Living in Limbo: Existential Concerns Among Greek Young Adults

Abstract

Existential concerns are particularly salient during emerging adulthood—a period marked by identity exploration, uncertainty, and developmental transitions. This qualitative study explores the existential anxieties of Greek young adults within the unique sociocultural context of prolonged economic instability and shifting generational expectations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with fifteen participants aged 18–30, and thematic analysis was employed to identify key patterns. The findings reveal that concerns about meaning, death, identity, and isolation were central to participants’ experiences, and were often intensified by financial insecurity, intergenerational pressures, and sociopolitical stagnation. Participants employed a range of coping strategies, including introspection, therapy, and spiritual exploration; however, some also turned to maladaptive behaviors such as substance use and compulsive actions (e.g., trichotillomania) to manage distress. These results underscore the complex interplay between individual existential struggles and broader structural conditions. By situating existential anxiety within the lived experiences of Greek youth, this study offers novel insight into culturally situated meaning-making and contributes to the growing discourse on existential well-being in emerging adulthood.

1. Introduction

The transition from adolescence to adulthood, often referred to as “emerging adulthood” (Arnett, 2006), is a pivotal and transformative phase in life. Typically occurring between the ages of 16 and 29, this period is marked by profound personal and social development, as individuals strive to establish independence and navigate the complexities of identity formation, sexual exploration, and self-concept (Kinnunen et al., 2010). It is a time characterized by instability, intense self-focus, and the pursuit of purpose, during which young adults attempt to construct meaningful lives while adapting to varied challenges. Physiological changes, cognitive maturation, and evolving attitudes towards education, employment, family, and peers further underscore the developmental complexity of this life stage (Frydenberg, 2008; Settersten et al., 2005).

Successful navigation of these transitions is often influenced by external factors such as access to financial resources, employment, housing, and supportive social networks (Frydenberg, 2008). Relationships with family and friends serve as critical anchors during this time, offering emotional support and guidance (Wannebo et al., 2018). While many young adults experience this period as a time of growth and self-realization, others may encounter significant challenges, including feelings of inadequacy, confusion, and existential uncertainty (Byrne et al., 2007). For some, the transition to adulthood touches on deeply existential dimensions, involving introspection about identity, purpose, and the meaning of life. Research shows that young men, in particular, may endure a silent struggle marked by feelings of stagnation and hopelessness (Lundvall et al., 2020). These reflections, while a natural part of human development, can provoke anxiety, worry, and stress when compounded by the uncertainties of modern life (Lisznyai et al., 2014). Although such emotional responses are integral to coping with life’s demands (Yalom, 1980), excessive worry or unmanaged stress can lead to detrimental outcomes, including impaired academic performance, disrupted social relationships, and diminished quality of life (Galanaki et al., 2023). When left unaddressed, these challenges may culminate in existential crises, marked by feelings of disconnection, hopelessness, and a lack of control over one’s circumstances. These experiences underscore the importance of accessible resources and support systems to prevent severe psychological outcomes, such as depression, suicidal ideation, or existential despair (Ventegodt et al., 2005).

Existential concerns—questions about identity, purpose, and the nature of existence—are universal human experiences. While they often arise in response to significant life events, such as illness or encounters with mortality, they are also prominent during the transition from adolescence to adulthood (Yalom, 1980). These periods of existential questioning compel individuals to reflect on the meaning of life and confront the uncertainties of existence. In dealing with these concerns, young adults often seek to make sense of life and develop strategies for creating meaning. However, the process can evoke a tension between the desire to share existential struggles with others and the fear of vulnerability. This conflict may exacerbate feelings of loneliness and hopelessness, as the quest for inner harmony feels increasingly out of reach (Lundvall et al., 2019, 2020). Understanding and addressing these existential challenges are therefore crucial for fostering well-being and resilience among young adults.

While existential issues are often framed in universal terms, emerging adulthood is also shaped by culturally specific factors. In Greece, societal expectations and traditional norms continue to significantly influence the trajectory of young adults’ lives. Despite ongoing modernization, the cultural fabric of Greek society remains deeply rooted in collectivism, with strong emphasis on family ties, social cohesion, and the role of religion in personal identity (Dragonas, 1983; Triandis, 2001; Katakis, 2012). For example, gender roles remain salient: women were historically viewed as caretakers of the “national body,” with family and reproduction positioned at the center of their social role (Anagnostopoulos & Soumaki, 2012). These traditional expectations persist in nuanced ways, shaping how young adults experience identity and autonomy.

