Football Culture and Domestic Violence: Dissecting the Link among a Focus Group of Non-Abusive Youth Football Fan’s

Abstract

Increased reports of domestic violence and abuse (DVA) have been identified following football games. Yet, the relationship between DVA and football culture remains qualitatively underexplored. To better understand this phenomenon, we conducted a focus group with male, non-abusive football youth fans to gain their perceptions of why domestic violence increases following football matches in England. Using thematic analysis, we present a unique insight into the link between DVA and football culture. The findings align with previously identified risk factors for DVA, including the role of alcohol consumption, gambling, and other violent behaviours. We also identified game-specific (e.g., the intensity of winning or losing) and individual factors (e.g., previous exposure to violence and awareness of what constitutes DVA) as heightening the effects of these cultural behaviours, alongside an increased sense of identity with ‘football culture’ after attending a game. We conclude by considering the implications of these findings for policy and practice, such as considering placement of advertising campaigns during matches to increase awareness, increasing threats of punishment and considering the scheduling of matches to reduce triggers of such cultural, and often violent, behaviours associated with football fandom. In addition, we call for further research in this area.

1. Introduction

In the UK, there are varying definitions of domestic violence that have emerged and developed over time. In Scotland, for example, perpetration is limited to partners or ex-partners, whereas the [1] in England and Wales adopts a wider expression of victim–offender relationships, broadly defined as “personally connected”. Across the UK, there is legislative and academic consensus surrounding the varying forms that domestic violence and abuse (DVA) may take, including physical, sexual, financial, emotional and/or psychological abuse [2,3]. In 2015, a separate offence of controlling or coercive behaviour (CCB) within intimate or family relationships also emerged, legislated under Section 76 of the Serious Crime Act [4]. This most recent legislation allows for the prosecution of coercive and controlling partners, whose offences would have once not amounted to a criminal offence, indicating a positive legal step forward for DVA victim-survivors. Definitions and terminology vary widely in the literature and between jurisdictions when referring to similar acts of DVA perpetrated against intimate partners and within familial relationships [5]. As such, it is important to note that DVA behaviours can be referred to using a range of terms, including “intimate partner violence” (IPV), “dating violence and abuse” and “spousal abuse” [5]. Within the current work, “domestic violence and abuse” (DVA) is used as an expression of the broad-ranging violent and abusive acts outlined above, perpetrated against intimate partners regardless of any formal classification based on relationship status and designed to encompass abuse perpetrated within intimate relationships that takes many forms.

Data drawn from the Crime Survey for England and Wales (CSEW) estimated 2.4 million individuals over the age of 16 experienced domestic violence in 2022, with an increase in police recorded DVA crimes of 7.7% compared to the previous year [6]. Women were found to experience a higher rate of DVA victimisation, and for violence against the person, domestic violence was recorded as the most prevalent offence type. There have been significant developments in our understanding of DVA over recent decades, although research still refers to this offence as a “hidden crime”, given that abuse perpetrated by intimate partners against intimate partners remains largely underreported [7,8,9]. Reasons include a lack of public understanding surrounding the range of behaviours and acts that legally constitute abuse, mistrust of the police and of other criminal justice system (CJS) organisations, denial and blaming oneself for victimisation among victim-survivors, and financial and familial ties [5,10,11,12,13]. When examining prevalence and reporting trends for DVA, a pattern often emerges surrounding sporting events. Moreover, crime figures and support service data indicate a spike in calls related to DVA following high-profile football matches in England and Wales (E&W) [14]. Despite this, a lack of empirical research has sought to investigate what may underpin an apparent relationship between football and domestic violence in E&W.

Existing research is predominantly quantitative in nature and focuses on the prevalence of domestic violence on football match days by comparing reports of DVA (to police, emergency services and hospital departments) to non-match days. Studies with this focus highlight a correlation between domestic violence and football through increased reporting on football match days, particularly national games [14,15,16,17]. However, qualitative research more closely examining the risk factors and the aetiological underpinnings of the DVA–football link is limited, tending instead to focus on individual motivations among DVA perpetrators more broadly and seeking to understand the perspectives of victims, perpetrators, policymakers, or the police regarding perceptions towards such a link. Indeed, there is a lack of focus on the viewpoints of those within football culture and fandom environments. Prior to examining in detail existing empirical research linking football culture with DVA perpetration, it’s important to examine the broader social context in which this abuse takes place, taking account of football fandom and the subcultures therein, in turn.

1.1. Football in Britain

Although a popular game for centuries before, in 1863, with the creation of the Football Association (FA), football became more competitive than a recreational pastime. The FA was established in Britain to enforce rules and regulations which govern the sport and led to the first national league tournament known as the FA Cup, with 15 club competitors, in 1871 [18]. The demand for rules in football extended internationally years later in 1904 when the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) was created. FIFA became football’s world governing body, responsible for the organisation of international tournaments and the worldwide development of football [19]. Over the following years, stakeholders in both the FA and FIFA tournaments grew substantially, as demonstrated by recent figures indicating that during the 2021–2022 FA Cup, over seven hundred football clubs participated in the tournament [20]. To cater for the large number of teams in England, the English Football League (EFL) pyramid was created, which includes eleven tiers that distinguish between professional, semi-professional, and amateur teams. To cater for the large number of teams in England, the English Football League (EFL) pyramid was created, which includes eleven tiers that distinguish between professional, semi-professional, and amateur teams. Demand for football following these establishments has continued to grow, predominantly due to the sport’s immense fanbase. In England, the FA generated a turnover of GBP 443 million throughout the 2020–2021 season, mainly through broadcasting, licensing, and sponsorship contracts [21]. Through this, football has “undergone a process of hyper commodification”, demonstrated in the form of increased alcohol and gambling sponsorships at football events [22] (p. 200). Additionally, to meet demand from the football fanbase, there is consistent broadcasting of the latest football fixtures, news, and updates across media platforms. Scholars and academic researchers have shown particular interest in the reasons why people have such a great affiliation and need for association with football teams, and in an effort to outline the unique identity that is associated with football fandom, this is discussed further below.

1.2. Identity and Football

Football is closely associated with British identity given the country’s links with the development of the game [23,24]. During the First World War, football was viewed to boost morale, and this seemingly remains to this day, consistently uniting the nation during high-profile events and leading to an apparent shared sense of identity. In 1966, England hosted the World Cup tournament, which was later symbolised by a new fan favourite anthem—Three Lions (Football’s Coming Home)—that kickstarted a unique sense of national identity [25]. Analysis of audience statistics showed this tournament as the turning point where football transformed from being a predominantly male sport [26] to becoming “the people’s game” [27,28,29,30,31]. Many scholars explain this increased popularity and national identification of football fans through globalisation, which has intensified the game and allowed it to adopt a transnational business-like model [32]. Nations are now seen to be increasingly united during international games and tournaments in support of their home country, generating larger fan bases that use the sport as a “platform for national pride and prestige” [33] (p. 1). Broadcasting and product companies are involved in the model, choosing to invest millions of pounds to present coverage of the biggest games and use the platform as a strategy to recruit consumers [34,35,36]. Furthermore, the increase in foreign players, managers and club owners in English and European League football allows supporters and players to familiarise themselves with international players, which increases the competitiveness and attraction of national games [36]. In recent years, the nation’s love for football has continued to grow, as demonstrated during the 2020 Men’s Euros final where 29.85 million British spectators watched England play Italy [37,38]. For the duration of the tournament, England fans showed their support by hanging flags outside their houses and cars, selling England merchandise in retailers and, like all national games, a reconnection with the Three Lions anthem from 1966.

