From Enrollment to Graduation: Pathways to Success in STEM Programs in Ibero-American Countries

Abstract

STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering & Mathematics) programs hold significant social and economic relevance, as the technological innovation that sustains a country’s competitiveness depends on them. This article compares research on STEM programs in Portuguese- and Spanish-speaking countries, specifically Brazil, Chile, Portugal, and Spain. More specifically, it aims to reflect on the social and economic relevance of STEM programs; vocational choices and the social stereotypes associated with these fields; the variables that influence academic success, retention, and graduation rates; and the measures implemented, either nationally or by Higher Education Institutions (HEIs), to promote access and success in these programs. We conducted qualitative research, analyzing official documents and peer-reviewed articles that describe the higher education landscape in the selected countries. Results show that in all four countries studied, there is a growing demand for STEM graduates. However, concerns remain about high dropout and failure rates, as well as the lower participation of women and students from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds or ethnic minorities. Some measures have been implemented by the governments of these countries to promote greater democratization of access and academic success for these students. Nevertheless, inequalities persist, suggesting the need to increase investment in practices and policies that encourage young people, especially those from more disadvantaged groups, to engage early in STEM domains.

1. Introduction

Higher education (HE), particularly through STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering & Mathematics) programs, is closely linked to countries’ industrial and economic development and their international competitiveness [1]. Technological innovation that underpins such competitiveness relies heavily on education grounded in mathematics, sciences, and technology. Consequently, there is strong societal demand for graduates with higher education in STEM fields, with significantly higher employment rates in STEM compared to other areas of study [2,3].

Research indicates that despite the high demand for STEM graduates, students from ethnic minority backgrounds, women, and those with low socioeconomic status are less likely to enroll in or complete these programs [4,5,6]. Evidence suggests these groups may exhibit lower proficiency and motivation in mathematics and science [4,7,8], with both choice and success in STEM being associated with the quality of secondary-level preparation in these subjects [1,9]. Additionally, perceptions of the high level of abstraction required in STEM programs often lead to the belief that these courses are inaccessible to many students [10].

Career decisions and major choices are influenced by students’ personal characteristics and impacted by socialization agents. First, career development and vocational decisions are related to interests, expectations and self-efficacy [11,12,13,14]. At same time, career and major choice decisions are influenced by contextual socialization factors, including family, teachers and peers [12,15,16,17]. In the literature, both personal and contextual factors converge to explain why women and low socioeconomic groups access and complete STEM courses at a lower percentage [18,19].

For women, this trend is particularly pronounced: although they perform as well as —or even better than—men in mathematics and science [1,20,21], they disproportionately select non-STEM programs. Differences in academic motivation and expectations, along with sociocultural background and prior school experiences, appear to influence educational choices more strongly than gender itself [22,23,24,25]. Nonetheless, gender stereotypes related to careers in technical fields persist and may deter women from choosing STEM [26,27,28,29]. Women tend to gravitate toward disciplines that emphasize interpersonal relationships, while men are drawn to working with objects [25,30,31]. This partly explains why women are overrepresented in biology and health-related STEM programs [24,32]. Such entrenched social perceptions contribute to higher dropout and failure rates among women in STEM [10]. These integration challenges can even arise before entry into higher education: parents and teachers significantly influence young people’s vocational choices [23,33,34], a factor especially critical for women, who are more susceptible to familial influence in their career decisions [35,36].

This article is part of a broader research project carried out in different Spanish- and Portuguese-speaking countries. The project aims to achieve two main objectives. The first concerns understanding the impact of a set of personal variables on the academic experience of first-year students in STEM programs in Higher Education. The second objective involves identifying measures that can address the characteristics and needs of these students, with the goal of promoting their academic adjustment and success.