Furthermore, young people in Greece are typically socialized within close-knit family units, often remaining in the parental home well into adulthood (Eurofound yearbook 2014: Living and working in Europe, 2014). This prolonged co-residence, once culturally normative and economically strategic, has become increasingly prevalent due to high unemployment and delayed financial independence (Chtouris et al., 2006; Kretsos, 2014a, 2014b; Karamessini, 2008). The average age at which young Greeks leave home remains among the highest in Europe, with many doing so only upon marriage or securing stable employment. While this allows for emotional support and delayed decision-making, it also limits opportunities for developing autonomy and life skills, thus prolonging the liminal state of “emerging adulthood” (Kalogeraki, 2009).

Greece’s socioeconomic landscape has further complicated this transitional period. Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Greece experienced prolonged austerity, high youth unemployment, and widespread emigration of educated young professionals—a phenomenon often referred to as the “brain drain” (Malkoutzis, 2011; Kretsos, 2014b). At the height of the crisis, youth unemployment surpassed 40%, with many young adults struggling to find secure employment or sufficient income to support independent living (Leventi & Matsaganis, 2016). These structural pressures have intensified existential concerns, as young people confront a mismatch between personal aspirations and the realities of a precarious labor market. Many are forced to renegotiate their sense of purpose and life trajectory amid ongoing social and economic instability.

Despite these challenges, emotional attachment to family, culture, and lifestyle often inhibits emigration. Even among those desiring to leave, a significant portion cite emotional ties to Greece as a reason for staying, underscoring the role of affective bonds in shaping life decisions (Theodoropoulos et al., 2014). At the same time, religion—while reportedly in decline—continues to operate as a powerful cultural force that informs identity formation, often unconsciously (Dragonas, 2013). The Greek Orthodox Church maintains influence over national identity and social norms, offering existential narratives that resonate deeply for many young Greeks (Anagnostopoulos & Soumaki, 2012).

Although academic interest in Greek youth has grown, few studies have directly examined their existential experiences. However, several quantitative and qualitative studies have explored related themes, such as life transitions, family dependency, youth unemployment, and the psychological impacts of austerity (Chtouris et al., 2006; Kalogeraki, 2009; Koutantou, 2017). These studies provide valuable context for understanding how existential issues emerge within specific sociocultural and economic conditions. Comparative insights from other Southern European countries—where similar patterns of delayed independence and familial reliance exist—further illuminate the interplay between cultural norms and existential development (Karamessini, 2008).

Recent Greek studies further highlight how existential concerns are interwoven with culturally specific experiences. A large-scale study on social withdrawal and solitude among Greek emerging adults found that certain forms of withdrawal—such as shyness and avoidance—were associated with greater existential anxiety and loneliness, whereas other solitude experiences, such as those fostering self-reflection or insight, supported meaning-making (Galanaki et al., 2023). Similarly, Georgiou and Kleftaras (2022) found that existential anxiety and the search for meaning significantly predicted body dissatisfaction in a Greek sample, revealing new connections between existential well-being and self-image in this cultural context.

Moreover, qualitative findings from Chalari and Serifi (2018) suggest that Greek youth today—termed the “Crisis Generation”—form identities under the shadow of long-term social and economic precarity. Young adults expressed a shared feeling of being “trapped” in a social reality shaped by prior generations, but many simultaneously exhibited a reflective, non-apathetic stance, seeking personal agency despite systemic constraints. This underscores the dual dynamic of existential resignation and resistance, a theme often absent in broader European youth studies.

To address these challenges, this study investigates the existential concerns of Greek adults aged 18 to 30, examining both universal and culturally specific dimensions of these experiences. By synthesizing theoretical frameworks with empirical research, the study seeks to understand how individuals within this demographic perceive and navigate existential dilemmas, as well as the strategies they employ to address them. The findings are intended to contribute to the academic discourse on existential psychology while offering practical insights to enhance mental health interventions and inform policies tailored to the unique existential needs of Greek adults.

2. Materials and Methods

A qualitative, phenomenological approach was chosen for this study due to its effectiveness in investigating deeply personal and subjective phenomena such as existential concerns (Pietkiewicz & Smith, 2014). Additionally, as there is limited research delving into the underlying meanings of these experiences among Greek young adults, a qualitative approach is particularly valuable for establishing a foundational understanding that may inspire future studies (Braun & Clarke, 2012).

2.1. Participants

Participants aged between 18 and 30, of Greek nationality and without a diagnosed psychological disorder, were eligible for inclusion. A snowball sampling method was used to reach a broad cross-section of emerging adults. Fifteen participants (six men and nine women) were interviewed. The sample included individuals from both urban and rural regions across Greece (Athens, Thessaloniki, Larisa, and Crete), with varying family dynamics (e.g., single-parent households, traditional nuclear families), sexual orientations, and socioeconomic backgrounds. Educational attainment ranged from high school to postgraduate level (see

Table 1. Participants’ demographics.

