Effect of Intensive Parenting Attitude on Maternal Well-Being and Self-Efficacy Among Japanese Housewives and Part-Time Working Mothers

Abstract

Intensive parenting is a parenting style in which parents, especially mothers, devote significant portions of their time, money, and energy to their children. An intensive parenting attitude questionnaire has been developed that assesses five dimensions of intensive parenting attitude: (1) Essentialism, (2) Fulfillment, (3) Challenging, (4) Stimulation, and (5) Child-centered. Psychologists suggest this attitude can negatively impact maternal mental health or well-being, with the impact varying according to cultural and societal values or socioeconomic and occupational status. There is a need to investigate the effect of intensive parenting attitude on mothers with a focus on a specific culture and maternal background, especially in societies with strongly gendered division of labor. The questionnaire survey examined whether housewives with at least one infant or preschool-aged child (n = 467) and part-time working mothers (n = 148) were affected by intensive parenting attitude in Japan, where there is strongly gendered division of labor and mothers usually take on the burden of housework and childcare responsibilities. In this study, the effects of maternal socioeconomic status and perceived social support were controlled for in order to elucidate the link between intensive parenting attitudes and maternal well-being and self-efficacy. Results showed that, when controlling for socioeconomic status and perceived social support, each dimension of intensive parenting attitude was significantly associated with perceived maternal stress, general life satisfaction, and self-efficacy. Most surprisingly, Essentialism was negatively associated with perceived stress and positively associated with self-efficacy. These findings suggest that the effects of intensive parenting attitude on mothers depend on current child-rearing circumstances and societal or country values. Future research on intensive parenting attitude should consider social variables of mothers.

1. Introduction

Intensive parenting is a parenting style in which parents devote a significant portion of their time, money, and energy to their children. This parenting style often places a disproportionate burden on mothers due to entrenched gender norms, leading to increased maternal stress and guilt. Intensive parenting attitude can be characterized by five dimensions: (1) Essentialism, (2) Fulfillment, (3) Challenging, (4) Stimulation, and (5) Child-centered (Liss et al., 2013). Essentialism is the belief that mothers have a natural and exclusive role in raising their children. Fulfillment is the notion that child-rearing is joyful and rewarding to parents. Challenging acknowledges the difficulty and exhaustion that accompany parenting. Stimulation is the idea that parents must elicit their children’s intellectual ability. Finally, Child-centered is the belief that children should be the center of their parents’ lives, with children’s needs prioritized over those of the parents. Previous studies have shown negative impacts of intensive parenting on mothers. In particular, Essentialism and Challenging have been shown to adversely affect maternal mental health and well-being (Rizzo et al., 2013). Meeussen and Van Laar (2018) have suggested that women’s own intensive mothering beliefs contribute to parental burnout through maternal gatekeeping behaviors. Both quantitative and qualitative research have revealed the effects of intensive parenting attitude on mothers. From in-depth interviews with mothers, Wall (2010) concluded that this parenting attitude can increase maternal stress, exhaustion, anxiety, and guilt. Similarly, Prikhidko and Swank (2018) demonstrated that unrealistic expectations associated with intensive mothering often lead to mothers struggling to meet those demands, with feelings of guilt and self-blame when they fail to achieve their idealized image of a perfect mother.

Many studies have suggested that intensive parenting attitude has the potential to harm maternal well-being. However, these results were derived from wealthy Western countries, and the effects of intensive parenting attitude on maternal well-being, therefore, need to be investigated in other countries. In this study, focus was placed on parenting self-efficacy as a variable related to well-being for the following two reasons. First, although intensive parenting attitude and parenting self-efficacy are assumed to be related, an association between them has yet to be empirically shown. Second, and most importantly, intensive parenting attitudes can cause maternal burnout due to its association with a high standard of mothering. Mothers who do not achieve the high goal they set for themselves may experience declining self-efficacy and, eventually, burnout (Roskam et al., 2021). On the other hand, intensive parenting attitude may lead to high motivation and a sense of competence in childcare depending on the specific dimensions of intensive parenting attitude and the maternal situation (Liss et al., 2013; Meeussen & Van Laar, 2018). Parenting self-efficacy is related to parenting styles and child maltreatment and, thus, is important not only for the mother’s mental health but also for the healthy development of the child (Michl et al., 2015; O’Neil et al., 2009). Therefore, this study aimed to examine maternal well-being and self-efficacy as outcomes influenced by intensive parenting attitude.

