College Students’ Perceptions and Emotions Related to Climate Change and Government Climate Action

Abstract

Young people increasingly express high levels of concern about the climate crisis. Their climate-related emotions and thoughts are often linked to a perceived lack of government action. This study employs a convergent parallel mixed-methods design to explore the perceptions and emotions of college students (N = 16) related to climate change and government climate action. Participants completed semi-structured interviews assessing their thoughts and emotions about climate change as well as a measure of impairment related to climate change anxiety. Through reflexive thematic analysis of interview responses, researchers generated the following themes to describe participants’ responses: negative emotions and dire predictions, influence of participants’ background on perceptions and engagement, coping with climate-related concern, perceptions of government and political influence, and barriers to the U.S. addressing climate change. While results of bivariate correlation analysis indicated low levels of impairment related to climate change anxiety, the strong emotional responses expressed in interviews highlight the need for university mental health interventions, comprehensive climate change education, and inclusion of youth voices in policymaking. Understanding college students’ climate-related emotions and thoughts can inform strategies to support their well-being and engagement in the face of this crisis.

1. Perceptions and Emotions Related to Climate Change and Government Climate Action

The increasingly urgent climate crisis has been linked to detrimental effects on people’s mental health, especially young people (Clayton et al., 2023). Climate anxiety, a form of anxiety related to concern about climate change, is an indirect consequence of the climate crisis that can affect anyone who is aware of the severity of the issue, regardless of their direct exposure to the physical effects of climate change (Clayton, 2020; Crandon et al., 2022). Generally, anxiety is an adaptive, psychological response to a threat, typically characterized by future-oriented worry. In extreme forms, anxiety becomes maladaptive and can impair individuals’ daily functioning and emotional regulation (Barlow et al., 2018). Climate anxiety derived from concern about climate change can be an adaptive response to a major global threat. In such cases, it has been shown to motivate pro-environmental attitudes and behavior (Verplanken & Roy, 2013). However, extreme climate anxiety occurs when distress about climate change leads to rumination, difficulty sleeping, and impairment in social and occupational functioning (Clayton, 2020; Hickman et al., 2021). Therefore, researchers have attempted to distinguish between climate anxiety that reflects a constructive level of concern and more severe forms that cause significant distress or impairment that may overlap with broader anxiety disorders (Crandon et al., 2022).

Since young people will have greater exposure to the effects of human-generated climate change than adults, their likelihood of reporting concern about climate change and/or experiencing climate anxiety is higher (Hickman et al., 2021; Whitmarsh et al., 2022). Young adults’ experience of climate-related concern or impairment is shaped by their position within various social-ecological systems; particularly the exosystem, which includes indirect influences such as government policies and public discourse about climate change (Crandon et al., 2022). A growing body of literature focusing on the links between the climate crisis and psychological functioning reveals that young people’s perceptions and emotions about climate change are closely tied to their perceptions of the government’s climate action (Hickman et al., 2021). However, few studies have examined these topics in conjunction or assessed potential associations with extreme levels of climate anxiety characterized by impairment. Therefore, the current study seeks to add to a growing body of literature elucidating the perceptions, emotions, and engagement levels of young adults in relation to climate change and the government’s climate action.

While examining students’ emotional responses to climate change and government inaction, this study draws upon Davidson and Kecinski’s (2022) emotion-cognition model of climate change responses. This framework explains how information about climate change triggers emotional reactions that are then shaped by social interactions, identity, and expectations for fairness in social exchanges. Emotions influence people’s decisions on how to respond to climate change stimuli. Davidson and Kecinski (2022) organize these responses as apathy, denial, withdrawal, or pro-climate action. Unlike models that treat emotions as isolated variables, this framework recognizes that emotions are shaped by social interactions, identity, and power dynamics, and can also lead to various adaptive or maladaptive responses. This lens is particularly useful for examining how college students’ emotional reactions to climate change interact with their perceptions of government inaction and their own capacity to effect change.

1.1. Emotions and Climate Change

People in the Global North are generally less vulnerable to direct impacts of climate change (e.g., extreme weather events). As a result, their climate anxiety can stem from negative emotional responses to the awareness of or distant threat of such impacts (Hickman et al., 2021). Many also experience climate anxiety through concern for others and for the natural environment (Ágoston et al., 2022; Van Valkengoed et al., 2023a). A growing body of research suggests that threats to objects of care—such as children, future generations, or valued natural places—make climate change feel more personally relevant for those not directly experiencing extreme impacts of climate change (Wang et al., 2018). Emotional responses as a result of perceived threats to these objects can reduce psychological distance, which refers to how removed or personally relevant a threat feels. When individuals see people or places they care about as being at risk they are more likely to experience intense emotions such as fear, grief, or anxiety (Wang et al., 2018). These feelings help bridge the gap between abstract awareness and personal engagement with the climate crisis. Research suggests that reduced psychological distance is associated with greater emotional involvement and may influence motivation to act on climate change (Van Valkengoed et al., 2023b; Wang et al., 2018).

1.2. Distress About Climate Change Among Young People

Youth aged 15–24 report more concern about climate change than those in any other age bracket (Ma et al., 2022). These emotional responses are influenced by factors like personal experiences with environmental degradation, concerns about the impact of climate change on their lives, and the perceived lack of action from leaders in addressing environmental issues (Hickman et al., 2021). Some young people cope with climate-related distress through meaningful engagement in climate action, while others may feel overwhelmed by their distress related to climate change, leading to negative impacts on their mental health and well-being (Wang et al., 2018). Research has shown that other barriers to engaging in climate action include perceptions that others are not taking action against climate change, lack of perceived control, economic concerns, and limited available time (Gifford, 2011; González-Hernández et al., 2019; Latkin et al., 2023).

Climate anxiety is an emerging mental health concern that disproportionately affects young people. Initial research with young adults suggests that factors such as media exposure to climate news and science, feeling a lack of agency in addressing the issue, and experiencing direct impacts of climate change events contribute to higher levels of climate anxiety (Hickman et al., 2021). Additional contributors to climate-related distress include minoritized racial identity, socioeconomic status, low perceived self-efficacy, information seeking behavior, high climate concern, and high nature relatedness (Nadarajah et al., 2022; Uppalapati et al., 2023; Whitmarsh et al., 2022). Further research is needed to better understand the factors that influence young people’s experiences of climate anxiety.

Coping strategies for managing climate anxiety are beginning to be explored. Some studies suggest that engaging in meaning-focused coping, such as finding ways to take action on climate change that align with personal values, may be more beneficial than problem-focused coping, which can lead to feelings of being overwhelmed by the scale of the problem (Ojala, 2012). However, more research is needed to fully understand the complex interaction between risk and protective factors related to climate anxiety in order to develop evidence-based interventions for supporting the mental health and resilience of young people in the face of the climate crisis.

1.3. Distress Related to Inadequate Government Action

Among young people, negative thoughts and emotions about climate change are linked to perceptions that the government has failed to act on climate change (Clayton et al., 2023). Generally, young people perceive that the government is primarily responsible for addressing the causes and impacts of climate change, as opposed to individuals or businesses (Harker-Schuch & Bugge-Henriksen, 2013; Hickman et al., 2021). Perceptions of inadequate government responses to climate change have been related to feelings of powerlessness and anxiety among young people (Hickman et al., 2021). A study conducted with college students in Florida found that participants conceptualize climate change as an issue to be addressed in part by individual behavioral changes, while also recognizing that without societal level change, individual efforts are meaningless (Gallagher & Cattelino, 2020). Overall, young people’s concern about climate change is influenced by their perception that world governments are not taking the necessary steps to mitigate or adapt to the climate crisis (Boehm et al., 2023; Hickman et al., 2021).