Pseudonym	Age	Gender	Occupation	Region	Education Level
Dimitris	22	Male	Waiter	Thessaloniki	University
Pavlos	24	Male	Support Worker	Thessaloniki	University
Helen	22	Female	Café Worker	Thessaloniki	University
Kate	30	Female	Support Worker	Thessaloniki	Postgraduate
Aneta	20	Female	College Student	Thessaloniki	University
Nikos	27	Male	Unemployed	Thessaloniki	University
George	26	Male	Personal Trainer	Thessaloniki	High School
Eirini	25	Female	Psychologist	Thessaloniki	Postgraduate
Athina	22	Female	College Student	Thessaloniki	University
Niki	21	Female	College Student	Thessaloniki	University
Laura	30	Female	NGO Worker	Thessaloniki	Postgraduate
Andreas	18	Male	High School Student	Crete	High School
Sofia	19	Female	College Freshman	Athens	University
Giannis	19	Male	Delivery Rider	Larisa	High School
Maria	18	Female	Gap Year	Thessaloniki	High School

). This diversity allowed for an exploration of how intersecting social identities (age, region, education, gender, and family status) may shape existential experiences.

2.2. Data Collection

Data were collected through one-on-one, semi-structured interviews conducted between November and December 2023, and August and September 2024. The choice of semi-structured interviews provided flexibility, allowing the researchers to adapt to participants’ responses while maintaining a predetermined set of guiding questions (Magaldi & Berler, 2020). This approach enabled a more nuanced exploration of participants’ perspectives and fostered a relaxed atmosphere conducive to sincere and honest dialog. The majority of interviews were conducted in person, primarily in Thessaloniki, at a private college with which the first author was affiliated. Some interviews were conducted online, depending on the participants’ geographic location and individual preference. Both researchers were actively involved in the data collection process and conducted the interviews.

An interview schedule was developed using open-ended questions grounded in relevant literature to ensure alignment with key existential themes. Sample questions included: “Can you describe moments or aspects of your life where you’ve felt a sense of existential concern or uncertainty?”, “What do you think triggers or causes these existential concerns for you?”, and “Could you share how you typically deal with or confront existential concerns when they arise?”. However, the schedule functioned more as a conversational guide than a rigid script, allowing most questions to emerge organically during the interviews. Interviews lasted between 40 and 70 min, with an average duration of approximately 55 min. They were conducted in Greek and later translated into English by the researchers, with careful attention paid to preserving the original meaning and emotional nuances of participants’ responses. All interviews were audio-recorded using a digital recorder and stored securely on password-protected devices. Additional emotional or psychological support was offered to participants if needed, although none made use of this option.

2.3. Data Analysis

A thematic analysis approach (Braun & Clarke, 2012) was considered the most suitable method for analyzing the data. This method enables the researcher to identify and categorize recurring patterns within the data, facilitating a deeper understanding of the participants’ subjective experiences. The analysis followed Braun and Clarke’s (2006) six-phase framework. Manual transcriptions of the interviews allowed for deeper engagement with the data while reading the transcriptions increased the familiarity with the participants’ accounts. Thereafter, the data underwent a systematic coding process by both researchers, during which inductive and deductive coding was utilized and overlapping codes were organized. This categorization facilitated the identification of patterns and meanings at multiple levels, ultimately leading to the identification of pertinent themes and sub-themes. Subsequently, the identified themes were rigorously reviewed to assess their relevance to both the coded extracts and the entire dataset. In the fifth step of the process, a comprehensive analysis of each theme, elucidating its characteristics and developing concise, descriptive titles for each theme, was conducted.

2.4. Reliability and Validity

To ensure the reliability of the findings, thorough documentation was maintained throughout the analytical process, including interview transcripts, field notes, and coding methods. The credibility of the study was strengthened by having both researchers engage in independent coding, followed by discussions aimed at reaching a consensus on the identified themes and interpretations. Researchers also kept a reflexive journal to record any emerging responses, biases, and assumptions, taking care to minimize the influence of these factors on the data analysis. Additionally, peer debriefing sessions were instrumental in encouraging critical dialog regarding interpretations and decisions, thereby bolstering the rigor of the research process.

3. Results

In the analysis of the data, three major themes were identified. The first theme, termed “existential challenges in emerging adulthood”, pertains to the primary existential challenges experienced by the participants. The second theme, referred to as “underlying reasons”, explores the factors contributing to the emergence of these existential concerns. Finally, the third theme, labeled “coping mechanisms”, addresses the strategies employed by participants to manage and navigate their existential anxieties.

3.1. Theme 1: Existential Challenges in Emerging Adulthood

The first theme focuses on the existential concerns faced by participants, particularly those relevant to the developmental stage of emerging adulthood. These concerns primarily encompassed questions surrounding the meaning of life, the fear of death, personal identity, feelings of isolation and loneliness, and the concept of personal freedom. Within this theme, two sub-themes were identified: (1) Meaning of Life and Death, and (2) Self-Identity and Isolation.