Intensive parenting attitude in mothers may affect child development. The dimensions Essentialism, Stimulation, and Child-centered are related to anticipatory problem-solving behavior indicative of overparenting (Schiffrin et al., 2015). Overparenting increases the likelihood of enrolling children in structured activities, including creative and physical activities, with physical activities being associated with improved gross motor skills. Essentialism, Fulfillment, and Child-centered have all been shown to influence children’s prosocial behavior and hyperactivity/inattention via involvement, monitoring, and positive responsivity (Egami, 2024).

Recently, studies have increasingly examined the effects of intensive parenting attitudes on mothers but have yet to confirm whether these effects are common to all mothers. For example, do working mothers of young children feel the same as housewives with young children? Do experiences of mothers in Western developed countries differ from those of mothers in Asian societies where patriarchalism is still relatively strong?

1.1. Diversity or Uniformity

Hays (1996) suggested that almost all mothers embrace intensive parenting/mothering attitudes. Cultural norms of child-centered, time-intensive mothering and fathering are pervasive among parents of different social classes (Ishizuka, 2019), with few differences observed regardless of various maternal characteristics (Forbes et al., 2020). However, studies of intensive parenting/mothering have generally been limited to economically developed Western countries (e.g., the United States, United Kingdom, France, and Canada), and it, therefore, remains unclear whether the findings of these studies are applicable outside the United States and other Western societies. Furthermore, Elliott et al. (2015) noted that most data on intensive parenting, excluding theirs, are from white, middle-to-upper-income families. There are also racial or ethnic and socioeconomic differences in mothering (Nomaguchi et al., 2024). Thus, there is a need to investigate diverse maternal experiences in relation to intensive parenting/mothering. For example, C. E. Kim (2023) showed that, in South Korea, the life satisfaction of women was decreased by intensive parenting attitudes, but that of men was not negatively impacted. Asian countries, including Japan, still strongly tend to divide labor by gender, and the motherhood myth remains pervasive. In this context, Japanese data on the impact of intensive mothering would be valuable.

Prior studies of intensive parenting/mothering have included a mix of participants with various employment statuses and different social classes (Egami, 2024; Rizzo et al., 2013). However, views on intensive mothering may vary among mothers. The average full-time working mother does not endorse intensive mothering beliefs (Walls et al., 2016). Christopher (2012) found that working mothers interpreted their roles via the concept of “extensive mothering”, which involves being “in charge of and ultimately responsible for” delegating a wide range of childcare responsibilities to others.

Few studies on intensive parenting have focused on housewives or part-time working mothers. Parents engaged in intensive parenting/mothering tend to devote themselves to their children, and full-time housewives may find themselves trapped in an intensive parenting role with no other alternative. In this situation, does the notion of intensive parenting/mothering harm housewives or does it create a sense of purpose and motivation in life? How does this experience differ for part-time working mothers?

1.2. Maternal Working Status and Intensive Mothering in Japan

Factors influencing mothers’ intensive parenting attitudes differ culturally and societally. For example, there are few full-time housewives in some countries (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, 2023), and part-time working mothers are viewed favorably in other countries (Booth & van Ours, 2013; Lyness et al., 2012; Roeters & Craig, 2014). In most of Northern Europe, the prevailing view is not that mothers should be at home with their children (Edlund & Öun, 2016).

Before explaining the situation of mothers in Japan, it is necessary to describe Japanese society as a whole. Japan is now a super-aging society, with a continuously declining number of children (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, 2023). The background to this phenomenon includes that the environment in Japan makes child-rearing difficult. Reasons for this include the costs associated with raising children, the increasing number of unmarried young people (Japan has a low proportion of children born out of marriage), and the tendency for women to take on heavy childcare burdens. Japanese families with children are mostly nuclear families, fathers often work long hours, and babysitters are not common. Therefore, as Hagiwara (2023) pointed out, Japanese men become happy by marriage, parenthood, and employment, whereas the happiness of Japanese women experience is negatively affected by their parental and employment status.