While there is a growing body of quantitative research highlighting the prevalence and impact of psychological distress and negative emotions related to climate change among young people, there is a lack of interview-based qualitative studies that provide an in-depth understanding of these issues (Bercht, 2021; Lewandowski et al., 2024; Wang et al., 2018). Many qualitative studies exploring young people’s climate anxiety and their perceptions of government climate action have been conducted in an online format where researchers analyze written responses as opposed to in-depth interviews (Arnot et al., 2024; Hickman et al., 2021; Wang et al., 2018). However, interviews allow for richer data collection through real-time interaction, probing, and observation of non-verbal cues (Deakin & Wakefield, 2014; Thompson et al., 2022). It is important to conduct deeper examination into emotional responses to climate change in order to further understand how climate change is perceived and experienced by young people and the role of emotions in influencing individual and collective efforts to address climate change. Understanding more about how college students relate to climate change can inform universities’ interventions and communication strategies about the climate crisis. These interventions may be able to address unproductive forms of anxiety and promote collective efficacy as a means of counteracting low individual efficacy (Baudon & Jachens, 2021; Doherty, 2018).

1.4. Current Study

The current study explores college students’ perceptions and emotions related to climate change with an emphasis on their perceptions of the United States government’s role in addressing the crisis. It includes a quantitative assessment of climate anxiety-related impairment among participants for descriptive purposes to examine patterns and trends. The exploration seeks to build on previous literature indicating that young people are more likely than other age groups to report negative thoughts about climate change, strong emotions such as worry and fear, and anxiety related to climate change. The researchers also explore the perceptions and emotions related to the government’s actions to address climate change. This study aims to contribute to a growing body of literature seeking to understand and address the emotional and psychological responses young people have to the climate crisis. Findings have implications for universities in their efforts to develop targeted interventions and communication strategies that support young adults’ well-being in the face of climate change. Applying Davidson and Kecinski’s (2022) emotion-cognition framework, we examine how participants’ emotional appraisals of climate change are shaped by their backgrounds and social contexts in addition to how these emotions interact with perceptions of government action to influence coping strategies and engagement.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participants

Participants were sixteen undergraduate students (age range = 18–21; M = 20, SD = 0.89) at a high-performing academic institution in the mid-Atlantic region. The majority of the sample identified as female (approximately 81%) and White (62.5%). The majority of participants were in their second year of college (50%), identified as Democrats (62.5%), and self-identified as being upper middle class or higher (81%). See

Table 1. Characteristics of Study Sample (N = 16).

Baseline Characteristics	Sample
	Number	Percentage (%)
Age
18	1	6.35%
19	3	18.8%
20	7	43.8%
21	5	31.3%
Gender Identity
Male	3	18.74%
Female	13	81.25%
Race
White	10	62.5%
Black/African descent	2	12.5%
Latinx	1	6.25%
Asian	2	12.5%
Biracial (White and Asian)	1	6.25%
Political Identity
Left	11	68.75%
Center-left	1	6.25%
Center	1	6.25%
Center-right	0	0.0%
No party affiliation	3	18.75%
Socioeconomic Bracket
Low or middle class	3	19%
Upper-middle class	8	50%
Upper Class	5	31%
Year in School
First year	2	12.5%
Sophomore	8	50%
Junior	4	25%
Senior	2	12.5%

for further details.

2.2. Procedure

Interviews were conducted between December 2023 and February 2024. Participants signed up to participate in the study on the Department of Psychology Volunteer Research Program website called SONA. This site provides students an opportunity to participate in research in exchange for class credit. Students were presented with a brief description of the study and were invited to sign up for an available virtual interview time slot online. Once participants had signed up for an interview slot, the researcher contacted them through email to provide a consent form through Docusign. All participants provided informed consent prior to beginning the interview. Interviews occurred over the course of a two month period during weekday afternoons. The interviews lasted an average of 18 min and participants received class credit upon completion. Participants were encouraged to have their videos turned on to increase engagement during the interview. The study was approved by the researcher’s Institutional Review Board.

Participants met with the lead researcher on Zoom. At the beginning of the interview, participants completed a brief survey on Qualtrics to provide demographic and background information. The interviewer gave a brief reminder of the purpose of the study and asked if participants had any clarifying questions. Included at the end of the survey was a copy of the Climate Anxiety and Engagement Scale developed by Clayton and Karazsia (2020). Once participants completed the survey, the interview began. During the interview, participants were asked about their thoughts and feelings regarding climate change and government’s actions towards climate change, as well as about factors that influence these responses.

2.3. Quantitative Data

2.3.1. Climate Change Anxiety Scale

The Climate Change Anxiety Scale, developed by Clayton and Karazsia (2020), is a 22-item scale consisting of four subscales: cognitive-emotional impairment, functional impairment, experience, and behavioral engagement. The cognitive-emotional impairment and functional impairment subscales together represent the conceptualization of climate change anxiety (i.e., impairment related to anxiety regarding climate change). The climate anxiety scale includes items such as “My concerns about climate change undermine my ability to work to my potential” and “Thinking about climate change makes it difficult for me to concentrate.” Participants rated how true the statements were to their experience, from 1 “never” to 5 “almost always” on a 5 point Likert scale. Experience of climate change includes items such as “I have been directly affected by climate change.” Behavioral engagement includes items assessing individual-level sustainable efforts such as “I turn off lights” and “I try to reduce my behaviors that contribute to climate change.” The scale has demonstrated good internal consistency with Cronbach’s alpha values ranging from 0.79 to 0.97 for the subscales and 0.95 for the overall scale (Clayton & Karazsia, 2020).

2.3.2. Demographic Questions

The survey included questions developed by the lead author based on a preliminary literature review that examined factors related to young people’s perceptions of climate change, such as race, socioeconomic status, political identity, awareness of climate change, urban or rural background, whether they wanted to have children, and their engagement in activities that are related to the climate crisis.

2.4. Qualitative Data

Semi-Structured Interview Questions

A total of 16 interviews were conducted with participants. The following questions were developed by the lead author based on available research on factors that influence young people’s perceptions and emotions related to climate change:

• What comes to your mind when you hear the words climate change?
• How do you feel when you think about climate change?
• In what ways do you envision your future self being affected by the consequences of climate change, and how does that influence your current perceptions, emotions, and actions?
• How has your cultural, academic, social, or general personal background shaped your perception and emotions regarding climate change?
• To what extent do you want to and feel that you are able to influence policies addressing climate change? What emotions do you feel in relation to your ability to influence policies addressing climate change?
• How would you describe your level of confidence in the U.S. government’s willingness and ability to address global climate change?

2.5. Researcher Positionality

Data was collected by an undergraduate student with experience in qualitative data collection and training in qualitative research techniques, specifically reflexive thematic analysis (RTA). The data analysis was performed by the undergraduate student, the first author, and an associate professor, both identifying as cisgender, heterosexual, and biracial (Black and White), hailing from the Midwest region of the United States. The first author, an undergraduate student, attends the same university as the participants but had no previous contact with them prior to the study. The assistant professor also had no existing relationship with the participants.