3.1.1. Meaning of Life and Death

A clear distinction emerged between existential concerns about the meaning of life and the broader, more abstract concept of life’s ultimate purpose. Many participants expressed dissatisfaction with the current trajectory of their lives, feeling uncertain about their future and questioning their sense of purpose. For example, Helen conveyed frustration with the perceived futility of her life, stating:

“it’s a constant toil… Why do I do all this if nothing in my life changes for the better?”

This sense of dissatisfaction often extended to broader existential questions, such as whether life itself has any overarching meaning:

“This time in my life… I wonder if there is some ultimate reason that we live this way and create systems this way. What is the meaning of what we do? I’m going to work, and? If I don’t go, what will happen? and why do we go to work?… what is the meaning of what we do?”

While not all participants explicitly questioned the meaning of existence, those who did often expressed dissatisfaction with their personal lives. It became apparent that concerns about the meaning of life and the search for life’s ultimate purpose were closely interconnected. Participants also reported that these concerns generated significant emotional distress, with anxiety and stress being common responses. Pavlos expressed the emotional toll of contemplating life’s perceived futility:

“When I think of the futility of life, I am not well emotionally.”

Feelings of anxiety, emptiness, despair, lack of motivation, and pointlessness were frequently voiced. Aneta described a pervasive sense of futility:

“There are days when it’s really hard for me to get out of bed or do anything. I feel a futility… What am I studying and what am I doing? It’s like a vulture, black… it’s a feeling of despair… if I get to the edge and look down, I feel like I can’t see anything.”

Additionally, many participants feared death, either through the loss of loved ones or the fear of their own mortality. This fear was often intertwined with concerns about time—both in terms of not having enough time with others and not living life fully. For instance, Nikos expressed guilt about not living life to its fullest, stemming from the looming inevitability of death:

“I feel guilty if I do not live long enough, because there is death afterwards.”

These existential concerns about life’s meaning and the inevitability of death were deeply intertwined, significantly described as impacting participants’ emotional well-being.

However, not all participants interpreted uncertainty or mortality as debilitating. While most described existential questioning as distressing, younger participants (18–20) often framed these reflections as exciting or open-ended. For example, Sofia (19) described her uncertainty about the future as “a thrilling puzzle rather than a problem,” contrasting with older participants like Kate (30), who perceived uncertainty as “a looming burden.” This age-based divergence highlights developmental variation in how existential issues are interpreted: where some saw ambiguity as freedom, others experienced it as paralyzing.

Similarly, Andreas (18) expressed that death felt “too far away to think about seriously,” while Laura (30), who had recently experienced the loss of a close friend, described a “turning point” that made death more immediate and emotionally disruptive. These variations reveal that existential concerns—while broadly shared—are filtered through personal experience, age, and social context, resulting in non-uniform emotional and cognitive responses.

3.1.2. Self-Identity and Isolation

Concerns regarding personal identity were frequently expressed by participants, with many reporting struggles to understand how they define or perceive themselves. For instance, George articulated a range of questions surrounding his personal identity, asking: “Who am I? What is my identity?”. Similarly, Dimitris, who identified as homosexual, spoke about his difficulties with his sexual identity. These existential questions often triggered feelings of confusion and uncertainty, reflecting a broader struggle to understand one’s place in the world. As Dimitris expressed:

“The futility arises from this… that I feel that I will never succeed and will never solve 100% the mystery of who I am.”

These identity-related struggles were compounded by pervasive feelings of isolation and loneliness, as well as profound questions about self-worth and belonging. The inability to answer these questions heightened participants’ frustration. For example, Eirini voiced the emotional distress tied to solitude and self-doubt, questioning her deservingness of love:

“When I was alone, I worried if I deserve love, what should I do to deserve it, if there is no love in this world and society?”

In addition to these existential challenges, participants often expressed difficulty in living in the present, as their thoughts were consumed by concerns about the future, the search for meaning, and struggles with self-definition. These preoccupations hindered their ability to fully engage with the present moment. The unresolved nature of these concerns prevented them from finding peace in the present, reinforcing a cycle of uncertainty and existential anxiety. As Helen reflected:

“Why do we exist? Where will this all end? If it ends up somewhere. And that stresses me out a lot, because I can’t experience the now.”

While most participants experienced identity formation as distressing, a few—particularly younger or more socially supported individuals—saw identity as something to be discovered over time, rather than solved. Maria (18), for example, acknowledged uncertainty but viewed it as temporary:

“It’s just part of figuring yourself out—I think it’s okay to be alone for a while.”