Moreover, the “Three-Year-Old Myth”, which is the belief that staying home with the mother until the age of 3 is crucial to children’s well-being, has persisted in Japanese society despite its disavowal by Japan’s Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (2019). Indeed, although an increasing number of women, including mothers, oppose the gendered division of labor (Yu & Kuo, 2018), the number of working mothers with small children, especially those working full time, is low compared with fathers (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare of Japan, 2023). Japanese women working part time are responsible for almost all housework and childcare, in addition to their job. At the same time, part-time work in Japan rarely leads to full-time work. This creates a unique situation where the level of fatigue is close to that of a full-time worker and contribution to housework and childcare is close to that of a full-time housewife. Egami (2020) found that, among the dimensions of intensive parenting attitude, Japanese mothers have relatively high Essentialism. Furthermore, Japanese mothers strongly endorse the motherhood myth (Aono & Kashiwagi, 2011) and the belief in maternal love (Egami, 2013, 2017). As mentioned above, some studies have found a relatively strong belief among Japanese mothers that women should be housewives and the main adult carers responsible for young children, although attitudes regarding women without children entering the workforce have relaxed. Moreover, most Japanese mothers consider maternal love unconditional and necessary for children. Interestingly, they hold this view despite tending to be career-oriented women who do not support the gendered division of labor (Egami, 2017).

In summary, Japanese mothers may have a strong tendency to believe the myth of motherhood and accept the gendered division of labor. This is especially true of housewives and part-time working mothers. Therefore, a study on the effect of intensive parenting attitude on these mothers is needed. Although research on intensive parenting is progressing in the West, this study reveals the influence of intensive parenting on mothers in Japan, specifically, and raises questions about Japan’s child-rearing environment and its sharply decreasing birth rate. This study also provides scientific implications for creating a better child-rearing environment in Japan.

1.3. Maternal Well-Being and Self-Efficacy in Japan

Maternal well-being plays a crucial role in parenting and child development (Ivanova et al., 2022). Some unique research findings exist regarding mothering in Japan. For example, child-rearing demands placed on mothers are quite high (e.g., making “kyaraben”, which is a character-themed boxed lunch; Occhi, 2016), and child-rearing stress is the highest among full-time housewives (Kusano & Ono, 2010). In addition, unmet support needs by husbands are related to maternal well-being, especially for stay-at-home mothers (Tanaka & Lowry, 2013). However, long working hours and gender-based views on the division of labor mean Japanese fathers spend less time on childcare than fathers in the Netherlands (Y. Sato, 2015). Based on those studies, there is a strong need to study the effects of intensive parenting attitude on housewives raising children in Japan.

Despite significantly contributing to their children’s development, Japanese mothers seem to have lower self-efficacy compared with their Western counterparts (Ujiie, 1997). However, unlike in Korea, the self-efficacy of parents in Japan was found to be directly associated with their children’s academic competence (Holloway et al., 2016). Furthermore, as with well-being, satisfaction with support from husbands was found to be a key factor in maternal self-efficacy (Holloway et al., 2005). In a society where a husband’s support cannot be expected, how does an intensive parenting attitude impact mothers who are burdened with the huge responsibility of raising children, especially those who are full-time housewives or part-time workers?

1.4. Research Aims

This study examined the effects of intensive parenting attitude on the well-being and self-efficacy of Japanese housewives and part-time working mothers. First, the overall relationships of the five dimensions of intensive parenting attitude with maternal perceived social support, general life satisfaction, perceived stress, and self-efficacy were examined by correlational analysis. Then, three hierarchical multiple regression analyses were conducted. Rizzo et al. (2013) showed that Essentialism and Challenging were negatively correlated with maternal well-being, but their study did not consider the impact of household income and maternal educational background on outcomes. Therefore, these demographic variables were incorporated into the present study and controlled for in investigating the effects of intensive parenting attitude. The study examined how intensive parenting attitudes affect maternal self-efficacy in Japan, where housewives or part-time workers often find meaning in their mothering role (Egami, 2009). Egami (2024) suggested that intensive parenting attitudes have a paradoxical effect on parenting behaviors. Thus, the same could be true about its effect on maternal well-being, especially for housewives or part-time working mothers. While intensive parenting attitudes may have negative effects due to increased pressure on mothers, they may also have a positive effect on maternal self-efficacy.

For the regression analysis, the following hypotheses were established based on previous studies and the unique situation of child-rearing among Japanese mothers. These hypotheses primarily concern the effects of each dimension of intensive parenting attitude.

H1: 

Fulfillment positively affects maternal mental health.

H2: 

Challenging negatively affects maternal mental health.

H3: 

Essentialism, Child-centered, and Stimulation can affect maternal health both positively and negatively, depending on the context, and, thus they have double-sided impacts.