2.6. Data Analysis

Quantitative data analyses were conducted using jamovi (Version 2.3.21; The Jamovi Project, 2022). The first author downloaded participants’ responses from the Qualtrics survey as a Microsoft Excel file and uploaded it to Box. The first author cleaned and categorized data gathered from the demographic questions in the Qualtrics survey. Basic descriptive statistics were calculated to describe study variables and participant demographics. Then a Pearson’s r correlational analysis was performed to investigate associations between the subscales of the Climate Change Anxiety scale and demographic variables (i.e., age, gender, race, socioeconomic status, political identity, urban background, awareness of climate change, engagement in climate-related issues).

Qualitative analysis was conducted according to guidelines set forth by Braun and Clarke (2019) for reflexive thematic analysis (RTA). First, the interviews were recorded and transcribed on Zoom. Following each interview, the Zoom transcript was saved to Box, a HIPAA-compliant data storage system, and reviewed for accuracy by the first author. RTA requires that researchers’ acknowledge their own social positioning and underlying factors that may influence their interpretation of the data. Therefore, the first author kept a dedicated research journal and spent extensive time completing this reflection process before data collection began and throughout study completion.

The stages of RTA are as follows: (1) data familiarization, (2) data coding, (3) generating themes from coded data, (4) developing and reviewing themes, (5) refining and defining themes, and (6) writing the report. The first author underwent an iterative process of reading transcripts to familiarize themself with the data, reflecting on initial interpretations and how they may be influenced by their personal experiences, and meeting with the senior author to discuss their analytic insights. Then the first author went line-by-line through transcripts, using an open coding system, and met with the senior author to resolve discrepancies in the initial coding stage. Codes were generated inductively by the first author and reviewed by the senior author. They included codes related to perceptions and emotions related to climate change and factors that influence these thoughts, perceptions of government’s actions to address climate change, emotions in relation to the government and ability to influence climate policy. The codes were further separated into meaningful categories and then developed into themes that reflect participants’ responses. Once researchers were in complete agreement on the themes generated, they were further defined and organized into a comprehensive narrative

3. Results

3.1. Quantitative Results

Descriptive statistics for impairment related to climate change anxiety (the combined scores of the cognitive-emotional impairment and functional impairment subscales), experience, and behavioral engagement, are reported below. The average score on the climate anxiety scale was 1.54 (out of 5), indicating low levels of impairment related to climate anxiety among this sample. Participants had the highest scores on the behavioral engagement subscale. See

Table 2. Descriptives of Climate Change Anxiety Subscales (N = 16).

	Climate Change Anxiety	Experience	Behavioral Engagement
Mean	1.54	3.17	4.10
Median	1.50	3.17	4.25
Standard deviation	0.474	1.10	0.570
Minimum	1.00	1.33	2.83
Maximum	2.62	5.00	4.83

for the descriptive statistics of subscales of the Climate Change Anxiety scale.

We present Pearson r correlations to characterize observed patterns in the data. The results of the correlation analyses between the demographic and climate anxiety variables revealed several notable associations. Males, compared to females, were significantly (r = 0.62; p = 0.01) more likely to report high awareness of climate change as compared to medium or low. Self-identified upper-middle and upper income status was also significantly associated with higher scores on the experience of climate change subscale (r = 0.625; p = 0.01), meaning they scored higher on items asking about being affected by climate change, knowing someone that has been affected by climate change, or seeing changes in places important to them due to climate change. There were no significant associations between the climate change subscales and age, race, political identity, urban hometown environment, climate change awareness, or engagement in climate-related activities. Given the small sample size, the correlational analyses should be interpreted as descriptive findings rather than inferential statistics.

3.2. Qualitative Results

The qualitative data collected from the interviews were analyzed according to guidelines outlined by Braun and Clarke (2019) for RTA. The researchers generated the following primary themes to describe participants’ perceptions and emotions related to climate change and the U.S. government’s climate action: distress and dire predictions, influence of participants’ background on perceptions and engagement, coping with climate-related concern, perceptions of government and political influence, and barriers to U.S. addressing climate change. See

Table 3. Summary and Illustrative Quotes of Study Themes (N = 16).

Primary Themes	Subthemes	Quotes
Distress and dire predictions	Negative thoughts and emotions about climate change	“There’s some damage that seems that it feels almost irreversible… just from like the things that existed in nature 50 years ago… I said that we could see versus like now. You know. And then part of the anxiety is like, what’s gonna happen.”
		“I do think that I it does worry me a lot, cause I think. How it will affect like my lifestyle in the future, and also like my children’s lifestyle, because they’re going on to live longer than me, like I can’t even imagine.”
	Contemplating major life decisions	“I used to really like California. And now, like, because of, like the drought and the wildfires and everything I like wouldn’t wanna live there or raise kids there.”
		“I’ve always wanted to have kids. But it’s just scary when you’re like, am I gonna like raise you for a life of like a barren world that’s like, I don’t know, dangerous?”
Influence of participants’ background on perceptions and engagement	Early educational and familial experiences	“Because it was so ingrained in me at such a young age, because of the education I received, I think that definitely shaped me to be a more environmentally conscious person.”
	Social identities	“From what I’ve seen, what I’ve experienced even here at Georgetown, because this is a PWI [predominantly White institution]. It’s a lot harder to like get a point across even is, even if it is for the right reason, without people kind of looking at you like. ‘Oh, how did you mean it,’ or like, ‘what are you saying,’ or like making it seem like? Your tone is like, it’s not coming from a genuine place, or like a sincere place, or like you’re not concerned.”
	Climate change exposure	“For me, climate change is really like the wildfires that I’ve experienced and my family has experienced. So I know that’s not what climate change is, but in terms of like what I think of when I hear climate change goes straight to my personal experiences.”
	Relative privilege compared to others	“I also like acknowledge that, like I come from a place of– like, I can more easily deal with the effects of climate change, because I have the resources to do so, but like lots of marginalized groups, like climate change like affects them more.”
Coping with climate-related concern	Intentionally avoiding thoughts about climate change	“I used to like learn more about it and do more research into it. But as like I’ve gotten older like it actually scares me more. I think I kind of like, avoid it now. Cause it like makes me upset.”
		“I, honestly, this is like not a great coping mechanism, but I try not to think about it too much. I kinda just try to avoid.”
	Easy to forget due to slow changes and lack of control	“But I find it easy to forget, just because, like. I know, I think it’s like kind of, because there’s an aspect of like I’m not solely responsible, like a lot of the responsibility isn’t on me as an individual.”
		“Honestly, because I don’t deal with like the problem solving of climate change, usually just like other things come up and I get distracted. I’m lucky that I don’t have to think about it a lot. And so when something distracts me, it’s pretty easy to just like shift gears.”
	Emphasizing individual sustainable efforts despite limited impact	“But I’d always think it’s like better to do what you can than to like, give in to being like ‘Oh, it doesn’t matter what I do’, because it does. And it matters like, not only for, like the climate, like, it’s not like you alone can bring down the global temperature by a degree like that has to be like a group effort. But like, I think it’s important, for, like I don’t know, this is something that you hold and like your morals, or like, if this is something that you care about that like you stand by that and like I don’t know. It doesn’t have to be huge. It can be like reducing, like your carbon emissions, like trying not to take as many flights like carpooling, like biking when you can.”
		“I think knowing that everything that I do can make a difference, kind of reassures me because I know that there’s other people who are thinking like that, too, and and makes me feel like I’m part of something bigger, like you know. I’m not the only one who is worried about this. And so I’m part of like a group of people who are working towards a bigger goal.”
	Focusing on few positive aspects	“I think, sometimes spinning it in a way of like, oh, you know, actually, this year coral reefs weren’t as damaged or like, we thought of this to address this problem and kind of trying to spin it in a more positive way, but also like keeping in mind that there’s like still a lot to be done, and you know, like some of these smaller scale things aren’t gonna like make huge impacts, but like, and then sometimes framing it that way makes it a little less scary.”
Perceptions of government and political influence	U.S. government able but unwilling to address climate change	“I’d say pretty not willing like to address it. But I do think that they are capable of doing it if they wanted to, because the U.S. is like a huge like world superpower. So, and also like a lot of carbon emissions, from what I’ve heard, at least, are caused by the U.S., or like emitted by the U.S., so I think they definitely could make a difference. But I just think they’re not willing to, because again, like it’s, I think it’s easier for them to make money if they are like doing things like burning fossil fuels and using like coal and stuff.”
		“I think the ability is there. I think the willingness piece is not. Or maybe it’s not willing to make the sacrifices. Maybe in theory, yes, but not willing to make the sacrifices needed to achieve to see that those effects play out.”
	Futility of political action to influence climate policy	“There’s certain things you can do. But there’s also so much of it that’s just like, you can hope that change happens, or you can try and fight for it. But like it’s at the end of the day, it’s kind of out of your hands.”
		“Definitely that, like through voting. I think it’s just a matter of, even if you know… the majority of the votes are in my favor, like will things actually happen? I think, is more of a yeah, the concern.”
Barriers to U.S. addressing climate change	Lack of concern and urgency among voters	“So some of it has to do with who specifically is in government. But they’re in power because of the general public, to some degree at least.”
		“At the end of the day, what it takes is people like a broader societal shift in our mentality and understanding and outlook on climate change to really make that change and have it be permanent.”
	Corporate greed	“Lots of like big companies know. And I’ve seen the data like they’re not like stupid and like won’t do anything about it because of like capitalism and profits. So like, I think that’s where the frustration comes in.”
		“I feel like we don’t have that much influence, because in reality it’s like these big corporations, and since they’re international, it’s very hard to put regulations on them because other countries are not.”
	Climate deniers and high-emitters	“I feel like there’s always gonna be people who don’t believe in climate change. And there’s always gonna be people who are like way over-consuming like energy and like have super high, like CO2 emissions. So I feel like there’s always going to be like kind of like those people who go against it.”