Others, like Aneta, described identity in more existential or spiritual terms, suggesting that full self-knowledge may remain elusive. Participants from more rural or conservative backgrounds, such as Dimitris, often encountered stronger friction between their authentic selves and family or cultural expectations, leading to internalized conflict and alienation. Furthermore, gender and sexuality intersected with feelings of existential isolation. Female participants were more likely to express self-worth in relational terms (e.g., deserving love), while men focused more on achievement or direction. LGBTQ+ participants described more identity suppression, often reporting moments of fragmentation or hiding. This was particularly salient in environments where familial or societal norms were rigid. As Andreas poignantly expressed:

“It felt like living two lives—one that my family wanted to see, and one that I was desperate to live but had to keep hidden. The distance between them made me question who I really was.”

3.2. Theme 2: The Underlying Reasons

This theme delves into the origins of participants’ existential concerns, revealing a complex interplay of external pressures and internal struggles. The analysis identified two key subthemes: (1) social pressures and (2) personal experiences of change and uncertainty. Together, these forces shaped the participants’ existential anxieties, amplifying their reflections on purpose, identity, and meaning.

3.2.1. Social Pressures

Participants frequently attributed their existential concerns to the weight of societal and familial expectations. These pressures, often unspoken yet deeply ingrained, created a sense of obligation to conform to traditional life trajectories. Kate articulated the pervasive societal expectation to meet milestones such as marriage and parenthood, particularly as they neared their 30s:

“I feel a pressure, and I think it is much more intense for those of us who are approaching 30, because in addition to work, family also comes in the middle. Aren’t you going to get married? Children? When? Where?”

Family pressures often compounded these societal demands, creating a dual burden of expectations. Dimitris described the emotional toll of having to suppress his sexuality to meet societal and familial standards:

“Because as a kid, being a gay man, I had to push away aspects of myself just to survive… this created a distance… a pressure from both my parents and my sister.”

However, not all participants viewed societal standards as entirely negative. Laura expressed a contrasting perspective, perceiving these norms as a “safe zone” that provided structure amidst life’s uncertainties:

“They help me see the future as ‘less frightening.”

Economic instability and dissatisfaction with societal systems also emerged as powerful triggers for existential anxieties, as they described as challenging participants’ sense of security. Financial uncertainty seemed to evoke deep concerns about survival, self-worth, and the ability to maintain one’s desired quality of life. Meanwhile, frustration with social structures—such as perceived inequality or lack of opportunities—led to feelings of disillusionment and powerlessness:

“What is the ultimate goal? I work hard and yet I still feel like I am standing on unstable ground. The economy is unpredictable, and no matter how much I plan, I can’t shake the fear that everything could collapse tomorrow. What does it mean to strive for a future that feels so uncertain?”

This concern was more pronounced among participants from lower socioeconomic backgrounds or those balancing precarious jobs, underscoring how economic precarity heightens existential questioning. In contrast, some participants from more privileged backgrounds expressed a sense of “existential luxury,” describing how financial stability sometimes allowed space to explore existential questions rather than being consumed by survival needs. Additionally, a minority expressed skepticism toward societal expectations altogether. Sofia (19), for example, voiced resistance to normative life trajectories:

“I think life is more about exploration and less about ticking boxes.”

This reflects generational differences in attitudes towards social pressures, with younger participants sometimes embracing fluidity and rejecting rigid societal norms.

3.2.2. Personal Experiences of Change and Uncertainty

Beyond external pressures, participants’ existential concerns were profoundly shaped by their personal experiences of change and the inherent uncertainty these experiences engendered. For many, the natural progression of aging and the accumulation of life experiences prompted deep introspection and a reevaluation of previously held beliefs. Athina poignantly reflected on this phenomenon, noting how the process of growing older and gaining greater awareness unsettled her foundational understanding of existence:

“As you grow older, you learn more about the universe, existence… And things are not as you thought they were. So, all these shake your foundations, and you start to wonder, ‘What am I doing? Why do I exist?’”.

This sense of disorientation as old certainties dissolved seemed to be a shared experience, one that stirred a search for new meaning amid the fluidity of life’s evolving realities. In addition to the slow, cumulative process of aging, participants identified sudden, life-altering events—such as the loss of loved ones or major personal upheavals—that intensified their existential questioning. Laura, for example, recalled a significant moment that prompted her to reassess her worldview and prompted a shift in her perspective:

“That made me think and see things a little differently.”

For many, these events acted as existential catalysts, jolting them out of complacency and forcing confrontation with the fragility and unpredictability of life. Change itself was often experienced as a double-edged sword. While it held the potential for growth and self-discovery, it also evoked fear, insecurity, and anxiety. Pavlos articulated the tension between his desire for stability and the uncomfortable necessity of embracing change:

“It scares me a little bit. That is… I like my security from which I should get out, and this makes me a little anxious.”