To test these hypotheses, this study used the following scales for comparisons with American data from Rizzo et al. (2013): MSPSS (Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support; Zimet et al., 1988), SWLS (the Satisfaction with Life Scale; Diener et al., 1985), and PSS (the Perceived Stress Scale; Cohen et al., 1983). These scales are widely used globally, have been translated into Japanese, and have been employed in many studies with the same factor structure. However, no scale measuring parental self-efficacy has been translated into Japanese and shown to have guaranteed reliability and validity. Furthermore, it can be assumed that differences in parental self-efficacy between fathers and mothers in Japan are based on its strongly gendered division of labor. Therefore, the MoSE (Parenting Self-Efficacy Among Mothers Scale; Wakamoto, 2013) was chosen for its construct reliability and validity in Japanese mothers and its reflection on the maternal situation in Japan.

In summary, this study examined the effects of the intensive parenting attitude on both maternal well-being and self-efficacy, especially the double-sided effects of intensive parenting on housewives and part-time working mothers with children in Japan. First, differences were analyzed between housewives and part-time working mothers. Second, correlations were observed among all dimensions of intensive parenting attitude, maternal background factors, perceived social support, and maternal mental health. Finally, the effect of the intensive parenting attitude was examined by regression analysis, controlling for maternal background and social support.

2. Material and Methods

2.1. Procedure

All respondents anonymously answered a questionnaire administered by an internet research company (Macromill Inc., Tokyo, Japan) that ensured compliance with the privacy policy established by the Japan Marketing Research Association. Sampling was done by allowing registered monitors to freely respond if they met the eligibility criteria of being a mother of at least one infant or preschool-aged child (12 months to 6 years, 10 months) and being a housewife or part-time worker. To measure the impact of intensive parenting attitudes on maternal well-being and self-efficacy over time, the survey was administered during two periods, namely, November 2017 and April 2018, with each survey available during the entire month. Background variables, including respondents’ age, maternal education history, mothers’ employment status, household income, and responses to the Japanese version of the Intensive Parenting Attitude Questionnaire (J-IPAQ), were collected during the first period. As in Rizzo et al. (2013), the MSPSS (Iwasa et al., 2007; Zimet et al., 1988), SWLS (Diener et al., 1985), and PSS (Cohen et al., 1983; Iwahashi et al., 2002) were measured during the second period. Likewise, the MoSE (Wakamoto, 2013) was used only during the second period. The MoSE is a Japanese scale that was originally developed to reflect culture-specific conditions in Japan. This study employed a deductive, quantitative research design. The research was carried out following the guidelines set by the Ehime University Institutional Research Board and the Declaration of Helsinki with approval code H29-2 and approval date 1 June 2017.

2.2. Participants

This study included 615 Japanese mothers aged 20–48 years old (mean: 34.4 years; standard deviation: 5.2). Most mothers were housewives (75.9%), and the rest were part-time workers or freelancers (24.1%). Most mothers were married (98.2%). The average household annual income was JPY 5.47 million (range: JPY 1.5 million to 25 million), placing most mothers in the average income category in Japan at that time. Mothers’ length of education was 9–18 years (mean: 14.2 years; standard deviation: 1.82 years).

2.3. Measures

2.3.1. J-IPAQ

Egami (2020) developed and validated the J-IPAQ. The original version of the IPAQ was developed by Liss et al. (2013) and included the following five dimensions: Essentialism, Fulfillment, Stimulation, Challenging, and Child-centered. The IPAQ has 25 items, while the J-IPAQ has 20 items (Egami, 2020). The J-IPAQ is rated on a Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree), with higher scores indicating a stronger degree of each dimension of intensive parenting attitude. Cronbach’s α in this study was 0.73 for Essentialism (six items), 0.76 for Fulfillment (three items), 0.57 for Stimulation (four items), 0.65 for Challenging (four items), and 0.68 for Child-centered (three items).

2.3.2. MSPSS

Perceived social support was measured by the MSPSS (Zimet et al., 1988). This scale consists of 12 items (e.g., “There is a special person in my life who cares about my feelings”). Participants rated the degree of perceived social support from family, close friends, and significant others on a Likert scale of 1 (very strongly disagree) to 7 (very strongly agree). Iwasa et al. (2007) constructed and validated the Japanese version of this scale. Cronbach’s α for the MSPSS in the present study was 0.94.

2.3.3. SWLS

The SWLS is a well-known scale measuring general life satisfaction. Diener et al. (1985) developed this scale, which has been translated into several languages. This scale consists of five items (e.g., “In most ways, my life is close to my ideal”). Participants rated the degree of their overall life satisfaction on a Likert scale of 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). Cronbach’s α for the SWLS in the present study was 0.88.