for subthemes and illustrative quotes.

3.3. Distress and Dire Predictions

3.3.1. Negative Thoughts and Emotions About Climate Change

All participants reported distress about climate change in the form of negative thoughts and emotions about climate change. Many participants expressed concern regarding the increased incidence of extreme weather events and rising sea levels. They reported that it was “overwhelming” and “stressful” to think about climate change, specifically relating this distress to the inadequate efforts of individuals and governing bodies to mitigate and adapt to climate change.

Participants expressed a range of emotions when discussing climate change, including worry, stress, anxiety, sadness, fear, and helplessness. Many participants reported feeling sadness and anxiety when thinking about the loss of nature, the state of the world that future generations (particularly their future children) will experience, and the vulnerability of those in disadvantaged contexts. They feared the danger associated with an unpredictable future. A couple of participants expressed guilt about their personal contributions to climate change. However, many participants believed that individual contributions were negligible and personal efforts to be sustainable were ineffective at mitigating climate change, citing the necessity for large-scale change, and that they felt helpless to engage in more meaningful efforts to be sustainable.

In addition to their negative thoughts and emotions about climate change, a few participants reported positive emotions. As expressed below, some felt hope in relation to their perception that young people care more about and are more willing to engage in climate activism.

“And so I think that as the new generation comes in, climate change will (A) be harder to deny and (B) there will be more like traditionally open minded people that want to fix things. But that’s just my hope.”

One student expressed hope that technological advances offer promising solutions for adaptation and mitigation efforts, but also voiced concern over the lack of their implementation.

3.3.2. Contemplating Major Life Decisions

Participants varied in the extent to which they believed they would be personally affected by climate change. While nearly all anticipated there would be some level of impact, most expected these effects to be minor. For example, many predicted that rising temperatures could limit where they would be comfortable living, alter their diets due to food availability, or reduce access to nature-based recreational activities. In addition, several participants considered climate change when thinking about whether to have children. A couple of participants reported that they considered climate change when thinking about their career.

However, participants were divided on the likelihood of experiencing catastrophic impacts from climate change (e.g., extreme weather events, food insecurity, climate-related displacement) within their own lifetimes. Over half of the participants doubted that their generation would face such consequences directly, while some believed they personally would be affected by these more extreme outcomes. All participants expressed concern for future generations, particularly their own potential children, as exemplified in the following quote.

“I think a lot about like the life my children will lead and like the fear of like, maybe in my lifetime, like natural disasters or climate change, won’t affect, like my home, my family, my safety, my community, but like that, is a really real, real possibility for like my kids.”

3.4. Influence of Participants’ Background on Perceptions and Engagement

3.4.1. Early Educational and Familial Experiences

Participants explained that their early educational experiences and conversations with family members influenced their awareness and perceived importance of addressing climate change. Most participants have close family members who care about and discuss climate change, either in participants’ childhoods or recently. Some participants discussed their families’ sustainable efforts, such as driving an electric car and composting as illustrated in the following quote.

“Because it was so ingrained in me at such a young age, because of the education I received, I think that definitely shaped me to be a more environmentally conscious person.”

3.4.2. Social Identities

A few participants discussed their cultural and/or racial identity as influential in how they perceive and respond to climate change. One participant discussed their racial identity as a barrier to climate advocacy, explaining that individuals from minoritized groups often face greater risks of backlash or being misunderstood when speaking out. In contrast, another participant shared that their Jewish identity played a motivating role when discussing how they believe that their family’s concern for climate change stems from a broader cultural alignment with progressive values.

3.4.3. Climate Change Exposure

Some participants described firsthand exposure to the effects of climate change, such as noticing gradual changes in annual temperatures and experiencing the impacts of natural disasters, namely wildfire smoke and flooding. These experiences reportedly heightened their concern about climate change. However, none of the participants or their family members had suffered physical harm from any disasters. A participant shared their personal experience with climate change in the following quote.

“For me, climate change is really like the wildfires that I’ve experienced and my family has experienced. So I know that’s not what climate change is, but in terms of like what I think of when I hear climate change goes straight to my personal experiences.”

3.4.4. Relative Privilege Compared to Others

Several participants reflected on how their socioeconomic privilege shaped their perspectives and engagement with climate change. They recognized that those with low socioeconomic status and/or health issues would be most affected by climate change. They expressed that their own circumstances as relatively privileged individuals would enable them to adapt to extreme weather events, such as floods, as described in the subsequent quote.

“I also like acknowledge that, like I come from a place of—like, I can more easily deal with the effects of climate change, because I have the resources to do so, but like lots of marginalized groups, like climate change like affects them more.”

Some participants discussed how their privilege allowed them to have travel experiences that made them care more about climate change by exposing them to extreme impacts currently occurring, namely the loss of nature. Participants mentioned travel experiences where they saw coral bleaching and permafrost melting in the Arctic among other trips. Those who mentioned these experiences recognized these experiences as meaningful and associated them with their socioeconomic privilege. For some participants, thinking that they would be less affected by climate change than others acted as a barrier to meaningful engagement illustrated below.

“Because I’m kind of privileged because I live like in a first world country, and I’m lucky enough to have like a family that like has a comfortable amount of money. I’m not really like thinking about it [climate change] that much.”