This ambivalence reveals how transitions can simultaneously threaten the safety of familiar routines while beckoning toward the unknown possibilities of transformation. These moments of transition—whether gradual evolutions or sudden ruptures—frequently prompted participants to re-examine their sense of purpose, identity, and place in the world. Change appeared to “strip away” the protective layers of certainty and predictability, leaving participants vulnerable to confronting deeper existential questions that are often suppressed in everyday life. In this liminal space, participants were compelled to grapple with uncertainties about who they are, what their life means, and how they should move forward. The personal experience of uncertainty also extended beyond the internal realm, intersecting with external realities such as shifting social roles, evolving relationships, and changing societal expectations. This intersection further complicated participants’ navigation of their existential anxieties, as they negotiated not only their internal doubts but also the demands and changes presented by the world around them.

3.3. Theme 3: Coping Mechanisms

This theme focuses on identifying the mechanisms participants used in order to deal with their existential issues. These mechanisms were divided into two separate sub-themes: (1) adaptive coping mechanisms, and (2) maladaptive coping mechanisms.

3.3.1. Adaptive Coping Mechanisms

A recurring theme was that all participants engaged in a process of self-discovery, aimed at enhancing their awareness of themselves and their place in the world. For some, this process was further facilitated by therapeutic interventions. In particular, Dimitris, when reflecting on his therapeutic experience, described the process of self-discovery facilitated by his psychotherapist as “finding the pieces that makes who you truly are”. Additionally, most participants who sought professional help identified the key role of the therapist in providing a space for open dialog. They perceived the therapist’s primary function as offering attentive listening and encouraging self-expression, which was instrumental in their coping strategies:

“Now I’ve learned to express myself, to speak. I don’t keep everything inside anymore, and that has helped me avoid reaching a breaking point”.

This emphasis on interpersonal interaction as a key coping mechanism was reiterated by the majority of participants, who identified the value of human connection in managing existential concerns. Whether through professional therapy, conversations with friends, or family interactions, participants found social engagement to be a crucial way of navigating their distress. Eirini, for example, shared how communal experiences contributed to her sense of purpose, particularly when they resulted in tangible outcomes that could be shared with others:

“When I’m with others or doing something in which I can see the result, I say ok, today we did it. In other words, if I am alone, I completely lose the meaning of my existence. If I achieve many things alone and there is no one to share this joy with, I do not find any meaning in achieving something, in doing something”.

Another notable coping strategy involved participants engaging in activities that fostered productivity and personal goal attainment. For instance, Nikos reported that returning to work and resuming hobbies helped him regain a sense of purpose and provided a constructive distraction from his existential anxieties. These productive activities were seen as vital for maintaining focus and re-establishing a sense of agency. Additionally, several participants highlighted the role of acceptance as a coping strategy. This included acceptance of their circumstances, as exemplified by Aneta’s remark, “It is what it is” as well as the acceptance of negative emotions. For example, Helen explained how she worked to build tolerance for her negative emotions, particularly loneliness, by acknowledging them without resistance:

“It is what it is. You can’t fight it, you just have to deal with it. At some point, you realize that resisting only makes it worse. So, I started allowing myself to feel lonely without blaming myself for it. It doesn’t mean I like it, but I’ve learned to sit with it rather than push it away. Over time, it becomes less overwhelming”.

Finally, some participants found that negative emotions themselves could serve as motivational forces. In particular, feelings of fear or loss were reframed as sources of motivation to engage more meaningfully with life. Kate, for instance, shared how the fear of losing a loved one led her to alter her behavior and strengthen her relationship with him:

“If anything, this made me get closer to him and we didn’t have as many conflicts as we might have had before. And try to be well. To tell him what I feel about him. Something I didn’t do in the past”.

3.3.2. Maladaptive Coping Mechanisms

Participants also identified coping mechanisms that were perceived as maladaptive. One such mechanism was addiction, with several participants resorting to addictive behaviors to manage their existential concerns. These addictions predominantly involved substances such as drugs, alcohol, and overconsumption of food. For instance, Pavlos described using these substances as a form of reward or temporary relief after a difficult day, but acknowledged that such coping strategies provided only short-term gratification, without addressing the underlying issues, and ultimately, they exacerbated their existential distress in the long term:

“I used to say that, okay, you have a hard day, you will go home, you will eat something, you will relax. I did the same many times with alcohol. I was waiting for alcohol in the evening to… as a reward from a very long day. From food, from substances, from alcohol, from any addictions. In the short term they were giving me something, they were covering what I wanted, but in the long term, they were taking back even more”.

Additionally, some participants turned to religion as a means of seeking answers to their existential questions. Religion was generally regarded as ineffective in providing satisfactory answers. In particular, Kate shared her struggles with reconciling religious teachings with her existential concerns, which led to an intensification of her existential anxiety. In this case, the participant’s religious engagement did not provide the existential clarity she sought, contributing to further confusion and dissatisfaction, which ultimately compounded her distress rather than alleviating it. She recalled:

“I kept questioning it all the time, to the point where I had exhausted the priest with it. I remember him saying… that we are here to serve God, so to speak. But I never understood why anyone would create us just to serve them. So I used to joke—am I here to entertain Him? [laughter] Like we are just here performing for His amusement. But as I grew up, I wanted something more realistic”.