2.3.4. PSS

Perceived stress was assessed using the PSS (Cohen et al., 1983), a 10-item scale that includes questions such as “In the last month, how often have you been angered because of things that were outside of your control?” Participants rated their perceived stress on a Likert scale ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (very often). This study utilized the Japanese version of the PSS (JPSS), which was developed and validated by Iwahashi et al. (2002). Cronbach’s α for the PSS in the present study was 0.86.

2.3.5. MoSE

Maternal self-efficacy was measured by the MoSE (Wakamoto, 2013). This scale was rigorously constructed to reflect Bandura’s theory of self-efficacy, with the contents of the scale’s items restricted to maternal child-rearing. Recognizing that the meaning of mothering varies from one country to another, this scale was developed specifically for mothers in Japan. Examples of questions included in this scale are “I feel a sense of purpose in life for being a mother” and “I can solve most problems that arise between my child and me”. Participants rated their degree of maternal self-efficacy on a Likert scale from 1 (disagree) to 5 (agree). Originally, this 15-item scale was designed to assess three dimensions: maternal self-efficacy, parenting self-efficacy, and maternal satisfaction (Wakamoto, 2013). Subsequently, the scale was modified to have a one-factor structure consisting of 15 items because a factor analysis showed that some items overlapped among the three dimensions, and some factors were dropped when using a three-factor structure. Cronbach’s α for the MoSE in the present study was 0.92.

2.4. Statistical Analysis

Scores for all dimensions of the J-IPAQ and scores for each scale (MSPSS, SWLS, PSS, and MoSE) were summarized as descriptive statistics, and the t-test, correlation analysis, and hierarchical multiple regression analysis were performed using IBM SPSS Statistics (ver. 29.0). In addition, the common method bias test was conducted, and the sum of squared loadings of a single factor was 23.68% (below 50%).

3. Results

Descriptive statistics are presented in

Table 1. Descriptive statistics of the main variables (N = 615 [housewives: n = 467; part-time workers: n = 148]).

	Housewives, Mean (SD)	Part-Time Workers, Mean (SD)	Range	t-Value
Annual household income	558.39 (245.90)	511.82 (222.77)	150–2500	2.05 *
Length of education	14.30 (1.83)	13.93 (1.73)	9–18	2.20 *
MSPSS	60.29 (15.26)	59.84 (14.90)	12–84	0.31
Essentialism	22.24 (4.83)	22.26 (4.99)	7–36	0.06
Fulfillment	13.10 (2.85)	12.84 (2.74)	3–18	1.00
Stimulation	16.46 (2.65)	16.16 (2.41)	5–24	1.26
Challenging	16.60 (3.27)	16.26 (3.38)	5–24	1.09
Child-centered	11.90 (2.55)	11.61 (2.46)	3–18	1.22
SWLS	19.42 (6.68)	17.50 (6.57)	5–34	3.05 **
PSS	29.51 (7.13)	30.55 (6.54)	10–50	1.58
MoSE	46.82 (10.30)	46.85 (9.91)	15–75	0.03

** p < 0.01, * p < 0.05. Abbreviations: MSPSS—Multidimensional Scale of Perceived Social Support, SWLS—the Satisfaction with Life Scale, PSS—the Perceived Stress Scale, MoSE—Parenting Self-Efficacy Among Mothers Scale.

. The internal consistency of Stimulation in the J-IPAQ was low (Cronbach α < 0.6), but the score for this factor in Liss et al. (2013) was also relatively low (Cronbach α = 0.64), and the score in Egami (2020) was 0.54. Therefore, although Stimulation was used in this study, care should be taken in interpreting it. The results of the t-test for all variables are shown in Table 1. Compared with part-time working mothers, housewives had higher annual household income, length of education, and general life satisfaction. Because there were no significant differences between housewives and part-time workers for most scales and factors, except maternal general life satisfaction (SWLS), the two groups were combined for the following analyses.

3.1. Correlation Analysis

Correlations between all measures are presented in

Table 2. Correlations between measures (N = 675).