1.3. Individual and Collective Identities

For some supporters, football is a more regular feature of their lives. A study by [39] interpreted “everyday football consumption” (p. 445), finding that for many individuals, football has become incorporated into their daily routine and often goes unnoticed. However, in particular contexts, such as conversations amongst acquaintances, he found football is often used as a conversation starter because it is a common topic of interest, which provides a sense of togetherness amongst individuals. Similarly, ref. [40] used the metaphor of football to promote therapeutic support, finding that even for individuals who did not avidly support a team, discussion around football created a comfortable environment amongst participants and performed as an icebreaker between participants. Both studies demonstrated the common concept of football within society and how individuals can discuss team support, even if they do not strongly affiliate, in order to engage in conversation. Within England’s top four leagues, there are currently ninety-two male professional football teams from which individuals can choose to support [41]. Ref. [42] suggests that the process by which they choose to do so is one of two possible routes. According to his conceptualisation, those in the category of “the partisan” devote themselves to a team due to a personal connection or familiarity with them, for example, a local team. Whereas “purists” are more strategic in their decisions, favouring the team that is currently performing with the most excellence and may switch between teams throughout the tournament. In relation to more avid fans, the relationship between a football team and their supporters has been compared to that between a brand and its consumers [43]. Identification with the team can encourage consumer-like behaviours in the form of ticket sales, merchandise purchases and media revenue [44,45,46,47], which allows fans to demonstrate their team identification to their friends, family, and others by promoting the team similarly to how brands are promoted. For those strongly affiliated with a football team, it can become an important factor in their individual identity. In accordance with labelling theory, the team supported by an individual may become a label they and others choose to apply to themselves, remarking, for example, that they are a “Manchester United fan”. For some, the label may even become their “Master status” [48], which overrides all other characteristics they possess and becomes the most important. Ref. [49] describe how the construction of these labels allows for collective identities to be created through social identity theory (SIT). Generally, SIT demonstrates how individuals use their labels/characteristics, to draw similarities with other individuals who then become part of their “in-group”, with those not sharing these deemed the “out-group”. Ref. [50] provided additional development to this concept, finding that individuals favour those who are part of their in-group, causing intergroup discrimination. SIT has been applied in football to describe how fans group together based on affiliation with the same team (their in-group), which can create rivalry with other fan groups (the out-group) [51]. However, ref. [46] highlighted that the level to which a collective identity can influence individual identities differs among individuals and their level of affiliation, so not all fans may engage in intergroup discrimination.

1.4. Football Culture and Hooliganism

“Hooliganism” is a subculture within football fandom. Dating back to before the First World War, spectator disorderliness has been a recurring feature at football games [52], and although serious injuries are rare, confrontations between fan groups often result in actions including rioting, property damage, violence against persons and substance offences [52,53,54,55]. These behaviours all fall under the umbrella term “hooliganism”, which is a social phenomenon referring to the disruptive and violent behaviours between organised rival fan groups [52,56,57,58,59,60]. Hooliganism was previously regarded as an “English disease” [61,62,63], with early research creating the narrow profile of a hooligan as a working-class male who consumes alcohol and/or drugs and is likely to have low educational attainment [54,59,61]. Research by [64,65] describes how some working-class individuals lack the means to achieve status and goals through social norms, which [66] developed to explain how this resulted in the creation of working-class subcultures. He stated that the creation of subcultural groups provides an alternative status system and sense of identity through which working-class individuals can successfully progress by engaging in deviant behaviours. A similar approach may be applied to the acts of violence that some hooligans engage in. As explained through SIT [49], individuals form collective identities based on shared characteristics, which can result in tensions between the in-group and the out-group. An analysis of football fan groups by [67] found a sense of togetherness amongst hooligans, which allowed them to achieve a sense of belonging, reputation, and identity through a family-like bond amongst the group. This is supported by fan perceptions of violence surveyed by [68], which recognised football provides many supporters with a sense of worth which they lack from elsewhere in their lives. This is similar to the relationship [66] found within working-class subcultures that provided members of the group with an alternative status system and sense of identity.

Recurring acts of hooliganism over time can be explained in part by applying the principles of Burgess and Akers social learning theory (1966) [69], which suggests that all behaviours are learned following a process of observation and imitation. Ref. [70] used social learning theory to explain and predict Korean fan behaviour, finding that violence was believed to demonstrate high levels of fan loyalty. Similarly, ref. [71] recognised that some supporters demonstrate loyalty by travelling long distances individually or collectively to support their team, and for those football fans that do engage in hooliganism, this is usually with the intent to engage in violent behaviour to establish physical dominance over rival teams [72] (p. 54), [67]. However, in contrast, ref. [73] found that some fans may experience excitement and adrenaline through such acts of aggression and therefore engage in violent acts for the thrill-seeking element. Acts of hooliganism in previous years have resulted in a variety of consequences, including injuries, fatalities, and property damage. The Heysel disaster in 1985 resulted in 39 supporter deaths after fans breached a fence placed to separate opposing groups and charged towards the others, committing violent behaviours that caused fans to be crushed. Similarly, the Hillsborough disaster in 1989 resulted in 97 deaths and many injuries after fans were crushed in spectator pens. To prevent hooliganism, the two fan groups were set to enter from different sides of the stadium, but further gates were opened, leading to a frantic rush of fans. Since these disasters, greater policing within football stadiums has been introduced, along with a series of acts limiting the actions of supporters. Between them, the Sporting Event Act (1985) [74], the Public Order Act (1986) [75], the Football Spectators Act (1989) [76], and the Football Disorder Acts (1999 and 2000) [77,78] have moderated the consumption of alcohol on football grounds, permitted courts to ban individuals from attending matches, and created specific offences relating to chanting, throwing items onto, and entering the pitch.