For one participant, the weight of existential uncertainty and the pressure to find solutions to practical life challenges culminated in a deeply personal struggle, that of trichotillomania. This compulsive behavior, involving the pulling of hair from the scalp, was described as a means of temporarily alleviating anxiety—a small, momentary escape from the overwhelming emotions that accompanied their existential concerns. Athina explained that her trichotillomania often surfaced during moments of heightened stress, particularly when faced with the persistent inability to find answers or resolve the complex questions that occupied her mind. She reflected on how her attempts to address these issues often felt futile, with new challenges and unanticipated variables continually emerging:

“I have trichotillomania. It’s something I do very often when I feel stressed. I believe it’s directly connected to the fact that I cannot find answers—or that the answers I give myself are frequently overturned. It feels like an endless process. Because I can’t find the answers or solutions I need, I feel like these issues will weigh on me for a very long time, and I can’t manage them properly”.

4. Discussion

The aim of this study was to explore the perceptions and experiences of existential concerns among Greek adults. The study focused on three main objectives: (a) identifying the types of existential concerns prevalent within this demographic, (b) examining the underlying factors contributing to these concerns, and (c) analyzing the strategies individuals employ to confront and navigate them. The findings of this study highlight significant existential challenges faced by Greek adults during emerging adulthood, a period characterized by developmental transitions, identity exploration, and increased responsibilities. They illustrate that while many existential issues encountered are consistent with those documented in broader international literature on emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2006; Yalom, 1980), the cultural and historical context of Greece shapes the specific nature and intensity of these concerns in distinctive ways.

One of the dominant themes was the experience of existential anxiety related to meaning, death, and the future. These concerns reflect Frankl’s (2004) conceptualization of a “crisis of meaning” as well as existential theories emphasizing the centrality of death awareness in shaping life orientation (Greenberg et al., 1986). However, for Greek participants, this existential unease was frequently articulated through the lens of systemic stagnation and limited life opportunities, shaped by the lingering impact of the economic crisis and persistent youth unemployment. These contextual realities align with Chalari and Serifi’s (2018) analysis of the “Crisis Generation,” who report feelings of entrapment and a lack of agency in shaping their futures. Similarly, studies from Italy indicate that young people experience profound uncertainty about their future, primarily due to unstable job conditions, income insecurity, and diminished confidence in long-term prospects (Mortara, 2015). Like their Greek counterparts, Italian youth perceive their existential anxieties as inseparable from broader economic and social structures, highlighting how macro-level crises in Southern European contexts shape individual experiences of meaning, identity, and life planning. In this regard, existential anxiety is not only personal but deeply embedded within structural and historical narratives, demonstrating cross-national parallels in how young adults navigate uncertainty and constrained life opportunities.

Participants’ preoccupation with time and mortality also supports Terror Management Theory (Greenberg et al., 1986), as awareness of death influenced decisions and self-evaluations. However, several participants described this awareness not only in abstract philosophical terms but as concretely tied to feelings of wasted potential in a country they perceived as offering few viable life paths. This contributes to the literature by illustrating how mortality salience is shaped by national context. In the current study, however, this awareness was not experienced uniformly. While some participants—particularly those in their late twenties and early thirties—expressed distress about unfulfilled goals and the passage of time, others, especially younger participants, interpreted existential uncertainty as more open-ended or even energizing. This suggests developmental variation in how mortality and meaning are negotiated.

The findings also highlight how identity development, traditionally conceptualized within Erikson’s (1971) framework, becomes entangled with patriarchal norms, collectivist family structures, and heteronormative expectations in Greece. Women often located meaning in relational bonds, men in career achievement, and LGBTQ+ participants, particularly those from rural or conservative backgrounds, reported heightened suppression and isolation. While these dynamics echo minority stress theory (Meyer & Cooper, 2003), they also foreground the specific cultural scripts that complicate authentic self-expression in Greek society. In doing so, the study shows how existential concerns are not only individualized struggles but also shaped by entrenched cultural values that regulate autonomy and belonging.

The study further revealed a pervasive difficulty in being present, with many participants preoccupied with either a fear of future failure or regret over past inaction. This aligns with research on the psychological impact of economic precarity (Zaleskiewicz et al., 2013) and with studies linking anticipatory anxiety and present-moment disconnection (Sakai et al., 2019). For Greek emerging adults, the inability to live in the present appears rooted not only in individual personality traits but in a perceived lack of viable life trajectories, suggesting that existential disorientation is compounded by the mismatch between cultural expectations and economic reality.