	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10
1. Annual household income
2. Length of education	0.30 ***
3. MSPSS	0.12 **	0.05
4. Essentialism	−0.04	−0.07	−0.16 ***
5. Fulfillment	0.00	−0.03	0.37 ***	0.15 ***
6. Stimulation	0.09 *	0.08 *	0.15 ***	0.28 ***	0.35 ***
7. Challenging	−0.07	−0.12 **	−0.15 ***	0.50 ***	0.11 **	0.28 ***
8. Child-centered	0.05	−0.04	0.15 ***	0.27 ***	0.49 ***	0.41 ***	0.27 ***
9. SWLS	0.21 **	0.17 ***	0.53 ***	−0.17 ***	0.27 ***	0.08 *	−0.21 ***	0.01
10. PSS	−0.10 **	−0.07	−0.39 ***	0.12 **	−0.19 ***	0.04	0.34 ***	−0.02	−0.51 ***
11. MoSE	0.07	−0.01	0.46 ***	0.00	0.40 ***	0.15 ***	−0.20 ***	0.16 ***	0.47 ***	−0.54 ***

*** p < 0.001, ** p < 0.01, * p < 0.05.

. Correlation coefficients between dimensions of intensive parenting attitude and scales of maternal well-being, including maternal self-efficacy, were relatively low (r ≤ 0.40). Meanwhile, correlation coefficients between perceived social support and maternal well-being were relatively high (r ≥ 0.40), suggesting that maternal perceived social support should be controlled for in order to clarify the effect of intensive parenting attitude on maternal well-being.

3.2. Hierarchical Multiple Regression Analysis

The theoretical model proposed in this study accounts for the influence of perceived social support on maternal perceived stress, general life satisfaction, and self-efficacy, and it was tested by a two-step hierarchical multiple regression analysis (

Table 3. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis (N = 615).

	Life Satisfaction		Perceived Social Stress		Self-Efficacy
	ΔR2	β	ΔR2	β	ΔR2	Β
Step 1	0.05 ***		0.01		0.00
Household income		0.15 ***		−0.06		0.03
Educational background		0.13 **		−0.05		−0.01
Step 2	0.26 ***		0.14 ***		0.21 ***
Household income		0.10 **		−0.03		−0.01
Educational background		0.11 **		−0.04		−0.02
Social support		0.52 ***		−0.38 ***		0.46 ***
Step 3	0.03 ***		0.11 ***		0.31 ***
Household income		0.11 **		−0.02		−0.01
Educational background		0.10 **		−0.02		−0.03
Social support		0.45 ***		−0.32 ***		0.35 ***
Essentialism		−0.04		−0.14 **		0.15 ***
Fulfillment		0.17 ***		−0.11 *		0.25 ***
Stimulation		0.00		0.08 *		0.04
Challenging		−0.09 *		0.36 ***		−0.24 ***
Child-centered		−0.11 **		−0.02		0.00

*** p < 0.001, ** p < 0.01, * p < 0.05.

). Maternal demographic variables such as household annual income and educational background (i.e., the length of education) were considered to impact maternal mental health and, therefore, were controlled for in the first step. Maternal perceived stress was controlled for in the second step. Finally, the effect of intensive parenting attitude on maternal well-being and self-efficacy was revealed. All variance inflation factor scores were 1.11–1.55, indicating there was no problem with multicollinearity.

The first hierarchical multiple regression (Table 3) revealed that the dimensions Fulfillment, Challenging, and Child-centered were associated with maternal general life satisfaction when controlling for maternal perceived social support, household income, and maternal educational background. Maternal life satisfaction was positively associated with Fulfillment and negatively associated with both Challenging and Child-centered.

The second hierarchical multiple regression (Table 3) clarified that Essentialism, Fulfillment, Stimulation, and Challenging were associated with maternal perceived stress when accounting for maternal perceived social support, household income, and educational background. Maternal perceived stress was negatively associated with Essentialism and Fulfillment and positively associated with Stimulation and Challenging.

Finally, the third hierarchical multiple regression (Table 3) indicated that Essentialism, Fulfillment, and Challenging were associated with maternal self-efficacy when accounting for perceived social support, household income, and educational background. Maternal self-efficacy was positively associated with Essentialism and Fulfillment and negatively associated with Challenging.

4. Discussion

This study investigated the impacts of intensive parenting attitude on the well-being and self-efficacy of Japanese housewives and part-time working mothers, controlling for maternal socioeconomical background and perceived social support. It was found that each dimension of intensive parenting attitude affected these variables. This study revealed that housewives were relatively happy compared with part-time working mothers. This result may reflect data that housewives have higher annual household income and a longer length of education. Similarly, K. Sato (2022) found, using Japanese panel data, that housewives with children reported greater happiness than part-time working mothers. Sato suggested that this result was likely influenced by Japan’s current social background, namely, a strongly gendered division of labor and the burden of housework and childcare falling solely on mothers. Thus, part-time working mothers may be too busy and tired to feel satisfied with their lives.