Ref. [68] study on fan perceptions of violence at football games found that since these implementations, violence in and around football grounds has decreased, reflecting a transition towards a “sanitised and gentrified culture” (p. 126). These findings were replicated by [79], who identified success in the implementation of banning orders in managing football violence from the perspective of both fans and the police. They discussed how the development of more law-abiding fans has a positive influence on the behaviours and mentality of those engaging in violence, which was also discussed by [80] through the impact of “self-policing”, whereby fans who behave in a prosocial manner regulate the behaviour of violent fans. However, the new implementations by the police have led to tensions between them and supporters. Research by [81] found that some police approach all fans as though they are potentially dangerous, viewing typical supporter behaviour as a danger. They explain how this results in violence by fans as an act of self-defence and creates an in-group and out-group divide between them and the police. This is supported by fan responses analysed by [79], which show some supporters believe the police strip them of their rights and stereotype them as criminals. They acknowledged the necessity for separative measures and banning orders to prevent violence but felt more comfortable at games that had a lesser police presence, which supports findings that low-profile police presence is more effective at preventing disorder [82].

1.5. Football Culture and Alcohol Consumption

In the UK, alcohol and football have been referred to as “inextricably linked” [83], with pubs being a popular environment for socialisation among fans, alongside frequent exposure to the marketing of alcohol brands through club sponsorships [22]. Although there are current restrictions surrounding alcohol consumption at football games in England, these are widely deemed ineffective in regulating levels of intoxication among supporters [84], which allows alcohol to consistently play an integral role on match days through a combination of drinks before, during and after the game. Generally, alcohol consumption plays a positive role in socialisation by increasing social bonding and is beneficial to the economy of pubs and bars [85]. However, much of the existing research on alcohol consumption highlights an established correlation to violence and disorder [86], with further research demonstrating the harms of alcohol sponsorship in increasing consumption levels [22]. Research on alcohol consumption by [87,88] has found a link to increased aggression, heightened emotions, less concern regarding sanctions for antisocial behaviour, increased feelings of invincibility, and provoked desire to demonstrate power against others [89]. Gender-specific findings on the effect of alcohol have also found that males have an increased likelihood of perceiving the behaviour of others as hostile once they have consumed alcohol, which results in aggressive behaviour [90,91,92,93]. Other research on alcohol consumption by [94] contradicts these findings, suggesting that there is limited evidence that alcohol consumption is directly linked to aggression and that individual factors such as personality and psychological factors must also be considered. This is supported by [95] who identified alcohol intake only increased aggression in some individuals, particularly heavy drinkers. Specific to football supporters, ref. [96] (p. 35) challenged the direct impact of alcohol on violence, finding it an “indirect stimulus” of violent behaviour amongst fans. They analysed the impact of a law in Brazil that prevented alcohol sales within stadiums and found a small direct link between alcohol and hooliganism that was only increased when combined with other situational and contextual factors such as league phase, supporter pride, crowd congestion, and social controls. Furthermore, there is a lack of explanation for why some fans engage in violence and antisocial behaviour without having consumed alcohol.

1.6. Football Fandom and Gambling

In addition to alcohol companies, many football teams and events are sponsored by betting companies. The frequent advertising resulting from this partnership is widely viewed as detrimental due to the current growing issue of problem gambling in the UK [97]. Infrequent, high-profile events are usually subject to the highest frequency of gambling advertising, which also increases betting engagement [98,99]. Throughout their adverts, betting companies usually offer incentives and downplay the perceived risks of gambling, for example, by offering free bets [97]. However, these increase impulsivity and heighten the emotions of individuals, which are associated traits of problem gambling and can be detrimental to the individual [100]. A study by [101] found a positive relationship between gambling frequency and the aggression of sports spectators. Through a qualitative study on 539 sports spectators, they found that gambling motivation plays a significant role in increasing violence and aggression levels in fans. The violence performed was applied to a domestic setting by [102], who found excessive gambling increased the risk of domestic violence. This study included the examination of 248 problem gamblers, finding that 62.9% of participants reported involvement with IPV within a year of the study. However, much of this sample reported significant anger problems, which have been associated with the risk of IPV [103], and therefore gambling involvement in this study cannot be used exclusively to predict the risk of DVA.

1.7. Football Culture and Domestic Violence

Statistical analysis of match-day violent trends by [17] identified that domestic violence increased following football games. In the study, they analysed monthly and daily domestic violence incident reporting to a police force in Northwest England across three football tournaments in 2002, 2006 and 2010. Findings showed domestic violence increased by 26% when the England national team won or drew in a football game and increased by 38% when they lost. In Scotland, when the “Old-Firm” Glasgow rivals Celtic and Rangers play, there are large increases in domestic violence regardless of the outcome of the match [104]. This demonstrates that the level of violence associated with football culture extends beyond fan subcultures and often into the family home. In England and Wales, it is estimated that 20 percent of individuals experience domestic violence from the age of 16+ [6], and in 2019, 75% of police-recorded domestic violence crimes included a female victim [105]. While youths make up a sizeable proportion of football fans and the British public, data indicate that the most serious domestic violence and abuse (DVA) in the UK tends not to be perpetrated by youth. For example, a recent analysis of 141 domestic homicide reviews in England and Wales found that the average perpetrator age was 41 years old, though it did range from 16 to 82 years old [106]. While youths, of course, do engage in partner violence, figures indicate that they do so at a lower rate than older male offenders, perhaps because they may have fewer domestic ties or well-established relationships [5]. Consensus in existing research indicates that domestic violence perpetration is dependent on several factors [107]; however, there is a lack of agreement on what these factors exactly are and how they interrelate to result in partner violence. The role of alcohol in domestic violence is less researched than sexual violence, although the link between a male partner’s alcohol consumption and the perpetration of domestic abuse against a female partner has been consistently evidenced (see [108,109] for reviews). A study by [110] found that females were two times more likely to be victims of domestic violence by their husbands if they engaged in problematic alcohol consumption and five times more likely if they had a betting habit. Other risk factors identified in studies include perpetrator engagement in antisocial behaviour, substance use, previous exposure to violence, and psychological diagnoses such as depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder [111,112,113]. As proposed by Cohen and Felson’s routine activity theory (1979) [114], opportunities for crime and disorder take place in everyday life. This theory can be applied to an increase in domestic violence when personally connected individuals spend periods of time together, alone, without the presence of a capable guardian. Compared to violence between subcultures on match days, when supporters return home to their partners, they are likely to be alone after having interacted with elements of football culture.

Behaviours they may have been associated with include substance use, gambling, and exposure to or engagement with violence, all of which are risk factors for DVA identified above. A combination of these findings and theories may therefore explain why domestic violence may happen on football match days regardless of a win, loss, or draw. Currently, there are few studies addressing the direct relationship between domestic violence and football, with a focus on prevalence through quantitative analysis of police reports or hospital admissions. Ref. [15] examined domestic violence arrests over an eight-hour period on American football game days, finding that football match days produce a higher frequency than non-sports Sundays and gamedays of other sports. Research has also identified the frequency of DVA reports as being dependent on the time and day of the week that games take place. Ref. [14] found games taking place before 7 PM result in a higher frequency of domestic violence reports, and [16] found a further increase when games overlap with a public holiday, for example on New Year’s Day. However, similar findings were drawn in an analysis of general domestic violence reports by [115], who found an increase on weekends and public holidays due to an increased amount of time spent together by personally connected individuals. Furthermore, individuals are more likely to engage in alcohol and substance use on these days [116,117], indicating that risk factors previously identified may be more predictive of DVA than game-specific factors [14]. Due to the focus on frequency rather than explanations, these studies also fail to include case-specific analysis such as the location where the perpetrator viewed the game, the number of alcohol units consumed, and whether they engage in violent subcultural behaviours.