More specifically, this article aims to analyze the extent to which government documents, reports from higher education institutions, and published research describe the relevance of the STEM area of training for the country’s social and economic development, which personal and contextual variables of students explain their vocational choices and attendance and academic success in STEM courses, and also what political or institutional measures have been implemented to increase the frequency, permanence and completion of STEM courses by the most disadvantaged social groups and women. For the present article, we chose to focus solely on two European countries—Spain and Portugal—and two South American countries—Brazil and Chile. International research on access to and success in STEM programs has focused mainly on Anglo-Saxon countries, which are generally wealthier, more technologically driven, and more committed to promoting equal opportunities across different social groups. However, looking only at these contexts does not capture the realities of Ibero-American countries. For this reason, the choice of Ibero-American countries for this study is particularly relevant. On the one hand, their cultural and linguistic proximity allows for meaningful comparisons; on the other, their less-explored educational systems offer valuable insights into how personal and contextual factors shape students’ decisions to enter, persist in, and complete STEM courses.

2. Materials and Methods

To achieve these objectives, we conducted qualitative research based on a documentary analysis of government and higher education institution documents and reports focused on student access and success, particularly for students in STEM programs in the selected countries, as well as peer-reviewed articles that analyze these documents. We examined materials published by each country’s Ministry of Education and other national educational bodies, as well as scientific literature accessed through various online academic libraries. Our search strategy combined the following keywords: “STEM course expansion,” “national policies,” “gender,” “graduation rates,” “dropout rates,” and the country name.

Titles and abstracts of retrieved works were screened, and inclusion criteria comprised the following: (i) relevance to higher education; (ii) coverage of STEM program realities in the specified country. Exclusion criteria included the following: (i) absence of full text availability; (ii) lack of focus on higher education; and (iii) duplication.

The research team was composed of two researchers from each participating country (co-authors of this article). After defining the object of study and the inclusion and exclusion criteria for documents, each sub-team was responsible for collecting and analyzing the formal documents and scientific papers available in their respective countries. In order to eliminate potential bias and subjectivity in the analysis, all documents were read by both researchers, who individually decided on their inclusion in the study. Only the documents for which there was agreement on inclusion were analyzed. After this selection, the sub-teams organized the information, which was later analyzed by all the project researchers in order to ensure a balance between the data collected in the four countries involved, while still preserving the specificities of each country.

In the four countries, efforts were made to consult documents from governmental bodies and reports from higher education institutions, as well as scientific publications, focusing on issues of social equity in access to and completion of STEM programs. However, in Brazil, Chile, and Portugal, the analysis more clearly combined institutional and governmental reports with scientific publications. This situation poses challenges to data comparability across the four countries, justifying its inclusion in the limitations of the present study.

Document analysis, as a systematic procedure for examining and interpreting data in order to gain an understanding of a particular subject [37,38], aims to address the following research questions: (i) What is the social and economic relevance of STEM fields in the context of higher education in the studied countries? (ii) What are the differences in enrollment, success, and completion rates in STEM programs according to students’ sociodemographic characteristics and gender? (iii) What types of national and institutional interventions have been implemented to enhance access to and retention in STEM programs, particularly for students from socially disadvantaged backgrounds and for women in STEM higher education courses?

3. Results

This section presents the information of the documentary analysis conducted, organized in alphabetical order of the four countries, with the objective of addressing the previously outlined research questions.

3.1. Brazil

In Brazil, the expansion of STEM education has corresponded with various economic and political cycles. From 2000 to 2010, demand for professionals in these fields rose significantly [39]. This increase was driven by post-inflation economic stability, regulatory reforms, globalization, rapid technological progress, and initiatives promoting science and innovation. Nevertheless, STEM job openings remain scarce relative to the overall national labor market [39], even though they offer relatively high salaries and lower unemployment rates. Opportunities are regionally concentrated: 81% are in the South, Southeast, Federal District, and Bahia, Brazil’s wealthier regions [39]. Meanwhile, despite expanded access to higher education in recent decades, STEM enrollment remains low. According to the 2023 Higher Education Census, 32% of students were enrolled in social sciences, business, or law; 17% in teacher training; 22% in health and wellness; 9% in engineering; 7% in IT and communication; and 1% in natural sciences, mathematics, and computing [40]. Only 16% of graduates in 2023 held STEM degrees [40].