Correlation analysis showed generally weak relationships between maternal well-being and dimensions of intensive parenting attitude. However, this study revealed that maternal well-being is related to Challenging and Fulfillment, to some extent. Meanwhile, Rizzo et al. (2013) reported low correlations between maternal well-being and dimensions of intensive parenting attitudes, except Challenging. Items for Challenging may represent child-rearing difficulties, which may account for their relationship to maternal mental health. Likewise, items for Fulfillment might reflect feelings of joy in child-rearing and, thus, affect maternal mental health. As other dimensions of intensive parenting attitude are more abstract concepts, their relationship with maternal mental health was not shown. On the other hand, correlations between maternal perceived social support and maternal well-being or self-efficacy were very strong.

These results align with the findings of a number of preceding studies (Hughes et al., 2020; Leahy-Warren et al., 2012; Rizzo et al., 2013). Therefore, maternal perceived social support was controlled for in order to clarify the impact of intensive parenting attitudes on maternal well-being and self-efficacy. Farkas and Valdés (2010) and Bøe et al. (2014) reported that the socioeconomic status of mothers impacts maternal well-being and self-efficacy. Therefore, household income and maternal educational background were also controlled for, although these were not found to be correlated with maternal self-efficacy.

Hierarchical multiple regression analysis showed that intensive parenting attitudes affected both maternal well-being and self-efficacy when controlling for maternal background. Although perceived social support had a strong correlation, maternal life satisfaction was positively associated with Fulfillment and negatively associated with Challenging and Child-centered. These results contradict those of Rizzo et al. (2013), whose hierarchical multiple regression showed only a negative correlation with Essentialism. Perceived maternal stress showed a strong negative association with perceived social support but positive associations with Challenging and Stimulation. The effect of Challenging is in line with the results of Rizzo et al. (2013), who showed a positive association between Challenging and maternal stress.

Maternal stress was found to be positively associated with Stimulation and negatively associated with Fulfillment. Surprisingly, Essentialism was found to have a negative association with maternal stress in this study. Rizzo’s hierarchical multiple regression analysis did not show any effects of Essentialism on maternal stress, but their correlational analysis revealed a positive association of Essentialism with maternal stress (Rizzo et al., 2013). As expected, social support had a positive effect on maternal self-efficacy. Essentialism and Fulfillment also had a positive impact, whereas Challenging had a negative impact. The present results for Fulfillment and Challenging are in line with those of Liss et al. (2013), who showed that these factors related to a sense of competence in parenting. However, it is notable that the effect of Essentialism was different in previous studies.

Previous research suggests that maternal well-being and self-efficacy might be positively affected by Fulfillment and negatively affected by Challenging (Liss et al., 2013; Prikhidko & Swank, 2019; Rizzo et al., 2013). However, Essentialism had a negative influence on both maternal mental health and maternal parenting behaviors (Egami, 2020, 2024; Schiffrin et al., 2015). These findings may be attributable to the fact that previous data were collected from a sample of women with various employment statuses, whereas the current study was limited to housewives or part-time workers with children in Japan. As described above, Japan’s gendered division of labor is very strong, as shown by the country’s low ranking in the Global Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum, 2024). In fact, once women become mothers, parental responsibilities fall almost entirely on them (Egami, 2017; Ohinata, 2000). Therefore, it is suggested that Essentialism could positively impact mothers by helping them fulfill their role as mothers and find their purpose in life.

Considering these points, mothers in Japan, especially housewives and part-time working mothers, might tend to participate in maternal gatekeeping (Allen & Hawkins, 1999), where housework and child-rearing are regarded as their own domain, imparting high motivation and a strong sense of responsibility, as well as an enhanced sense of self-efficacy and identity by performing these tasks well. In relation to this, autonomy, competence, and relatedness in the self-determination theory are significant components of self-determination (Deci & Ryan, 2008), and these elements lead to better mental health. Furthermore, results of self-efficacy suggest that high Essentialism may align with societal demands on mothers, potentially enhancing their motivation for parenting. Kusano and Ono (2010) reported that full-time housewives experience lower mental health in relation to their identity, which may explain why Essentialism can enhance such mothers’ sense of purpose. Therefore, Essentialism had a positive effect on the well-being of mothers in the present study.