A study on stakeholders’ views on domestic violence and football by [118] explored the role of individual and game-specific factors in DVA perpetration. Through the conduction of focus groups and individual interviews, all respondents acknowledged a link between DVA and football, although explanations for the link varied amongst stakeholders. In accordance with previously identified risk factors [110], alcohol was identified as a trigger by policymakers, although one of the survivors stated alcohol consumption was not a factor in her victimisation as her perpetrator was not a “heavy” drinker. Contrary to ref. [14], expectations of the game result were considered a factor contributing to levels of emotional tension and domestic violence, and coping behaviours following an unexpected outcome were discussed, including the tendency of fans to retreat from socialising to regulate their emotions alone. One of the survivors stated the result of the game determined the type of abuse she was the victim of, with other factors discussed being the centrality of football to individual identity and violent, aggressive behaviours witnessed within football culture. Although this research sought to identify explanations for the correlation between domestic violence and football, there was inconsistency amongst stakeholders, and therefore a lack of direct understanding remains.

Following the publicised findings of [17], there have been campaign attempts and social media postings to spread awareness of the link between football and domestic violence. For example, Women’s Aid launched a campaign, “Football United Against Domestic Violence”, in the UK in 2014. The campaign sees the charity working with national footballing bodies, sports media, football clubs, the police, players and fans to unite against domestic violence. Beyond the UK, FIFA has partnered with UN Women, the United Nations entity dedicated to the equality and empowerment of women, for the ‘Unite for Ending Violence Against Women’ campaign. This campaign aims to raise awareness of and end violence against women and girls. Given the link between alcohol and violence, actions have been taken to reduce alcohol drinking time. There have been calls for more weekday games and late kick-offs following findings suggesting alcohol is the main causal factor for increases in domestic violence reports on match days [14]. Particularly over recent years, alongside high-profile tournaments including the European Championships 2020 and the World Cup 2022, there has been greater amounts of information online and on television about this form of violence; however, its effectiveness has been questioned [119,120]. Social media campaigns have been branded useful for reaching victims of domestic violence who may be experiencing a degree of isolation [121], although the types of sites they are uploaded to may limit their audience to a particular social group [122], and therefore this approach may need to be reconsidered. In their study, ref. [118] gained insights from survivors and policymakers on how awareness could be spread and social change could be implemented. They acknowledged the influence that football clubs can have on fans and advocated for greater club intervention in the form of sanctions for those performing discriminatory behaviours. They also acknowledged the current lack of action from governments, media, and agencies by reinforcing the characteristics of healthy, non-abusive relationships and recognising that “trigger” factors are not justification for DVA perpetration.

1.8. The Current Study

Prior research indicates evidence of an association between football culture and fandom and the risk factors that underpin DVA perpetration. Given the dominance of quantitative exploration in past research, the current study seeks to identify specific behaviours associated with football from the perspective of individuals who engage with them. This was performed through the conduction of a single focus group with young male, non-abusive football fans at the time of the FIFA World Cup 2022—designed to ensure discussion based on recent high-profile footballing events. In line with much of the existing research and reports, we sought to focus on heterosexual relationships, which included a male perpetrator and female victim, in exploring non-abusive fan perceptions for the first time and therefore thought it important to initially reflect the most common heteronormative DVA reporting trends. seeking to explore reasons for the relationship between football and domestic violence from the perspective of non-abusive football fans. Engagement with individuals who are non-abusive, though familiar and embedded within wider football culture, was designed to help understand specific factors that distinguish between those who return home to engage in DVA and those who do not. Furthermore, understanding the viewpoint of this previously untested population is deemed important to help bring abusive and non-abusive fans into alignment and inform social policy implementation so that the link between football fandom and domestic violence may be further deconstructed. The current study’s aims are, therefore, as follows:

• To gain a more detailed understanding of potential reasons why a relationship appears to exist between football fandom and the perpetration of domestic violence.
• To better understand the ways in which football culture and identity may impact the likelihood of violent behaviour from the perspective of fans familiar with it but who are non-violent.
• To understand non-abusive football fans’ perceptions of how the problem of domestic violence is currently dealt with and generate recommendations based on these.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Sample and Sampling Procedures

Data for this study were collected using a single focus group with five young male university students recruited via a combination of opportunity and snowball sampling. Specifically, the first male youth was recruited by the researcher, and the following four participants were snowball sampled via this individual thereafter. All individuals approached by either method agreed to participate in the study. Amongst them, the participants varied in terms of their fandom, with the frequency of attending stadium matches ranging from weekly, to a rare occasion, and differences in the teams they support. All participants disclosed a tendency to attend the pub to watch games with their friends. Inclusion criteria meant that participants were self-identified male, non-abusive football fans who socialised within the same friendship group. The requirement for prior friendship was deemed important due to the sensitive nature of the topic, in that the researcher wanted there to be a level of pre-established comfortability between the participants. This was to avoid having to dedicate a section of the session to ice-breaker activities, as it was felt this may result in more authentic and honest responses uninhibited by social desirability bias. Additionally, due to the male-dominated subculture of football fans [56] and domestic violence being a gendered crime [123,124], it was considered relevant to use male participants who were interested in and familiar with the topic to ensure the data collected were relevant [125]. Finally, non-abusive men were required, given that most prior research has focused on the perspectives of abusive men or victims. As part of the research sought to investigate men’s perceptions of what may prevent abusive male football fans from engaging in this behaviour, the alternative take of non-abusive football fans was deemed important. There was a lead contact person within the sample who provided the researcher with the contact information of the other participants, allowing the sharing of the participant information sheet and consent form prior to the session after confirming that they each met the inclusion criteria stipulated above.