To address these low percentages, policymakers have implemented initiatives to foster interest in STEM by offering elective subjects, hosting high-school fairs, and organizing programming workshops and summer programs. These are often targeted at underrepresented groups such as public-school students or women [41].

Curricular reforms and teacher training improvements aim to strengthen secondary school science and math preparation [42]. The enactment of Law 12.711 in 2012 reserved seats in federal universities for students from public schools, as well as for Black, Indigenous, and disabled students, thereby enhancing diversity in higher education [40]. Policies supporting retention, including financial aid, material assistance, and psycho-pedagogical support, were also introduced. Saccaro et al. (2019) [43] reported a 25% first year dropout rate in science, mathematics, computing, and engineering programs, likely due to gaps between expectations and prior academic preparation. Dropouts were higher in private institutions and among older students, and lower among women. Participation in professional internships, research initiation programs, and receiving financial aid were associated with reduced dropout rates.

In recent years, efforts to boost academic performance and completion have included curricular changes and active learning methodologies, such as project and problem-based learning [44]. Measures to enhance teaching quality and promote student self-regulation have also been developed. In 2019, women held 30% of STEM seats versus 63% in non-STEM fields [45]. Female underrepresentation is most acute in engineering, computing, and mathematics, despite majority female enrollment in life sciences, physical sciences, and architecture. Junges et al. (2023) [46] found that content affinity, motivation, encouragement from family, friends, and teachers, perceived competence, and social support were key factors in women’s persistence. Initiatives like Meninas Digitais, Meninas na Ciência, PyLadies, and Technovation Girls Brasil aim to increase women’s participation in STEM [47].

3.2. Chile

In Chile, STEM education is also viewed as foundational to national competitiveness, innovation, and socioeconomic development. Although enrollment in STEM majors has grown, gaps persist in access, retention, and success especially among women and students from disadvantaged backgrounds. Opazo et al. (2024) [48] report that STEM enrollment grew from 26% (193,000 students) in 2006 to 28% (354,000) in 2023. First-year STEM enrollment rose from 26% to 29% during the same period. STEM programs remain concentrated in urban institutions, limiting rural and Indigenous student participation [49]. Engineering, industry, and construction made up 74% of STEM registrations in 2023. Professional institutes now account for 39% of total STEM enrollment and 47% of first-year enrollments, due to their shorter, workforce-oriented programs. Enrollment in natural sciences, mathematics, and statistics decreased by 32%. STEM dropout rates exceed 40% within the first two years, due to inadequate prior academic preparation, insufficient institutional support, and perceived difficulty [50,51]. Additionally, misalignment between curricula and workforce needs contributes to demotivation [52]. Gender disparity is stark: in 2023, men comprised 80% of first year STEM enrollees [48]. Female participation increased marginally (+0.02 pp from 2006 to 2023), mainly in engineering, while women’s STEM enrollment dominates non-STEM at ~72%. This underrepresentation drives workplace gender inequalities [53]. The National Policy for Gender Equality in Science, Technology, Knowledge and Innovation seeks to improve women’s STEM access and retention by 2030. The Más Mujeres Científicas program introduced quotas to encourage female enrollment, leading to a 30% increase in female STEM applications from 2023 to 2024 [54]. Active learning approaches such as project-based, flipped classrooms, collaborative methods, and technology integration are increasingly adopted to boost motivation and academic performance [55,56].

3.3. Portugal

In Portugal, STEM policies and initiatives are intricately linked to broader European Union strategies. The EU has launched several programs to boost scientific and technological competencies promoting mobility, education, and talent development. These include Erasmus+ (teacher and researcher mobility), the Digital Europe Programme (digital skills training and talent attraction), Horizon Europe (cross-sector collaboration), and Startup Europe (support for tech innovation and entrepreneurship).