A couple of participants described their familial or personal lack of privilege as a barrier to taking action to address climate change, specifically related to low-socioeconomic status. These participants discussed how having fewer resources caused them to prioritize more immediate issues, such as providing for basic necessities. One participant discussed this perception in the following quote.

“At least, for, like me and my family, it’s not something that we necessarily had time to think about it was just like we have to make sure, like we’re eating tonight, for example. So it’s like we couldn’t put energy into, you know, thinking about like climate change.”

3.5. Coping with Climate-Related Concern

3.5.1. Intentional Avoidance of Thoughts About Climate Change

Some participants coped by actively suppressing thoughts about climate change when negative emotions arise. This coping mechanism allowed them to alleviate feelings of anxiety or sadness associated with the issue as described below.

“I used to like learn more about it [climate change] and do more research into it. But as like I’ve gotten older like it actually scares me more. I think I kind of like, avoid it now. Cause it like makes me upset.”

3.5.2. Easy to Forget Due to Slow Changes and Lack of Control

Some participants did not believe that they had to cope with these negative thoughts and emotions because they only arose occasionally and briefly. These participants explained that since they were not confronted with the effects of climate change on a daily basis, it was easy for them to be distracted by other concerns that are more imminently affecting them in their everyday lives, like stress from schoolwork. One participant shared the following experience.

“Honestly, because I don’t deal with like the problem solving of climate change, usually just like other things come up and I get distracted. Like I’m lucky that I don’t have to think about it a lot. And so when something distracts me, it’s pretty easy to just like shift gears.”

Participants explained that they accept their lack of control over climate change due to a perceived futility of their individual-level sustainable efforts. Along with this, participants stated that there were more influential actors than themselves who should bear the burden of addressing climate change.

3.5.3. Emphasizing Individual Sustainable Efforts Despite Limited Impact

Many participants shared that they cope with negative thoughts and emotions about climate change by emphasizing the importance of their individual efforts such as recycling, diet changes, and spreading awareness. These participants acknowledged that their individual-level efforts to be sustainable were unlikely to make a large difference in mitigating the climate crisis. Though many acknowledged that collective and large-scale actions were more effective, some participants thought that they have a responsibility to engage in individual actions, both as a personal moral responsibility and a responsibility to “do their part” as part of a group effort to mitigate climate change through individual behaviors. A participant described below how this coping mechanism allowed him to alleviate guilt associated with contributing to climate change.

“It’s hard when there’s not something you can really do like personally, like I continue to like, you know, do my part, because I would feel guilty about it. And I don’t wanna have to like, say, I had such a major role in, you know, destroying the planet.”

The global scale of the climate crisis caused many participants to report that they perceived their individual-level sustainable efforts as futile. This perceived lack of control was a barrier to coping through action in that it often did not completely alleviate negative emotions, as one participant detailed:

“But then it also, that also kind of makes me feel worse, because I’m like, well, even if I do this, it’s like not gonna change much, you know, like me picking up this like empty coffee cup isn’t gonna like prevent us from like worldwide disaster.”

3.5.4. Focusing on Few Positive Aspects

Some participants coped by taking actions to keep themselves and others informed on news related to climate change, with a couple of participants intentionally seeking positive news about efforts to address climate change. A few participants shared that they coped by seeking social support from their friends about their thoughts and feelings.

3.6. Perceptions of Government Action Related to Political Inefficacy

3.6.1. U.S. Government Is Able but Unwilling to Address Climate Change

Almost all participants stated that they believed the U.S. government is able but unwilling to address climate change through effective political action. A few participants perceived the government to be slightly willing to address climate change, especially in recent years, but all agreed that the government’s actions to address climate change have been inadequate as exemplified in the following quote.

“I think it’s like disappointing, like also kind of depressing cause, like I think we like do have the resources and like the means to do so, and, like everyone, kind of looks at the U.S. for like how we do things. And I think if we made substantial moves in climate and climate policy, then, like also other people would follow suit.”

Nearly all participants agreed that the U.S. government’s unwillingness to address climate change is largely explained by their prioritization of economic interests that contribute to climate change. As one student stated, “Money does hold a lot of power in our government.” Participants pointed out that many elected officials receive monetary gains from lobbying efforts and high-emitting companies that support their campaigns, making them reluctant to sacrifice these benefits in favor of following scientific assessments on the need for urgent action to reduce emissions, as illustrated in the following quote.

“I think they just do like whatever they want and whatever makes them money honestly, and I think that the behaviors that are making climate change worse are what is making them money.”

The unwillingness of the government to address climate change due to economic interests caused participants to feel negative emotions, including anger, disappointment, frustration, and powerlessness as described below.

“It makes me feel frustrated, like I was saying before. Sort of angry, and a little bit helpless, I’d say. That like, if I’m voting for stuff, but that it really that doesn’t matter as much in the long run. That’s sort of like a helpless, angry feeling.”

Certain participants linked the reluctance of governments to address climate change to the intense political polarization surrounding the issue. A few participants noted that Republican politicians, in particular, were hesitant to endorse climate policies, citing the misalignment with party interests as a key factor. One participant shared the following sentiments:

“If you’re a Republican trying to get elected to the House of Representatives, you can’t really be talking about like, ‘Oh, I’m gonna address climate change.’ Like you’re just not gonna get elected right, like all of a sudden in Congress you can’t pass anything because people are looking at your voting history and they’re saying, ‘Oh, well, you know, you’ve supported like the end of these, you know, oil companies or etc.,’ and all of a sudden you can’t get reelected. So then they don’t talk about it at all, and it just becomes this whole big cycle.”

Additionally, participants discussed characteristics of the U.S. political system such as corporations’ influence through lobbying and quick re-election cycles as barriers for the government being unwilling to address climate change.

3.6.2. Futility of Political Action to Influence Climate Policy

Most participants perceived that their political efforts, especially voting, were not influential given the government’s unwillingness to address climate change. All participants recognized that there are actions they can take to try to influence climate policy such as voting and calling representatives. However, most participants felt powerless in their individual political actions due to the government’s unresponsiveness. As one student stated, “One person or 10 people or 100 people even like, there’s not much influence we have.” Many participants’ perceptions of their lack of political influence in relation to climate policy was connected to the greater influence money has over politicians’ interests. As one participant stated:

“It’s complicated. I feel like I can, and I feel like I do what I can. But there’s only so much when like I don’t know. It’s all about money and like who pays who with politicians and stuff.”

Many participants also expressed doubts that collective political action such as protesting can influence the government’s actions to address climate change. These beliefs were connected to the perception that the government is not listening to the will of the people they represent. One participant shared the following concerns:

“Definitely that, like through voting. I think it’s just a matter of, even if you know the majority of my, the majority of the votes are in my favor, like will things actually happen? I think, is more of a yeah, the concern.”

Some participants expressed that they have more faith in collective efforts than individual actions like voting, but still acknowledged that the government’s unresponsiveness to voters due to their economic interests is a barrier to collective efforts being fully effective and generating policy changes needed to mitigate the climate crisis. A participant shared the following perceptions:

“If you can mobilize grassroots efforts, and just promote little small things, promote people to become more aware that can also have an impact, although it’s not the same as getting like the whole country to, you know, agree to this international agreement, or something like that which I really do think is the biggest and most important solution.”