2.2. Study Procedure

The focus group was conducted in a private room on the Loughborough University campus. For the duration of the session, only the researcher and participants were present, and the location of the room ensured the discussion could take place without external interruption. As all participants attended this institution, the location was known to them and easily accessible. The chosen room was small, with seating in a circular arrangement, and upon arrival, refreshments were provided for the participants as a token of appreciation. Once settled, participants were presented with the participant information sheet to remind them of the purpose of the session, what was expected of their participation, and their rights to withdraw. This was accompanied by a verbal explanation presented by the researcher to ensure participants were fully informed about the aims of the session and research more broadly, as well as to explain confidentiality and their rights. They were then each asked to sign a consent form before the recording began. The researcher led a focus group session that followed a semi-structured interview guide that had been pilot tested separately on two other individuals prior to the session and allowed for the development of discussion and prompts if required. In total, the focus group lasted 60 min. The session began with a brief introduction to the topic and questions relating to the participant’s own affiliation with football teams (e.g., “May I ask you when briefly you started becoming interested in football, and how long you have been a fan for?”). This was followed by a series of questions and discussion relating to football culture and common behaviours on football match days (e.g., “Can you describe what a typical match day would look like for a football fan?” “Are there any specific behaviours you would associate with football culture?”). Before the next topic of domestic violence was covered, the researcher verbally explained the highly sensitive nature of the second part of the session and reiterated participants’ rights to withdraw, followed by approval of consent to continue. To ensure all participants were aware of what is currently considered domestic violence, they were provided with the latest government definition before being presented with questions and statistics about DVA and football to discuss. The final part of the session was dedicated to existing and potential future awareness plans and reduction techniques in relation to domestic violence and football. Participants were presented with a Twitter post by Women’s Aid designed to spread awareness of the increased reporting of domestic violence following games and direct victims to support services. This was used as a discussion stimulus as participants were asked their opinions on the social media post, including their thoughts on its target audience and effectiveness. With this in mind, the participants were then asked what they believed would be a successful way to spread awareness of DVA in relation to football and how they would design a prevention programme tailored to specifically target football fans. Participants were then asked to add any concluding comments, and the researcher thanked them for their participation before presenting them each with a debrief sheet, including directions to available free and impartial support services.

2.3. Ethical Procedures

All data collected were stored in compliance with the GDPR guidelines and institutional data storage procedures. All study procedures and data collection were carried out in accordance with institutional ethical standards and the British Psychological Society code of conduct for human research [126]. For example, to ensure the safety of both the researcher and the participants, a risk awareness form was completed prior to the study, and the researchers’ supervisor was aware of the date, time, and location of the meeting. The participants were also provided with an information sheet before the session began, informed of their right to withdraw at any time without the need to provide reasoning, given information directing them to free and impartial support services, and given consent forms to sign after viewing this to ensure informed consent was obtained. Additionally, participants were given a debrief sheet upon completion, which acknowledged the sensitivity of the research and again directed them to areas of free and impartial support. The session was both video and audio recorded, then stored on the university’s OneDrive to be later transcribed. Once anonymised transcriptions were complete, audio and visual recordings were destroyed in accordance with university procedures. Pseudonyms were used during the transcription process to ensure participants were unidentifiable, and it was reiterated both before and during the session that participants were to discuss perceptions and opinions rather than personal experiences throughout the session.

2.4. Thematic Analysis

The thematic analysis process identified by [127] was used to analyse the data collected. First, the researchers familiarised themselves with the data by transcribing, reading, and re-reading the focus group transcript. Initial thoughts were noted, which included categorisation of the participant’s statements. These ideas were repeatedly reviewed and refined to generate codes, which were then collated into themes and presented in a thematic map. The themes were then used for discussion (see Results and Discussion below). Through the generation of codes and themes, researchers gain access to both explicit and implicit participant responses [128]. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic, thematic analysis was the most relevant to use, as it requires in-depth interpretation from the researcher, allowing them to recognise otherwise less apparent information. Sensitive issues such as domestic violence may not be regular topics of conversation between the sample group, and therefore the participants may have been less overt with their responses. Therefore, the requirement of data immersion within the coding process [127] allowed the researcher to make note of and include the discussion of non-verbal responses in the analysis. The final overarching themes generated by selected and grouped codes were (1) behaviours; (2) game-specific factors; and (3) reduction. As the data involved multiple participants, further divisions of the themes into subthemes were necessary to ensure all perspectives were analysed and “rich, detailed and complex data” was generated [129] (p. 42). The subthemes constructed were alcohol; violence; game intensity; certainty of result; awareness; and prevention.

3. Results and Discussion

3.1. Theme 1: Behaviours

The dominant behaviours that are associated with football culture focus on “excessive” alcohol consumption resulting in actions, including violence between fan groups and football fans versus authority groups, which the individual would not engage with if not under the influence.

3.1.1. Alcohol

During the session, participants were asked to describe what a typical match day would look like for a football fan from their perspective. They identified a strong association between match days and alcohol consumption and highlighted the pub as a common location for this behaviour, regardless of whether the match was viewed at the stadium or streamed on television. There were consistent references to observations of individuals drinking beyond a reasonable amount of alcohol, although there was no identification of what is deemed an acceptable level to consume. However, the participants did recognise a higher level of alcohol consumption during high-profile games:

Jamie:

“I think especially on big events like the Euros and the World Cup, it’s a lot earlier in the day than any other because it’s so popular… like… on a World Cup match day for example, getting to the pub at like twelve and drinking all day just so you can get a table”

All:

[Laugh and look at each other]

Jamie:

“So extensive drinking”

Seth:

“Yeah, chaos” [Laughs]

Researcher:

“So, you’d all sort of agree, that the pub plays a big role?”

All:

“Ah yeah”

Jamie:

“Yeah, 100%” [All nod in agreement]

Alex:

“Especially during England games for sure”

Jamie:

“You need a bit of…”

Seth:

“Yeah, you’ve got have a bit with the football”

Freddie:

“Can’t just have one”

All:

[Laugh and look at each other]

The above discussion demonstrates participants’ perceptions of the substantial role that pubs play in football culture. Participants joked about the necessity of alcohol consumption, with Freddie stating, “can’t just have one”. Freddie’s comment uses no reference term, so we cannot know if this is related to his own drinking behaviour or his observation of wider football culture. However, ref. [83] highlights that drinking culture is embedded within football, to the extent that fans feel obliged to engage with alcohol on match days as it is a common behaviour amongst them. The participants also acknowledged situational factors that affect alcohol consumption levels, including high-profile games being accredited as more of an “occasion” where alcohol plays a social role [85,96] and a decrease in consumption after a loss. This was evidenced by Jamie’s part-time work in a pub, stating that “no one has a reason to drink anymore” so everyone returns home. In contrast, he noted that pubs remain open for longer following a win, which results in higher levels of alcohol consumption.

Furthermore, the participants discussed how extensive alcohol consumption can result in some fans performing violent behaviours. Alex, for instance, mentioned the tendency of football fans “getting excessively drunk, to the point of doing stupid things” which was further developed by Seth commenting that being “way too drunk” results in fans “trying to cause trouble”. Consistent with other research on alcohol consumption by [87,88], these findings suggest the influence of alcohol consumption on the actions of individuals, including antisocial behaviour and acts of aggression. Participants also attributed alcohol as a significant factor in increasing reports of domestic violence on match days. Seth acknowledged how usual passive interactions, such as being asked to “calm down” may trigger a more aggressive response from fans once [they’ve] had some drinks”. This may contribute to explaining the findings of an increase in reports regardless of match result [17], as fans would have been engaging with the alcohol element of football culture either way. Furthermore, the belief that alcohol can alter how interactions are received corresponds to research finding that alcohol consumption by males leads them to perceive others’ behaviours as antagonistic [90,91,92,93], and may also be applied to fans acting in self-defence against the police, as found by [81]. Here, alcohol consumption may lead them to perceive police behaviour as hostile, contributing to the creation of tension and violent behaviour between them.

