice is increasingly embedded in the public health system. Gardening is frequently recommended by healthcare professionals as a complementary intervention for individuals with mental illness. Many basic health units have even developed on-site gardens to facilitate patient engagement and therapeutic use [30]. These efforts reflect a growing recognition of the holistic benefits of urban agriculture and its potential to be integrated into primary care and mental health services.

5. Discussion

Given the multifunctional characteristics and potential influences of UCG demonstrated in both Toronto and São Paulo, we propose a framework presented in Figure 1 that synthesizes these diverse benefits and provides theoretical grounding for promoting UCGs as third places to achieve global health outcomes in urban settings.

This conceptual framework was developed by the authors, grounded in the Healthy Social Environments Framework [32], which emphasizes community well-being, underpinned by the values of equity and sustainability as foundational pillars. The framework is designed to guide actions and policies that foster vibrant, healthy communities through positive social environments.

Social connections are strengthened when individuals engage collectively in sustainable practices, fostering a sense of shared purpose and collective efficacy. These interactions contribute to mental well-being, not only through social cohesion but also through the therapeutic effects of environmental stewardship. At the same time, gardening activities generate financial support by promoting local food production, skill development, and food security, while reducing household expenses. This alleviation of economic stress further supports mental health and encourages greater community participation.

These cyclical interactions create a synergistic system in which progress in one area amplifies benefits in others, gradually transforming community gardens into multifunctional third places that anchor daily life. We also underscore the critical role of public policies in sustaining, valuing, and funding these spaces. Well-designed policy interventions can enhance the social role of UCG in promoting community well-being and public health, ultimately contributing to broader global health outcomes.

5.1. UCGs as Third Places: Nurturing Culture, Belonging, and Well-Being

Along with the concept of “third places”, Oldenburg (1989) [1] proposed an eight-criteria framework which spaces must meet to be considered third places. These spaces should (1) be set in a neutral ground; (2) be a social equalizer; (3) have conversation as a central activity; (4) provide flexibility and convenience; (5) have a stable core of regulars, who help maintain the space; (6) have a low profile; (7) create a general sense of fun; and (8) feel like a “home away from home”, with a sense of belonging.

Our findings reinforce that the broader context surrounding UCGs makes them ideal spaces to be recognized as third places. Two illustrative examples were selected to highlight successful cases in both cities.

UCGs naturally establish themselves as spaces where individuals from different socioeconomic, cultural, and age backgrounds can interact without the typical hierarchies of work environments or the intimacies of home. As the activities are typically developed on public land, no one possesses inherent authority over the space, creating ideal conditions for genuinely egalitarian encounters.

Also, manual work with the soil, regardless of participants’ academic training or professional status, places everyone in similar positions as learners and collaborators. These interactions transcend conventional divisions, promoting relationships based on shared practical knowledge and common experience.

Concerning conversation as the main activity, UCGs provide natural context for spontaneous and meaningful dialogues. Collaborative work in gardens generates organic conversations that flow naturally between practical topics about gardening and meaningful exchanges about personal life. The unhurried pace of agricultural work allows for contemplative conversations that rarely occur in accelerated urban environments.

UCGs generally operate with flexible schedules and do not require mandatory consumption, unlike commercial spaces. The absence of financial barriers for regular participation democratizes access to social space. Also, participation does not demand specialized skills or significant prior knowledge, making it accessible to people from different backgrounds.

The seasonal cycle of plants and the need for continuous care ensure that participants regularly attend UCG. This shared commitment to space and plants fosters social bonds, developing not only mutual knowledge but also trust relationships over time. These regulars become informal guardians of the space, welcoming new participants and maintaining the community culture of the location.

The unpretentious and casual atmosphere emerges naturally from the outdoor environment, as they operate outside the formalities of institutional spaces. The informal environment also facilitates genuine connections between participants, so the location becomes an extension of the domestic environment and a sense of community belonging. For many participants, especially immigrants or people in housing transition, the garden can represent stability and emotional continuity.

Promoting UCGs as third places aligns perfectly with contemporary needs for rebuilding urban social settings, offering a concrete alternative to the commercialized social spaces that dominate modern cities. They simultaneously respond to crises of social isolation, environmental disconnection, and food insecurity that characterize many urban communities, providing a replicable model of democratized and sustainable social space.

To demonstrate the practical application of these third-place characteristics in diverse urban contexts, two illustrative cases that exemplify successful UCG implementations were selected: the Milky Way Community Garden in Toronto and Horta das Corujas in São Paulo. They both demonstrate clear evidence of fulfilling Oldenburg’s third-place criteria while operating in markedly different cultural, governance, and environmental contexts—thereby illustrating both the universal applicability and contextual adaptability of UCGs as third spaces.

The Milky Way Community Garden, located in Toronto, exemplifies social connection deeply rooted in cultural heritage. In Parkdale, this UCG has enabled Tibetan senior refugees to reconnect with their agricultural traditions. The initiative underscores the essential role that land and nature play in their daily lives. Participants expressed a profound sense of joy and pride in cultivating fresh, healthy vegetables from the ground up—reviving traditional skills within a new urban context. Through this activity, they not only practiced familiar farming and gardening techniques but also contributed to the development of urban agriculture within their community. The garden was frequently described as a symbolic extension of “home,” reinforcing cultural identity and offering a deep sense of belonging intrinsically linked to their cultural heritage [10].