3.7. Barriers to U.S. Addressing Climate Change

3.7.1. Lack of Concern and Urgency Among Voters

Many participants mentioned barriers that contribute to the government’s unwillingness to address climate change and may even prevent them from being able to do so. Some participants believed that the government’s unwillingness to address climate change was partially due to a lack of strong concern or prioritization of the issue among their voting base, with one student stating that “Some of it has to do with who specifically is in government. But they’re in power because of the general public, to some degree at least.” Many participants believed that there needs to be a shift among public attitudes before climate change is viewed as urgent enough for the government to enact change. As one participant said:

“At the end of the day what it takes is people like a broader societal shift in our mentality and understanding and outlook on climate change to really make that change and have it be permanent.”

Some participants expressed hope about the possibility of increasing public awareness and willingness to engage in actions to mitigate climate change. A few participants believed that the current generation is more aware and concerned about climate change, which has the potential to bring about more meaningful change than has occurred so far. These thoughts are described by one participant below.

“I’m very hopeful. I think there are a lot of things that can be done. It’s just… a matter of getting everyone on the same page to have those things get done.”

Participants attributed the public’s lack of concern about climate change to a tendency to prioritize issues that have a direct immediate impact on their daily lives, rather than focusing on addressing problems that seem distant or far in the future. A few participants acknowledged that this perception of climate change as a non-urgent issue that lacks personal relevance acts as a barrier to engaging in sustainable behaviors and advocating for climate policies for themselves. A participant shared the following perceptions:

“I think it is like the biggest issue affecting the human race at this time, and I think it’s one that people, because, like people, are so like in the moment thinking. And they do have trouble, like thinking, like even like 50 years, or like 100 years or 1,000 years like in advance. It’s hard for it to be an issue that’s really like prominent. I feel like on people’s minds when they’re just trying to get like, get through the day to day.”

3.7.2. Corporate Greed

Many participants reported that major corporations profit from practices that significantly contribute to climate change. This motivates them to influence politicians to oppose regulations restricting their high-emission operations. Consequently, the government is unwilling to implement effective measures to reduce emissions. Participants expressed their belief that corporations are intentionally ignoring climate science and the urgency of the climate crisis to pursue continued profits as described in the following quote.

“Lots of like big companies know. And I’ve seen the data like they’re not like stupid and like won’t do anything about it because of like capitalism and profits. So like, I think that’s where the frustration comes in.”

A couple of participants believed that this not only made the government unwilling to enact meaningful climate policy, it also made them unable to because of the global reach of corporations. This was connected to a perceived inability to influence climate change as discussed in the previous theme and in the subsequent quote.

“I feel like we don’t have that much influence, because in reality it’s like these big corporations, and since they’re international, it’s very hard to put regulations on them because other countries are not.”

3.7.3. Climate Deniers and High-Emitters

Students pointed out specific types of individuals who are particularly hesitant to endorse initiatives aimed at addressing climate change, discussing those who deny the reality of climate change and high-emitting individuals, such as celebrities, who significantly contribute to worsening the issue. One participant described the following:

“I feel like there’s always gonna be people who don’t believe in climate change. And there’s always gonna be people who are like way over-consuming like energy and like have super high, like CO₂ emissions. So I feel like there’s always going to be like kind of like those people who go against it.”

Students expressed that it was especially frustrating that wealthy people and/or celebrities have a disproportionate contribution to emissions causing climate change. As one student described:

“But then there’s someone like Taylor Swift who’s like pumping out tons of carbon dioxide, we were actually talking about this literally at dinner yesterday, into the environment. And you’re just like, come on, like the amount of damage you’ve done, it would take me like, you know, however, many lifetimes to do or whatnot in like one flight. Yeah, it’s just so. There’s a bit of resentment about like it seems like, there are some…. few that are causing way more damage than everyone else.”

4. Discussion

Overall, findings of this study indicate that participants experience strong emotional responses to the climate crisis; however, these responses generally do not reach the level of impairment characteristic of climate anxiety. Through in-depth interviews, participants expressed overwhelmingly negative emotions and perceptions related to climate change, particularly in connection to the U.S. government’s actions, or perceived inaction, on the issue. Davidson and Kecinski (2022) propose a conceptual framework explaining how climate change information triggers emotional reactions that are shaped by social contexts and individual characteristics that influence how people cope and respond. This framework helps contextualize our findings; participants’ socioeconomic privilege and geographic distance from the most severe climate impacts provided coping resources that prevented withdrawal and clinical impairment despite strong negative emotions. The framework’s emphasis on how expectations for fairness shape emotional responses explains why perceptions of the government’s unwillingness to act generated feelings of anger, frustration, and helplessness among participants. These emotional responses were related to the coping strategies participants discussed and their sense of efficacy in addressing the climate crisis.

Several participants described the climate crisis as “catastrophic” due to the danger posed by an unpredictable and dangerous climate. The negative emotions participants reported when thinking about climate change (i.e., anger, anxiety, despair, dread, fear, guilt, sadness, worry, helplessness) have also been identified in larger samples of young people (Hickman et al., 2021; Jones & Lucas, 2023). Despite the high frequency of participants self-identifying anxiety about climate change, their scores on the Climate Change Anxiety scale were low. Participants are highly concerned about climate change, but this does not reach the level of impairment assessed by the climate anxiety subscale. A few participants also reported hopefulness in addition to negative emotions. This hope was derived from a perception that their generation is more passionate about engaging in efforts to mitigate climate change, which is demonstrated through the high rates of concern about the climate crisis and engagement in advocacy efforts among young people (Latkin et al., 2021). Hope has been demonstrated to motivate engagement in pro-environmental behavior and advocacy (Geiger et al., 2021).

Participants frequently expressed distress in response to dire predictions about how climate change would affect future generations, particularly their potential future children. This concern aligns with previous research showing a strong association between climate-related worry and care for future generations (Ágoston et al., 2022; Arnot et al., 2024; Van Valkengoed et al., 2023a; Wang et al., 2018). Students’ emphasis on the well-being of future children reflects the concept of “object of care,” conceptualized by Wang et al. (2018) as connectors that make the issue of climate change personally relevant to individuals. Participants also discussed sadness in relation to the loss of nature, specifically the natural places they had come to care about. These responses support Wang et al.’s assertion that threats to meaningful people and places can reduce psychological distance from climate change by intensifying emotional engagement with the issue.

Nearly all participants anticipated that climate change would impact their lives though they differed in how severe they expected those impacts would be. Over half of the participants anticipated this impact to be minor, such as changes in diet due to food availability, reduced access to outdoor recreation, or discomfort from high temperatures. Fewer participants mentioned being impacted by more catastrophic consequences (e.g., extreme weather events, food insecurity, climate-related displacement), which is aligned with previous qualitative research with young adults (Wang et al., 2018). These perceptions align with prior research suggesting that many young adults experience climate change as psychologically distant when they do not feel directly threatened (Jones et al., 2017; Wang et al., 2018). This perceived distance was demonstrated when some participants described it as easy to avoid thinking about climate change due to its lack of immediate impact on their lives. For many, this detachment was tied to their acknowledgement of their own socioeconomic and geographical privilege as they recognized that the most catastrophic effects of climate change will more so affect those dissimilar to themselves, as in disadvantaged contexts and climate vulnerable communities (Jones et al., 2017). This is aligned with research showing that those with low socioeconomic status are more vulnerable to the effects of climate change (Islam & Winkel, 2017). Though participants from high socioeconomic backgrounds made up 81% of the sample, they still identified strong emotional responses when discussing climate change, despite expecting minimal personal risk during their lifetime. Notably, participants from the highest socioeconomic bracket were most likely to know someone affected by climate change, which may reduce psychological distance and increase emotional salience.