A recurring tension identified was the clash between collectivist cultural scripts—such as remaining in the family home, meeting normative milestones like marriage or home ownership—and the developmental need for autonomy and self-definition. Many participants experienced delays in achieving financial and social independence, which impeded their transition to adulthood and reinforced feelings of inadequacy and self-doubt. This mirrors Kalogeraki’s (2009) observations about prolonged dependence in Greek families and supports Arnett’s (2006) claim that autonomy is a core dimension of emerging adulthood. In line with research from Southern Europe, such as Spain, gendered pathways to independence are evident such that men’s transition out of the parental home is closely tied to employment and economic self-sufficiency, whereas women often achieve earlier emancipation through couple formation, including marriage or cohabitation (Moreno Mínguez, 2018). Moreover, both the Greek and Spanish contexts reflect a Mediterranean “familist” model in which strong intergenerational ties and familial loyalty remain central, even as young adults navigate individualization pressures and new forms of romantic relationships (Roche Cárcel, 2021). However, balancing autonomy with enduring family expectations continues to create unique existential dilemmas in both contexts.

Coping strategies revealed further tensions. Adaptive practices such as psychotherapy, reflection, and personalized meaning-making underscore the growing role of therapeutic spaces as one of the few culturally sanctioned contexts for addressing existential concerns. This points to a cultural shift toward openness to psychological discourse in a society where stigma and tradition often inhibit such conversations. Maladaptive strategies, by contrast, mirrored established links between existential distress and compulsive or avoidant behaviors (West, 2001; Grant & Chamberlain, 2016), reinforcing the psychological costs of unresolved meaning struggles. Evidence from Southern European countries affected by the 2008 financial crisis—including Italy, Greece, Spain, and Portugal—suggests that macroeconomic instability has exacerbated such behaviors, with psychotropic drug use rising and other risk behaviors negatively impacting health, particularly among disadvantaged populations (Sane Schepisi et al., 2021). These findings imply that the economic crisis may have intensified existential concerns, which in turn shaped the adoption of maladaptive coping strategies. Together, these patterns demonstrate that existential coping is not only a matter of individual resilience but also of cultural and structural opportunity: the availability of safe spaces for reflection, the credibility of traditional sources of meaning, and the broader socioeconomic conditions in which young adults navigate uncertainty.

The ambivalence surrounding religion is particularly noteworthy. While historically a central axis of existential meaning in Greek life (Dragonas, 1983), institutional religion was often described as rigid, irrelevant, or incompatible with participants’ personal beliefs. This reflects broader patterns of secularization among younger Greeks, challenging the assumption that religiosity consistently serves as a protective factor for existential well-being. Instead, participants frequently reported constructing more individualized and eclectic spiritual belief systems, an indicator of a post-traditional shift in meaning-making, where existential questions are answered through personalized, rather than inherited, worldviews.

This study contributes to the literature by highlighting how existential concerns among emerging adults are deeply shaped by culturally specific experiences, including prolonged economic instability, patriarchal social structures, and intergenerational expectations. While Galanaki et al. (2023) quantitatively established associations between social withdrawal and existential anxiety in Greek youth, the present qualitative study extends this knowledge by offering rich, context-sensitive narratives that reveal the personal and cultural meanings behind these associations. Notably, this study foregrounds how existential concerns—such as anxiety about the future, fear of death, and the search for meaning—are not only psychological but also embedded in broader socio-political realities.

Despite its contributions, this study has several limitations. First, the relatively small sample size limits the generalizability of the findings to the wider population of Greek youth. While qualitative methodology allows for depth and nuance, it does not aim for representativeness, and therefore, the perspectives captured here may not reflect the full diversity of existential concerns across different social, regional, or demographic groups. Second, although both male and female participants were included, the sample was not gender-balanced, with six of the fifteen participants being male. Given that existential concerns may be experienced and expressed differently across genders, this imbalance may have influenced the themes that emerged, potentially underrepresenting male perspectives. Additionally, the cultural specificity of the Greek context—marked by economic austerity, shifting generational values, and sociopolitical uncertainty—means that the findings may not be directly transferable to other cultural or national settings. Nevertheless, this study offers novel insights into the lived experience of existential distress in emerging adulthood, particularly within a post-crisis Greek context. It opens important avenues for future research to explore how structural and political conditions influence existential well-being, and how interventions such as therapy or spiritual frameworks are mobilized—or rejected—by young people. Longitudinal and cross-cultural research, with larger and more gender-balanced samples, could further illuminate how these concerns evolve and how different cultural settings shape the trajectory of meaning-making in early adulthood.

Ultimately, the findings show that struggles with meaning, identity, and isolation were far from uniform. Instead, they emerged at the intersection of social structures, cultural expectations, and developmental transitions. While some participants experienced existential ambiguity as paralyzing, others saw it as a space for possibility and growth. By capturing this heterogeneity, the study challenges monolithic views of existential anxiety and emphasizes the importance of contextualizing psychological experiences within their sociohistorical and cultural frameworks.