These EU initiatives have directly influenced policy in Portugal. As part of the Recovery and Resilience Plan, the ‘Impulso Jovens STEAM’ initiative was launched, aligning with the European University Association’s University without Walls vision and the Portuguese Ministry of Science and Higher Education’s ‘Skills 4’ post-COVID strategy. This initiative aims to strengthen higher education in STEAM fields, incorporating the Arts into traditional STEM disciplines.

Despite women comprising most graduates overall, they remain underrepresented in STEM. In 2021, women represented just 38% of STEM graduates—a disparity largely attributed to cultural factors, such as limited familial and early educator support, as well as discrimination and bias affecting career choices [57]. The absence of female role models in leadership positions further reinforces women’s perceptions that STEM fields are unattractive for career development [58], although interest is gradually growing in traditionally male-dominated STEM areas [59,60].

Lower STEM enrollment among women and socioeconomically disadvantaged students may also reflect perceived barriers to successful completion. A governmental report by Engrácia and Baptista (2018) [61] analyzed students entering higher education in 2011–2012, finding that after four years, only 46% had graduated and 29% had dropped out. Among those admitted via the special entry route for students aged over 23, only 30% graduated by 2015–2016, while 50% dropped out.

Completion rates are categorized by subject in data provided by the Directorate-General for Education and Science Statistics (DGEEC). Between 1996–1997 and 2022–2023, approximately half a million students graduated: just over 20% in natural sciences, mathematics, and statistics; around 6% in information and communication technologies; and about 70% in engineering, industrial processing, and construction—with consistent growth over time.

3.4. Spain

In Spain, the socioeconomic importance of higher education in STEM is well-established, with STEM graduates exhibiting some of the lowest unemployment rates and a wide array of professional opportunities [62]. Both male and female STEM graduates earn higher incomes than graduates in non-STEM fields. The number of STEM programs in higher education has also increased significantly [63]. Despite these advances, enrollment in STEM remains lower than in non-STEM disciplines [64]. Concurrently, vocational training in these areas has expanded, suggesting growing student preference for shorter, professionally oriented post-secondary programs in science, technology, and health [63].

Gender gaps are still pronounced: female representation in STEM remains low [65], reinforcing the urgent need for equitable interventions. Additionally, media portrayals perpetuating stereotypes about STEM professionals require critical examination. Research by Santos et al. (2022) [66] confirms that gender inequality in STEM is socially constructed and must be actively dismantled.

Rodríguez-Menéndez et al. (2024) [64] highlight that familial influence, particularly from relatives in engineering, strongly affects women’s decisions to pursue STEM. Teacher guidance also plays a crucial role; female students value technical depth and social utility in engineering [65]. Male students, conversely, are influenced by familial tradition and media exposure dating from early childhood, often emphasizing personal achievement goals.

Verdugo-Castro et al. (2022) [61] further observe that students’ sociocultural environments shape perceptions and opinions of STEM, while intrapersonal factors such as motivation, interests, attitudes, self-confidence, and self-efficacy also impact participation and retention. García-Holgado et al. (2020) [67] add that social support from family, peers, and educators can influence both enrollment and attrition rates. Understanding the motivations underlying STEM enrollment is essential for fostering future participation, especially since Spain trails the EU average in female engagement in these fields [68].

In summary, vocational choices and social stereotypes in STEM result from global cultural, socioeconomic, and educational systems, as well as personal characteristics and immediate social contexts (family, friends, teachers). When considering attrition and retention, salient factors include social integration, pedagogical quality, teacher–student relationships, institutional support, student motivation, and academic fit [69]. Cruz-Campos et al. (2023) [70] identify academic performance as the strongest predictor of attrition, followed by university social support, socioeconomic status, motivation, pessimism, and negative interactions with faculty. In engineering, academic performance, course commitment, institutional integration [71], and faculty–student relationships [72] are key to retention.

To support the comparative analysis,

Table 1. Comparative summary of key dimensions related to access, persistence, and equity in STEM programs across Brazil, Chile, Portugal, and Spain.