However, many participants reported that climate change influenced how they thought about major life considerations, specifically decisions about where to live in the future, whether to have children, and, for a couple of participants, their career planning. This anticipatory decision-making as a result of the long-term changes climate change will bring is reflected in previous studies with youth (Jones, 2023). While some participants expressed doubt about the severity of climate change’s personal impacts, these responses suggest that the majority still recognized its broader significance in shaping their futures. These findings are consistent with a 2021 national poll, which found that 63% of young people expected climate change to affect where they live, and 34% said it would influence whether they have children. Only 15% of respondents believed climate change would not impact their future decisions at all (Isaacs-Thomas, 2021).

Many factors influenced participants’ perceptions of and engagement with the climate crisis. As previously mentioned, many participants discussed how socioeconomic privilege influences their perception that they will be less affected by climate change relative to others. The majority of participants discussed how their childhood educational experiences and conversations with adult family members made them aware of and concerned about the climate crisis. These responses align with research finding that early childhood experiences like discussing the environment at home increase one’s concern about climate change (Gifford & Nilsson, 2014). A few participants discussed how their social identities, specifically their racial and cultural identities, influenced their engagement with the issue of climate change. Specifically, a Black, female participant believed that she would be highly scrutinized for advocating for actions to address climate change at her predominantly White institution (PWI). Interestingly, participants did not mention their gender identity as influential in how they perceive climate change, despite previous research finding gender differences in understanding and concern about climate change (McCright, 2010). The significant quantitative finding between high awareness of climate change and male gender may be explained by research showing men may feel pressure to be knowledgeable about climate change and are more reluctant to express uncertainty than women, despite women having a more accurate understanding of the risks (Ballew et al., 2018). Students who had been exposed to subtle and/or more extreme impacts of climate change reported that these experiences made them more aware of and likely to care about the climate crisis, as is aligned with previous research finding that exposure to severe weather events is associated with intense negative thoughts and emotions about climate change (Lewandowski et al., 2024).

Students had various ways of coping with their negative emotions about climate change. The emotion-cognition model explains that emotional responses to climate change can manifest in multiple behavioral pathways, including denial, withdrawal, or pro-climate action depending on context and available coping resources (Davidson & Kecinski, 2022). Some participants coped by actively suppressing these thoughts and emotions because of the high degree of concern they felt. This form of emotion-focused coping has been explored in the previous literature as a way to distance oneself from overwhelming and difficult emotional experiences (Ojala, 2012; Smith & Leiserowitz, 2014). Other participants found it easy to not think about climate change due to their lack of personal influence in individual-level sustainability efforts and the absence of everyday impacts from climate change. Students had more imminent personal concerns that distracted them from thoughts about climate change. These responses align with research finding that the lack of perceived control and limited time availability are factors reducing one’s likelihood to engage in actions aimed at addressing climate change (Latkin et al., 2023). Taken with the quantitative finding that participants had low levels of impairment related to climate anxiety, these responses demonstrate how psychological distancing, whether intentional or circumstantial, may serve as an emotional protective factor. Coping strategies such as avoidance, distraction, or prioritization of immediate personal stressors can help counter negative emotional responses but they may limit sustained engagement with climate action over time (Davidson & Kecinski, 2022).

Some participants discussed that they emphasized the importance of individual-level sustainable efforts to cope with negative thoughts and feelings. Students mentioned practicing sustainable behaviors such as recycling and reducing resource use; one student had previously become a pescetarian due to her concerns about climate change. Choosing to cope through these actions is an example of problem-based coping (Ojala, 2012). These participants thought that individual-sustainable efforts were not very influential in mitigating the climate crisis and recognized the need for large-scale participation in sustainable behaviors along with government climate action. However, participants who coped through engaging in sustainable behavior viewed themselves as part of a larger effort among individuals to be more sustainable. Students stated that emphasizing these individual efforts reduced guilt associated with their personal contributions to climate change. These individual efforts also had a morality aspect to them, as in a few participants reported that they believed practicing sustainable behavior is a moral responsibility to minimize their environmental impact. The perception of moral responsibility being a motivator for action is aligned with research finding that perceived responsibility to be sustainable is associated with intentions to engage in sustainable behavior (Reese & Jacob, 2015). Additionally, participants’ conceptualizations of why individual-level sustainable behaviors are important despite the futility of individual efforts are aligned with meaning-focused coping strategies (Ojala, 2012). These responses align with a previous qualitative study during which participants reported individual-level sustainability efforts were futile and less relevant than collective sustainable efforts, yet trying to make a difference individually was important for their well-being (Thompson et al., 2022).

Nearly all participants believed that the U.S. government is able but unwilling to address climate change through effective climate policy. All participants thought that the U.S. government’s actions to address climate change have been inadequate given the severity of the issue. The perception of inadequate efforts is validated by recent findings from an independent scientific project that tracks government climate action (Boehm et al., 2023). Most participants agreed that the government’s unwillingness to enact meaningful climate policy was rooted in economic interests, as aligned with previous research (Arnot et al., 2024; Gallagher & Cattelino, 2020; Hickman et al., 2021; Wang et al., 2018). Specifically, participants believed that money from lobbying efforts and campaign donations from high-emitting corporations were most influential in the government’s inaction on climate policy. They also discussed aspects of the political system, such as reelection cycles, as barriers to government action on climate policy, which has also been reported in the previous literature (Arnot et al., 2024). Students also believed that the extreme political polarization around climate change coupled with the need for reelection was another reason politicians, specifically Republicans, are unwilling to enact effective climate policy.

Given the U.S. government’s unwillingness to address climate change, almost all participants perceived that citizens’ political efforts aimed at influencing climate policy were not influential. This lack of political influence made participants feel powerless, angry, dejected, disappointed, disheartened, helpless, and sad. The perception of one’s political actions as ineffective and associated feelings of powerlessness are indicative of low external political efficacy, defined as people’s beliefs about the responsiveness of the government to the demands of citizens (Craig et al., 1990). The majority of participants felt that responsibility for mitigating the climate crisis lies with national governments, a belief reported in other studies with young adults (Harker-Schuch & Bugge-Henriksen, 2013). Some participants expressed that with a large majority, collective efforts may be able to influence climate policy, but that the government’s unwillingness remained a barrier.

Students mentioned factors that may hinder the government’s ability to address climate change. Some participants stated that corporations’ profiting off of environmentally destructive activities was the reason they sought to influence the government to not pass policy that would regulate these practices and threaten their profits. They reported that these corporations were aware of their contribution to global climate change and favored profits over environmentally conscious behavior. These responses align with researchers finding that power dynamics between governments and businesses influence young people’s feelings of powerlessness and hopelessness in regard to climate change action (Arnot et al., 2024; Hickman et al., 2021).

Additionally, some participants did not believe that average citizens are aware or concerned enough about climate change. They reported that a shift in the public’s mindset to recognize the urgency and danger of the climate crisis is necessary but that this is difficult due to the temporal and geographic distance of the impacts of climate change. This lack of faith in the public to take action addressing climate change has been reported in previous studies with young adults (Gallagher & Cattelino, 2020). Given the expressed hope for the younger generation in caring about and taking action to address climate change, these perceptions may be rooted in generational differences in concern over climate change and willingness to take action to mitigate it, which has been reported as significantly lower among adults, especially older adults (Tyson et al., 2021).