In São Paulo, the Horta das Corujas serves as another compelling example, connecting people to their cultural roots, fostering a sense of belonging, transmitting intergenerational knowledge, and functioning as a “third place.” In the early 19th century, Portuguese settlers arrived in the region and built homes with large backyards used for subsistence farming and raising small animals. A century later, in this very same area, the transformation of an underutilized public space into a vibrant UCG enabled the revitalization and productive occupation of the area through activities that directly benefit the local population. This spatial transformation not only continued historical agricultural practices and traditions in a shared public space but also served as a catalyst for community integration and place attachment. Today, the Horta das Corujas brings together individuals of different ages and backgrounds, demonstrating urban areas can be reclaimed to create meaningful community spaces [14].

5.2. Facilitators and Barriers in Developing UCGs

Understanding the main facilitators and barriers for UCG development is crucial for assuring their survival and for making our findings comparable to other study cases. According to our literature review, Toronto and São Paulo share remarkable commonalities in their facilitators for promoting UCGs, which may explain why both cities have been successful in numbers in developing UCGs significantly.

Firstly, it is important to highlight that the cultural factors in both cities provide equally strong foundations for UCG success. Toronto benefits from Canada’s longstanding history of valuing and actively participating in gardening practices, creating a population already equipped with knowledge and enthusiasm for cultivation [33]. Similarly, São Paulo’s population was significantly shaped by immigrants who brought cultural backgrounds rooted in agricultural production, establishing an inherent connection to food cultivation that translates naturally into urban gardening initiatives [15].

Also, in terms of communication technologies, both cities effectively leverage social media platforms to enable residents to organize and share resources, tools, and advice in support of UCG development. The City of São Paulo designed and promoted a digital platform (Sampa + Rural) that helps disseminate information about UCG initiatives, providing institutional support that amplifies grassroots effort [9]. This digital connectivity creates networks that allow successful UCG models to spread rapidly across urban neighbourhoods.

This combination of a deep cultural affinity for gardening and digital coordination tools likely creates a powerful amplification effect, enabling these cities to scale community garden development more effectively than urban centers that may possess only one of these facilitating factors or lack the institutional support demonstrated in São Paulo’s government-backed digital platforms.

The funding landscape seems to be another great facilitator and also, at times, a barrier to UCG activities. For one, Toronto seems to benefit from a more robust funding ecosystem, with various organizations providing support for eligible groups, complemented by government incentives and backing from multiple private organizations. This multi-stakeholder approach creates diverse funding pathways that support community garden development. On the other hand, both cities appear to share unpredictable funding cycles, which creates uncertainty for long-term garden planning and maintenance [20,22].

Nevertheless, São Paulo’s UCGs are hindered by more fundamental spatial barriers, where insufficient and inadequate infrastructure hinders effective implementation of gardening activities, which is often referred to. Additionally, it is exacerbated by unstable land tenure, resulting from informal and non-binding authorization for space utilization. These spatial constraints create ongoing uncertainty about garden permanence and limit investment in long-term infrastructure improvements [16,17].

In contrast, Toronto demonstrates a more comprehensive approach to space utilization, where acquiring land for UCGs incurs no direct cost and the government provides subsidies for essential activities such as soil testing and garden development [27]. It sets an example and creates a model that could be valuable for future public policy development in other contexts.

Regarding documented policies, Toronto’s Community Garden Action Plan (1999) established the overarching objectives, financial considerations, and recommended best practices for these spaces [3]. Additionally, the guidelines cover the design, proposal submission, implementation, and funding of UCGs, alongside additional regulatory resources addressing the sale of garden products and the stewardship of soil and water quality [24,27]. However, the city seems to lack more recent documents reinforcing UCG’s role and, therefore, supporting them as a key factor in promoting global health. A review study showed that the city is not addressing in its policy writing either UCG or “urban agriculture”, a fact that is contrary to the current trends in many countries [12].

Brazil, despite its long and well-established history of public policy development, has only recently begun incorporating UCGs into its national and municipal urban development plans. Even though it represents an important achievement, it is important to acknowledge that it will require sustained investment and commitment to achieve effective long-term engagement.

6. Conclusions

The experiences of São Paulo and Toronto, two large and multicultural metropolises, clearly demonstrate the transformative potential of UCGs. Despite their unique contexts, both cities showcase how such initiatives can strengthen social connections, preserve cultural heritage, and promote environmental sustainability. These examples offer practical, adaptable models that can be easily replicated in other urban settings worldwide, contributing to more equitable, resilient, and connected cities.

While the literature examining Toronto and São Paulo documents comparable activities in both cities, these initiatives are implemented and emphasized with varying degrees of intensity and focus, reflecting different socioeconomic contexts and urban challenges. Nevertheless, UCGs should be actively promoted and supported as vital “third places” for their multifunctional potential, where individuals can engage in leisure, foster a sense of belonging, exchange knowledge, and cultivate healthy and sustainable habits. Its promotion, however, depends strongly on governments’ support.