Dimension	Brazil	Chile	Portugal	Spain
Socioeconomic relevance of STEM programs	Associated with industrial and technological development, with growth cycles between 2000–2010. High employability, but regional concentration of opportunities.	Emphasized in national innovation and development policies. Growth in enrollment in technical and vocational programs.	Strongly linked to European Union strategies (Erasmus+, Horizon Europe). Recognized as a strategic area.	Widely acknowledged economic relevance; graduates show low unemployment rates and strong salary prospects.
Access to STEM programs	STEM represents only 16% of graduates [40].	STEM accounts for 28% of total enrollment and 29% of new enrolments in 2023.	Significant growth in engineering and IT, but female participation remains limited.	Enrollment in STEM remains lower than in other fields, with a growing preference for short-cycle technical programs.
Persistence and completion in STEM programs	25% in the 1st year [43]. Higher in private institutions.	Over 40% drop out in the first two years. Causes: poor preparation and insufficient institutional support.	Only 46% of entrants graduate within 4 years. Dropout rate of 29% [61].	High dropout rates; main predictors include academic performance, motivation, and institutional support.
Sociodemographic and gender inequalities	Female underrepresentation (30% of STEM places). Racialized groups and public school students face greater barriers.	Only 20% of STEM entrants are women. Low participation of indigenous and rural students.	Women represent only 38% of STEM graduates. Barriers include lack of familial and cultural support.	Female participation in STEM is below the EU average, with a strong influence of social and family stereotypes.
Main public and institutional policies	Law 12.711 (racial and social quotas), programs like Meninas Digitais, and curriculum reform with active methodologies.	National Gender Equality Policy in S&T and Más Mujeres Científicas (30% increase in female applicants).	Impulso Jovens STEAM and programs aligned with the EU. Emphasis on digital skills and innovation.	Institutional policies predominate, with a focus on integration, faculty support, and the promotion of gender equality.
Pedagogical initiatives and methodologies	Promotion of active learning (PBL, projects, self-regulation).	Adoption of active methodologies (flipped classroom, collaboration), technological integration.	Integration of the arts (STEAM), appreciation of interdisciplinary approaches.	Promotion of student integration and psychosocial support in higher education.

provides a synthesized overview of key dimensions related to STEM education in the four countries examined.

4. Discussion and Conclusions

This article examined official documentation (government and HE institutions) and research papers on STEM education in Brazil, Chile, Portugal, and Spain. We explored the social and economic significance of STEM, as well as differential enrollment, success, and completion rates based on students’ sociodemographic characteristics, and reviewed national and institutional COVID-19 era interventions aimed at improving access, permanence and academic success. This analysis considers particularly students from low socio-economic groups and women.

Across all four countries, there is rising demand for STEM-educated professionals, driven by labor market requirements and recognition that such education underpins socioeconomic development and innovation. Higher education institutions in these countries are responsive to these demands and align with national and international policy directions, demonstrating awareness of international data that points to a low number of students entering STEM courses, and particularly of women and students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds [18,73]. This awareness can be understood as a first and positive step towards increasing research into the causes of the problem and defining practical measures to overcome the difficulties encountered.

We will now proceed to address the questions that guided this study, synthesizing and analyzing the data from the four countries under examination.

The first question concerned the social and economic relevance of STEM fields in the context of higher education in the studied countries. In conclusion, we may note that the relevance of STEM programs is evident in all four countries, prompting governments and institutions to adopt measures that encourage student enrollment and success in these fields. In Brazil, for instance, it is possible to establish a correlation between the expansion of STEM education and the various economic and political cycles. Despite the significant growth of these programs between 2000 and 2010, there remains a shortage of professionals in relation to market demand [39]. This gap between supply and demand is also visible in Chile. In that country, although student interest in these programs has increased, STEM programs remain concentrated in urban institutions, limiting the participation of rural and Indigenous students [49]. In the European countries, Portugal and Spain, the socioeconomic importance of higher education in STEM is well established. In Spain, for example, STEM graduates present some of the lowest unemployment rates and enjoy a wide range of professional opportunities [62].