Finally, some participants expressed frustration and resentment toward high-emitting individuals who have a disproportionate contribution to climate change compared to average people. This was related to their previous belief that their individual-level sustainable efforts were futile when considering the impacts that high-emitters have. Participants also expressed frustration at those who deny the reality of climate change. Feeling despair as a result of climate denialism has been reported in previous research (Wang et al., 2018).

A particularly notable pattern in participants’ responses was the finding that perceptions of government inaction permeated almost all negative emotions and perceptions about climate change. The emotion-cognition model of climate change emotions emphasizes that emotions are shaped by expectations for fairness in social exchanges; when individuals perceive that their investments (such as personal sustainable behaviors) are not reciprocated by those with greater power (such as governments), they may respond with negative emotions and even withdrawal, which was shown in participants’ frustration with government inaction (Davidson & Kecinski, 2022). Our findings show that the perceived failure of the government to address the climate crisis shapes participants’ coping strategies. Many reported that this failure contributed to their disengagement with or reliance on individual-level sustainable behaviors to cope with distress. Perceptions of government inaction were associated with feelings of helplessness and anger. This pattern suggests that addressing climate anxiety among young people may require not only mental health interventions and climate education, but also tangible governmental commitment to climate action that could restore young adults’ sense of agency and hope in government institutions.

4.1. Implications

Based on these findings, there are several important implications for supporting the mental health and well-being of college students in the face of the climate crisis. First, the high prevalence of negative emotions such as anger, anxiety, despair, and fear reported by participants highlights the need for targeted mental health interventions that address the unique psychological impacts of climate change. Universities should consider developing specialized counseling services and support groups that provide a safe space for participants to process their emotions related to the climate crisis, engage in collective discussion, and develop meaning-focused coping strategies that have been shown to alleviate negative emotions and motivate advocacy (Ojala, 2012). These interventions could draw on evidence-based approaches such as cognitive-behavioral therapy, mindfulness, and eco-therapy to help students build resilience and foster a sense of empowerment in the face of environmental challenges (Baudon & Jachens, 2021; Doherty, 2018).

Additionally, the findings suggest that educational experiences play a significant role in shaping young adults’ perceptions and increasing their engagement with the climate crisis. This emphasizes the importance of integrating comprehensive climate change education into university curricula across disciplines. Providing students with accurate information about the causes, impacts, and potential solutions to climate change can help to increase the perceived agency among students. Universities should also consider offering training and resources for faculty and staff to respond to the emotional dimensions of climate change in their teaching and mentoring roles. This could include workshops on how to create emotionally supportive classroom environments, facilitate constructive discussions about eco-anxiety, and promote active coping strategies among young people (Pihkala, 2020).

These findings also have important implications for government actions and the inclusion of young people in decision-making processes related to climate change. The pervasive feelings of anger, frustration, and disappointment expressed by participants regarding the perceived inadequacy of government responses to the climate crisis highlight the urgent need for more ambitious and effective climate policies. Countries around the world are not meeting goals needed to mitigate extreme danger associated with climate change, and time is running out (Boehm et al., 2023). Governments at all levels should prioritize the implementation of comprehensive climate action plans that are aligned with the latest scientific recommendations. Demonstrating a strong commitment to addressing the climate crisis may help to restore young adults’ trust and confidence in the U.S. government. There should also be efforts aimed at dismantling the influence of money in politics in order for trust in the government to be firmly established.

Many participants expressed frustration with the lack of concern and action among the general public, which they attributed in part to a lack of understanding about the scale and impacts of climate change. To address this, governments should invest in comprehensive public education programs that provide accurate and accessible information about the causes, consequences, and potential solutions to climate change (Wibeck, 2014).

4.2. Limitations

A significant limitation of this study is the small and unrepresentative sample of participants. Only 16 undergraduate participants from a single high-performing academic institution participated. Though a sample size of 16 is adequate for conducting thematic analysis (Ahmed, 2025), the homogeneity of the sample limits the generalizability of the findings to the broader population of college students. Due to the small sample size, this study was underpowered to detect statistically significant effects. We present the correlational analyses as descriptive in nature rather than as robust inferential statistics. These preliminary patterns should be interpreted cautiously and require replication in larger samples to draw generalizable conclusions. Moreover, the sample was recruited through the Department of Psychology’s research participation program (SONA), which means that participants were motivated to sign-up by the desire to earn class credit rather than being recruited through representative sampling techniques. This recruitment method may have introduced selection bias, as students who are more concerned about climate change or more engaged in environmental issues may have been more likely to participate. The sample was predominantly White, female, and socioeconomically privileged which limits the representativeness of the findings and fails to capture the diverse perspectives and experiences of college students from different racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Future studies should attempt to recruit a diverse sample to delve into these perspectives.

Another limitation is the gender imbalance in the sample, with only three men participating in the interviews. This gender disparity may have skewed the findings, as research has shown that there are significant gender differences in attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors related to climate change (McCright, 2010). It is also difficult to interpret the finding that men are more likely to report high awareness of climate change given the small male sample. The underrepresentation of men may have resulted in an overemphasis on the perspectives and experiences of female participants and may have failed to capture the potentially distinct views and emotions of male participants regarding climate change. Therefore, results should be interpreted with particular caution when drawing conclusions about college-age men. Future research should aim to recruit more gender-balanced samples to better understand how gender intersects with other social identities in shaping young people’s responses to the climate crisis and perceptions of government action.

Additionally, climate anxiety levels and perceptions of college students may vary depending on the broader sociopolitical context, including the environmental priorities of the federal administration in power. Data collection for this study took place during the Biden administration, a period during which the U.S. had rejoined the Paris Climate Agreement and emphasized climate action as a national priority (Zhao & Mcjeon, 2023). It is possible that climate anxiety would manifest differently under an administration with opposing climate policies. For example, the Trump administration withdrew from the Paris Agreement, reversed numerous environmental protections, and consistently downplays the urgency of climate change (Gabbatiss & Nam, 2025). These conditions may heighten perceptions of government inaction and potentially lead to greater climate-related distress among young people. Research on climate anxiety and emotions related to climate change should be ongoing and comparative in order to understand how different sociopolitical contexts may influence these factors.

Given the small and homogenous nature of our sample from a single institution, we encourage researchers to replicate this study across diverse geographic locations and institutional contexts. Studies conducted at different types of institutions and in varied locations would enable meaningful comparisons to help determine whether the patterns observed in the present study are reflective of broader trends.

4.3. Conclusions

This study explored the perceptions and emotions of college students as they relate to climate change and the U.S. government’s actions to address it. The qualitative findings reveal that participants experience and cope with a range of negative emotions, including anger, anxiety, despair, and fear when contemplating the climate crisis. These emotions are often connected to dire predictions about the future, particularly concerns about the well-being of future generations. Participants’ backgrounds also shaped their perceptions and emotions about climate change. The perceived inadequacy of government responses emerged as a major source of frustration and political inefficacy among participants. The U.S. government is seen as capable of addressing climate change but unwilling because they prioritize economic interests.

While the quantitative results indicate relatively low levels of climate anxiety among the sample, the strong emotional responses expressed in interviews highlight the need for targeted university mental health interventions and the integration of comprehensive climate change education into curricula across disciplines. Beyond the university setting, the study emphasizes the urgent need for governments to prioritize ambitious and effective climate policies that align with scientific recommendations and create opportunities for meaningful youth participation in the decision-making processes. The limits with generalizability indicate the need for further research with more diverse and representative samples to explore the intersections of various social identities in shaping college students’ experiences of climate change.