Although corresponding with various stakeholder perspectives on triggers for DVA, these findings contradict the victim viewpoint identified by [118] that high levels of alcohol consumption are not always a factor in victimisation, and therefore it cannot be concluded that alcohol consumption is a determinant of DVA but may be an intensifying factor when combined with other elements.

3.1.2. Violence

When asked to describe actions typically associated with football fans/culture, there was a focus on violent behaviours. Specific behaviours mentioned included:

Seth:

“Tryna fight police”

Olly:

“Basically the Football Factory film”

Alex:

“Definitely more violent than other sports”

Freddie:

“Fighting”

Jamie:

“Swearing”

Seth:

“Being like aggressive [looks around at others] and like rude to like, especially like refs, cos like obviously if you’re in the stadium, ref makes a bad decision, you’ll have people that would shout and swear at him and even at the pub, like, you do get angry”

During the discussion, there was agreement that football fandom is “definitely more violent than other sports” (Alex). Alongside excessive alcohol consumption, participants further attributed this to situational and contextual factors, which may contribute to explanations of why some fans who consume alcohol do not engage in violent acts and why violence has a distinct association with football in comparison to other sports [52,130,131]. For a comprehensive comparison of sports fandom violence and hooliganism, refer to [132]. For instance, Olly identified segregation between fan groups at games, which Alex highlighted “makes a big, big difference to other sports”, with violent interactions between the two groups either verbally (“swearing”) or physically (“coins thrown”). The reasoning for group engagement in these behaviours may be explained using subcultural and fan research identifying the feeling of identity [66,67], loyalty [71], and sense of thrill [73] that they can bring. Social learning theory [69] may also be used to explain repeated engagement across generations, as individuals are introduced to the culture and feel a desire to fit in, therefore replicating behaviours that they see. Furthermore, subconscious opposition between fan groups was noticeable in the session; for example, Seth held away fans accountable for violence in stadiums, stating “they love kicking off”. This shows evidence of social identity theory [49,50], as the participants were favouring the in-group (home fans) and blaming the out-group (away fans) for antisocial behaviour, although in an alternative context, those away fans would become home fans and vice versa.

In addition to violence between fan groups, these behaviours were also identified to be bidirectional between authority groups: “police fighting people [and] people fighting police” (Olly). Given the acknowledgement of high tension levels caused by segregation measures, the violence between fans and the police may be a product of this animosity, as often the police enforce these measures. This further corresponds with SIT [49] through the construction of the “in-group” and the “out-group”, demonstrated through violence between each other. Other research among rioting populations has also found the role of police authority as an important determinant of developing such collectively violent and supportive identities [133]. Additionally, Seth recognised fan aggression towards referees both at the stadium and in a pub setting, demonstrating a general opposition towards authority groups, corresponding to alcohol research finding consumption can provoke a desire to demonstrate power against others [87,89].

The high presence of violence within football culture, as identified by the participants, can also be linked to research on domestic violence. Previous exposure to or engagement with violence has been shown to increase the risk of DVA perpetration [134]; [111,135], alongside substance use [136] and other behaviours associated with football culture. A combination of engagement in these behaviours and fans returning home in this football fan group identity may result in fans enacting violent/aggressive acts in public spheres [137] and in private spaces on their partners [69,138] who do not affiliate with the culture, which may explain why domestic violence occurs following football games.

3.2. Theme 2: Game Specific Factors

Game-specific factors that amplify the level of engagement with the dominant behaviours of football culture. Focuses on the level of tension and emotion experienced by football fans resulting from the intensity of the football match and the certainty they possessed regarding the match result.

3.2.1. Game Intensity

When the participants were asked their perceptions regarding an increase in reports of domestic violence following an England win [17], Jamie’s immediate response stated, “was that the final?”. He continued to explain that the further teams develop in a tournament, the “more stressful” they are to watch as each match increases in importance. He stated, “it’s like you’ve worked harder to get where you are” showing that even though the fans are not the ones playing, the strong level of affiliation some possess results in them inheriting the emotion, actions, and responsibility of the players, which heightens as teams progress through tournaments. This can be linked to the level to which fans identify with a team [46] and the collective identity that many fans gain from football culture [67,68].

The levels of tension felt by fans was also perceived to be score irrespective:

Jamie:

“I think just because you win a match as well, it doesn’t mean it was like an easy game, it could’ve still been a very stressful game to watch which is obviously going to build up anger as well, say it was like close throughout the whole game, like tension levels are still going to be quite high”

Acknowledgement of the high emotions experienced by fans can be linked to earlier discussions in the session around how individuals may choose to regulate their emotions following the intensity and outcome of a game. In relation to this, there was a consensus that some fans would “rather not speak to anyone because [they’re] so short tempered” (Alex). This corresponds to the opinions of stakeholders in [118] through identifying coping behaviours of retreatism and may explain an increase in DVA reports when fans return home to someone who is not part of the culture:

Olly:

“I guess it’s like, tryna channel your anger, and if like… you’re going home, and you’ve got a partner or something… then your anger is channelled at them, rather than if… if you’re in the pub with your mates… you… kinda can be, just a bit crappy… crappy to everyone else, rather than one single person that’s probably where it brings out the worst [Seth nods and agrees] that probably explains why the rates go up”

The build-up of emotion experienced in accordance with the intensity of the game, particularly when deemed of higher importance, was used to explain how emotional regulation may result in domestic violence. These findings align with research on the day that games take place, showing the highest rates of DVA reporting on Sundays [14,15], as Sundays are the most likely day for cup final games. This may therefore demonstrate a relationship between game intensity and domestic violence, whereby games with higher intensity stimulate higher levels of emotion and can result in acts of violence if fans are in a situation where their emotion is directed towards one individual.

3.2.2. Certainty of Result

The participants noticed the ability of football to create national unification during England games and explained how this can result in the expectation of a win amongst fans. Seth gave an example of this in relation to the 2020 Euros tournament:

Seth:

“Yeah I think there was so much stress as a country, like the whole, It’s coming home thing [Olly + Jamie laugh], and I think, even though deep down people may not have like actually thought it was gonna happen, just after winning like game after game, you just slowly get that belief and then obviously losing, it kind of, everything then comes crashing down like… cos everyone was like enjoying it the whole time through the tournament and then getting knocked out… is just like… now what”

All participants showed familiarity with the famous football anthem—Three Lions (Football’s Coming Home)—and how repeated exposure to the song across the country brought increased hope and a genuine belief that England may progress further than originally expected. The same song was identified by [25] to create a feeling of national identity following the 1966 World Cup, demonstrating the level of unity the song brings is still recognised. Seth stated, “if you’re English, you support England”, showing his belief that support for one’s own country is perceived to be embedded within their identity and there is an expectation to engage in supporting behaviour. This aligns with existing findings that highlight the feeling of pride and togetherness that football brings [33,67].