However, considering recent and ongoing social changes in Japan, the result of this study will need to be updated in time. Additionally, the correlation between Stimulation and maternal perceived stress may stem from the significant responsibility mothers bear for their children’s care and education (Budds et al., 2016; Wall, 2010), especially for housewives or part-time workers in Japan. As for Child-centered, this tendency may have positive and negative effects on maternal mental health and parenting behavior (Egami, 2024; Liss et al., 2013; Rizzo et al., 2013; Schiffrin et al., 2015). For Japanese mothers who already live a child-centered life (Egami, 2009), this high tendency might lead them to sacrifice their own happiness.

Limitations and Future Research Directions

This study clarified the particular effects of intensive mothering attitudes on Japanese housewives and part-time workers. Nevertheless, the study has some limitations, as well as aspects left for future research. First, the Stimulation dimension of the J-IPA showed low internal consistency, which could affect the reliability of the results. Nevertheless, based on Liss et al. (2013) and Rizzo et al. (2013), Stimulation should be meaningful in this kind of study. Thus, the items of Stimulation need to be revised in a future study. Second, this study could not distinguish between housewives and part-time working mothers, likely due to the unique characteristics of Japanese household structures and the limited number of participants. These two groups of mothers were similar in being primarily responsible for both housework and childcare, and no statistically significant differences were shown (except in general life satisfaction). However, there might still be subtle differences in their sense of responsibility for household duties, contribution to household finances, their career paths, and child-rearing. Previous research in other countries, such as Buehler and O’Brien (2011) in the United States, has suggested that part-time working mothers of preschool children may have better mental health than their housewife counterparts. Therefore, there is a need to carefully analyze various factors in a larger number of participants while taking into account cultural and social backgrounds. Third, the sampling method used here may have a limited range of characteristics of the participants because they were already monitored for an internet research company. Therefore, this research cannot be widely generalized. Fourth, the experiences of full-time working mothers were not considered. Future studies should include mothers of all employment statuses, especially in Japan.

This study revealed that the five dimensions of intensive parenting attitude had varied effects on maternal well-being and self-efficacy. As C. N. Kim and Kerr (2024) demonstrated, mothers exhibited various score patterns reflecting individual differences across the five dimensions. Therefore, future research should explore how variations in these patterns influence maternal well-being. Finally, there may be specific factors related to the intensive parenting attitude, as suggested by studies conducted in France (Loyal et al., 2017) and South Korea (C. E. Kim, 2023). To better understand these dynamics, culturally specific studies are needed to examine mothers in Japan.

More importantly, this theme should be pursued from a broader cross-disciplinary perspective. As stated above, the role of mothers in Japan is prominent and culturally significant, and it might be difficult to change it drastically. Therefore, it is important for mothers to ensure their own well-being. You et al. (2024) found that physical activity could influence maternal well-being through various biological mechanisms. Also, in a randomized controlled trial, Puterman et al. (2018) reported that family caregivers who became physically active exhibited improved physical health and reduced perceived chronic stress. With these studies in mind, a multidisciplinary approach may be needed to help mothers maintain wellness in a society that places high demands on them.

5. Conclusions

This study showed the impact of intensive parenting attitudes on the well-being and self-efficacy of mothers who were housewives or part-time workers in Japan. By considering and controlling for the effects of maternal socioeconomical background, this study provides insights into the effects of intensive parenting attitudes. Each dimension of intensive parenting attitudes was significant in maternal well-being. As expected, maternal well-being was positively affected by Fulfillment and negatively affected by Challenging. Stimulation had positive impacts on perceived stress and Child-centered had negative impacts on life satisfaction. Interestingly, Essentialism had a positive impact on both maternal perceived stress and mothers’ self-efficacy. This may be due to the special circumstances surrounding mothers in Japan and its strongly gendered division of labor. In a changing society where mothers are expected to work outside of the home and pursue careers, housewives or part-time working mothers may enhance their self-esteem by fulfilling all mandated family tasks by themselves as a form of compensation. However, they might also experience an identity crisis.

These considerations have two important implications. First, a theoretical implication is that, despite accumulating research on intensive parenting, data collection needs to be undertaken outside of wealthy Western countries. As Hays (1996) has noted, the fundamental aspect of a concept should indeed be agreed upon in any country. However, it is important to recognize that parenting beliefs, as actually reflected, vary across countries. Second, a practical implication is that the impact of the intensive parenting attitude can vary significantly depending on the mother’s social context and circumstances. Revealing the unique effects of this attitude in each society may become a driving force toward improving mothers’ mental health and changing society. For example, childcare support policies should not only refer to successful cases from other countries but also should be tailored to the community.