Subsequently, we inquired about the differences in enrollment, success, and completion rates in STEM programs according to students’ sociodemographic characteristics. Our analysis reveals shared concerns regarding the underrepresentation and attrition of women and students from disadvantaged or minority backgrounds in STEM. These groups enroll at lower rates and exhibit lower retention and completion, highlighting the need for interventions. Gender inequalities persist: women remain a minority in STEM while being overrepresented in non-STEM fields such as humanities, social sciences, and health [62,65]. Social perceptions that women prefer interpersonal professions vs. men’s preference for object-oriented fields [10,25,30,31], and gendered educational influences (family, teachers) [23,34,62,67] emerge repeatedly. The data shows that the proportion of women, for example, is not the same in all areas of science and engineering. In Portugal, women are underrepresented in manufacturing and construction but dominate natural sciences and mathematics. In Brazil and Spain, women are less represented in STEM overall, yet more prevalent in life sciences, physical sciences, and architecture [74]. In Chile, men account for approximately 80% of STEM enrollment, the lowest female representation of the four countries.

Lastly, concerning government and institutional interventions to improve access to and retention in STEM programs, especially for students from socially disadvantaged groups and women, there has been growing interest in STEM programs among students, although inequalities among specific population groups—such as women and, in countries like Brazil, racialized groups—still remain. These challenges have led governments and institutions to adopt policies and strategies aimed at fostering interest in STEM programs. In Brazil, initiatives include programs, workshops, summer schools, curricular reforms, and teacher training initiatives. In Chile, policies such as The National Policy for Gender Equality in Science, Technology, Knowledge and Innovation and the Más Mujeres Científicas program aim to improve women’s access to and retention in STEM fields by 2030.

Finally, high attrition rates in STEM across sociodemographic groups are largely attributable to inadequate secondary-level preparation in science and mathematics [74]. To address this challenge, institutions must adopt active learning methodologies that promote engagement, motivation, and improved learning outcomes [71,72]. The implementation of public policies—such as social and racial quotas in Brazil [40,43], the National Gender Equality Policy in Science and Technology in Chile [48,54], or European Union programs that directly affect Portugal and Spain [57,63]—plays a key role in helping students turn their personal aspirations into successful academic paths. In this context, subjective factors like self-confidence and motivation are not isolated; they are strengthened or limited by the structural conditions created through access policies, financial aid, mentoring initiatives [67,70], and by the adoption of innovative teaching methods [71,72]. Persistence in STEM, therefore, emerges from the constant interplay between individual drive and external conditions: public policies do more than widen formal access—they help create the environment where vocation and motivation can translate into persistence and successful graduation.

Despite the aforementioned programs and policies, policymakers and institutions must also implement inclusive strategies that reduce gender and social disparities while simultaneously strengthening secondary-level preparation [75]. In summary, stronger collaboration—both nationally and internationally—is essential to ensure that academic curricula are aligned with labor market demands and students’ expectations. This alignment should begin at the primary and secondary education levels, particularly through the preparation and motivation of students in the curricular areas of science and mathematics.

Limitations and Future Developments

In spite of the contributions of this study, it has some limitations that must be recognized. Firstly, the methodological choice of documentary analysis, while appropriate for capturing public policies, official data, and institutional trends, restricts the understanding of the student experience in its subjective dimension. The absence of empirical data limits the ability to explore the individual perceptions of students and other educational stakeholders. To address this limitation, an empirical study is currently being prepared by this research team in the four countries engaged in this paper.

Secondly, the sources used vary in terms of their recency and scope across the countries analyzed. While some countries offer recent reports, others present more fragmented information, which introduced asymmetries in the comparative analysis. To overcome the exploratory nature of the present study, direct contact should be established with structures of the Ministry of Education and the Council of Rectors of the universities in the countries involved to promote more comparability in data obtained and analyzed among countries.

Moreover, since the problem of young people’s vocational choices is largely based on their academic experiences, expectations and decisions during basic and secondary education, an analysis of the access and retention of disadvantaged socioeconomic groups and females in STEM courses must include the analysis of policies and measures previous to higher education.