The impact a losing result can have on football fans when expectations are high was discussed, with responses stating losing could impact the mood of a fan “hugely”, “massively” and “amazingly”. Specific emotions mentioned included “anger”, “annoyed” and “sad”, and the participants identified the experience of these negative emotions and the direction of them as a possible explanation of increasing DVA rates. These findings, like those of [118], contradict [14] by finding game result expectations to be a contributing factor to emotional tension and domestic violence. The effect of the emotions felt after a loss was viewed to be intensified in some contexts, for example, when bets were placed; as Jamie stated, “the bigger the stake, the worse it is”. These findings align with the relationship between gambling and aggression identified by [101] and findings showing gambling as a risk factor for DVA perpetration [110], as fans were perceived to experience higher feelings of anger when their bet falls through, which may be directed at individuals in the home. Additionally, as betting incentives increase around national games [97] alongside the impulsivity and engagement of individuals [100], more people may engage with bet placement at these events and, because of the expectation of a win, place higher stakes, which intensifies emotions felt after a loss. The certainty of a win generated through national pride, which may result in higher levels of bet engagement, may therefore contribute to explaining increased DV reports after a national game.

3.3. Theme 3: Reduction

Ways in which the implementation of awareness and prevention measures may reduce the number of domestic violence reports on football match days. Identifies the importance of education to address differences in beliefs among generations and uncertainty regarding who is responsible for implementing and regulating deterrence of perpetration.

3.3.1. Awareness

The participants identified a lack of education around domestic violence, which can result in people committing the offence unintentionally:

Seth:

“Yeah, it could also just be like education, just for like the actual abuses, because where it’s… not exactly clear…people might not be doing it in like an intentionally harmful way, but it might be making their partner, or whoever else they’re in a relationship with, it might make them feel uncomfortable and it might according to the definition be domestic violence, but they might not actually know what they’re doing is… like… serious, so it’s just actually educating people on their behaviours and what they’re doing and basically just reinforcing that it is wrong”

Here, Seth highlights how developments in legislation around domestic violence are not publicly known, which may result in individuals perpetrating acts defined as DV without being aware of the harm they are causing. Olly showed evidence of this by admitting his own lack of education on domestic violence, saying he “thought it was just [physical] violence” prior to the researcher providing the definition. The perceived general lack of awareness of domestic violence supports researchers who question the effectiveness of current advertising and awareness techniques [119,120] and highlights [122] finding that not all of the population is able to engage with particular strategies that have been implemented, which results in an overall lack of education on the issue.

Further evidence of this was shown when the participants were presented with a Twitter post by Women’s Aid designed to spread awareness of DVA following football games. Responses amongst the group described the source as restrictive by depicting a heterosexual relationship, although it was successful in directing female victims to support services. To overcome the lack of awareness of DVA generally and in relation to football, Alex advocated for the implementation of a national campaign, highlighting their previous success regarding mental health. To target football fans specifically, it was agreed that campaign adverts should be shown during football games to be most effective, which corresponds with previous studies highlighting the influence of advertising on the behaviour of individuals [98,99].

The participants also highlighted the importance of displaying initial signs of domestic violence within campaigns so that victims and bystanders can prevent victimisation. Olly and Seth recognised the significance of victims being able to “identify” with other individuals experiencing similar behaviours, as many victims may feel “what’s happening to them isn’t as serious as what they think domestic violence is” (Seth). These perceptions align with victim research on the underreporting of DVA, which shows many individuals do not report their victimisation as they are unaware of their victim status [12]. This further highlights the requirement for greater recognition of what constitutes DVA, which may decrease perpetration as individuals become more aware of their actions but could also prevent behaviours from progressing as victims and their families will be able to identify warning signs and have greater confidence in reporting.

3.3.2. Prevention

The majority of the participants identified their introduction to football by their (step)fathers and described how they would imitate behaviours in order to fit in with fan culture:

Seth:

“I think that’s one of the dangers of it aswell, because like where, like my dad got me into football, it’s like he had a season ticket and like I was going to the games with him so if he was like behaving in a certain way and like… fitting into the football culture you’re gonna grow up seeing that every week, and then you’ll be like ah”

Olly:

“think it’s normal yeah”

Seth:

“that’s how you’re supposed to behave in football, so I’ll keep doing the same, and it will just keep going from generations”

Here, Seth and Olly discussed how they would replicate their father’s behaviour during games, which was perceived as the “normal” way to act at football. It was suggested that regular exposure to behaviours would result in them becoming normalised, which corresponds to the participants in [68], who also noted a repeated pattern of behaviour passed down through generations. The discussion also demonstrated elements of both social learning theory [69] and social identity theory [49] as the participants explained the act of imitating others’ behaviour in order to feel part of the fan community and identify with them, also reflecting findings from a previous fan study by [70]. The combination of these theories may therefore explain repeated acts of hooliganism and violent behaviour across fan generations.

The influence of others’ behaviour was also used by Seth to distinguish between abusive fans and non-abusive fans based on the values promoted within their social group. He identified the importance of “the people you surround yourself with”, stating his assumption that abusive behaviour is “knitted in the friendship” of abusive fans, whereas his perception was that non-abusive fan groups police each other’s behaviours, which prevents them from becoming abusive. This corresponds to existing research that identifies the benefit of self-policing among fan groups and the value of prosocial influences in regulating behaviour [79,80]. Although, the responsibility of behaviour regulation was not limited to self-policing; Seth also acknowledged the responsibility of various institutions:

Seth:

“action needs to be stronger from the police and whoever else gets Involved, and like all the clubs and stuff have to actually agree that if there are reports, and it is proven then they get banned for life”

Within the discussion, there was strong advocation for tougher punishment measures and a zero-tolerance attitude towards perpetrators of domestic violence. The implementation of sanctions, including banning orders, was attributed to various institutions, specifically the police, as shown in the quote above. Seth claimed that action needs to be “stronger” in preventing domestic violence and requires agreement from multiple institutions, including pubs, clubs, and the police, to serve as an effective deterrent. The participants’ views reflected previous research showing that the most effective way to punish football fans is to remove their ability to attend games [82,89]. Banning orders have previously been introduced as a method of decreasing fan violence at football games and are regarded as successful among fans and police as a deterrent [79]. However, participants deemed the perpetration of domestic violence unforgivable, whereby banning orders and sanctions should be “for life”, which differs from the current implementation of banning orders, which are for a set period.

However, previous discussion suggests that stronger measures implemented by the police may create further tension between the two groups and have the undesired effect of additional violence. These conflicting views of the participants represent the fan responses in [79] research, finding that even though supporters share a dislike towards the police, they recognise their importance for social control and protection. This implies that regardless of fan opposition towards the police, they still advocate for their presence and response to control violent behaviour.

3.4. Study Limitations

The findings of this study must be considered within the context of its limitations. First, participants shared characteristics that are not representative of all football fans. Being non-abusive male university students, the participants’ perspectives are limited to a specific group within the population, and therefore, findings cannot be generalised to all fans. The majority of which are non-violent and do not perpetrate domestic violence. However, to counter this limitation, a key strength of this study was its generation of a first set of explanations from this perspective. The characteristic of being non-abusive was crucial within the research so that it could later be compared to that of abusive fans to understand the differences between the two and attempt to bring them into alignment. Male participants were essential as this is the gender most researched in football fan culture [56], and university students were chosen at the convenience of the researcher given the short period of time for the research to take place. Second, the sampling strategies used served as a limitation by restricting the researcher’s ability to recruit a large sample of participants who better represented the diversity of football fans. However, the specific criterion of participants being self-identified, non-abusive male football fans who were local to the researcher meant the combination of convenience and snowball sampling was the most effective method given the short time frame of recruitment. Yet, the recruitment of an established social group of males who were comfortable discussing sensitive topics with each other enabled the researcher to probe participants to generate in-depth perspectives on the topic. Furthermore, although limiting in relation to generalisability, smaller samples often result in more authentic responses when sensitive topics are discussed [139]. Third, in reflection of the researcher’s position as a female criminology student with an interest in the topic and education on domestic violence, this may have increased the danger of researcher bias. However, to avoid this, questions were carefully designed to remain open to participant perception, and new topics that may have influenced their initial responses were not introduced. The researcher’s position as a female, given the gendered nature of both football culture and domestic violence [56,123,124], may have led participants to present a prosocial version of themselves throughout their responses. However, as participants were known to the researcher and each other, it is believed that they were comfortable discussing authentic responses without fear of judgement, which was strengthened by the focus on perceptions rather than personal experiences. Additional steps were also taken that have been shown to increase the comfortability of participants, including the arrangement of seating and refreshments provided before the session began [140,141].

3.5. Research Implications

Based on the findings above, there are several recommendations for policy and practice that can be made to address the issue of football and domestic violence. First, the use of advertising during football games to promote alcohol and betting has a direct influence on fans engaging in these behaviours [98,99]. Within the study, these behaviours have been deemed “trigger” factors that contribute towards the likelihood of violence taking place in a domestic setting, and therefore the use of advertising to promote awareness of domestic violence instead may help to reduce its prevalence. Adverts may include examples of factors of a “healthy” relationship and ways of detecting early signs of DVA, which will allow for greater bystander intervention and recognition of victim status. Second, a greater focus on punishment for individuals who perpetrate domestic violence should be introduced to act as a deterrent for committing the offence. Banning orders have shown previous success in deterring football fans from violent behaviour [79,82], and so they may also be useful in reducing domestic violence specifically. Finally, although there is greater coverage of the statistical relationship between domestic violence and football games via social media, there is a lack of clarity surrounding who is responsible for implementing changes to address this. A combination of efforts between institutions, including the FA, police, pubs, and football clubs, can address key areas found to increase the likelihood of DVA and work collectively to help prevent it. For example, high-profile games taking place on weekdays rather than weekends may reduce the alcohol consumption of fans as they will have to go to work the next day, which could contribute towards reducing associations with “trigger” factors of engagement in violent behaviours.

3.6. Future Research Recommendations

The most significant aim of the research was to explore football fans’ perceptions of increasing DVA rates following football games. Although research has acknowledged the increased popularity of football across populations [27,28,29,30,31], research is still limited to male football games, and therefore a need remains to study fan behaviour surrounding female matches. Within the current study, participants acknowledged the growing popularity of female football worldwide, and so it may be questioned whether similar behaviours engaged with by fans at male football games also occur when female teams play. Discussion led to the negative impact this may have on DVA rates, and so analysis of both behaviours and DVA statistics surrounding female matches may help to better understand the impact of engagement in specific behaviours on DVA reporting and whether this is limited to just male football. The current study focused solely on male football culture, yet further research in this area could help to pre-empt a potential future relationship with domestic violence. A final direction for future study is psychological traits, which may predispose some individuals to violent behaviours in a domestic setting. Towards the end of the session, there was a brief discussion around explanations for why many fans who engage in cultural behaviours do not commit acts of domestic violence. The influence of personality types was mentioned, specifically in relation to how individuals regulate their emotions while not under the influence of alcohol. This highlights that a similar study should be carried out from a psychological perspective in an attempt to distinguish between fans who engage in domestic violence and those who do not.

4. Conclusions

Given the popularity of football fandom within the UK and the sport’s qualitative association with domestic violence, the current study sought to take a unique qualitative approach to explaining the relationship between DVA and football. Ultimately, this study addressed the research gap by exploring non-abusive football fans’ perceptions of the relationship between football culture and domestic violence. Through the conduction of a focus group interview, behaviours associated with football culture and their potential influence on DVA perpetration were discussed, and various elements within football culture aligned with previously identified risk factors of domestic violence. These include alcohol consumption, gambling, and violent behaviour. Game-specific factors, including an unexpected result and high levels of tension, were perceived to heighten the effects of behavioural engagement, alongside individual factors such as the peer group of the fan and how they choose to regulate their emotions. To explain how engagement in these elements of football culture results in DVA perpetration, subcultural theories such as social identity theory [49] and social learning theory [69] were drawn upon. Alongside other existing research, these were used to explain how fans may return home feeling a heightened sense of football identity after engaging in cultural behaviours and enacting violence on their partners who do not affiliate with football culture. The participants viewed there to be a current lack of understanding of the problem of domestic violence, which may result in perpetrators not realising the harm they are causing and individuals being unaware of their own or others’ victimisation. Therefore, recommendations for policy and practice given these results include the implementation of a national campaign to spread awareness of domestic violence and examples of what constitutes a “healthy relationship”. It is also recommended that a multiagency approach be taken between the police, football clubs, pubs, and the FA to address the relationship between DVA and football through the implementation of tougher punishments for perpetrators and a potential adjustment to game schedules to reduce the number of matches on weekends. Overall, this study has provided a unique perspective on the relationship between domestic violence and football and an insight into non-abusive football fans’ viewpoints on current approaches to addressing DVA. To build on these findings, future research should compare the perspectives of non-abusive football fans with those of abusive football fans to align the two groups so that they can still engage with football fan culture but not proceed to perpetrate domestic violence as a consequence. Future research should also explore behaviours associated with female football fan culture, as ladies’ football is currently growing in popularity and a better understanding could pre-empt a potential future relationship with domestic violence.