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Article

Minorities Who Advocate White Supremacist and Nazi Ideology in the United States

Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff, AZ 86011, USA
Humans 2025, 5(4), 28; https://doi.org/10.3390/humans5040028
Submission received: 16 September 2025 / Revised: 27 October 2025 / Accepted: 3 November 2025 / Published: 9 November 2025

Abstract

This article highlights the phenomenon of marginalized populations and minorities who espouse white supremacist ideology despite their own ethnic and cultural backgrounds within the USA. This study focusses on how non-Caucasian individuals are attracted to this ideology, its organizations, and how this contradiction is reconciled. Of particular interest is the rise in gun violence or the advocacy of gun violence by non-white individuals in the United States harboring white supremacist ideals and identifying with those principles. Statistical data for national violence is limited to general categories by state and federal law enforcement. This article examines public comments made by high-profile individuals as examples reflecting current attitudes under examination as well as violent acts resulting in deaths perpetrated by minorities motivated by supremacist ideals. Findings suggest that non-Caucasian or minority individuals from multivariant ethnic groups who espouse Nazi ideals are not following a singular objective or unified under one rubric but have mixed motivations rooted in establishing legitimacy and “white proximity”. White supremacist ideology is redefined to suit personal grievances unique to an individuals’ cultural group and/or needs.

1. Introduction

This article examines the phenomena of minorities who become involved in or adopt white supremacist and Nazi ideology within the United States; it does not attempt to paint with a broad brush phenomena in other countries, who have their own histories and generational experiences that contribute to and influence the development of sentiments that make white supremacy acceptable to certain members of their societies. Where other countries and their political and social interactions are referenced, this is to provide historical background and context that bridges past to present within the communities examined, and demonstrates the long-lasting influence these had and continue to lend to predisposition for tolerating them when they recur. This is particularly relevant to Americans and their families who immigrated to the United States from those regions of the world. It does not imply that all global communities are essentially the same.

1.1. White Supremacist Violence in America Today

The Anti-Defamation League (ADL, 2023a) is responsible for having compiled data on trends involving white supremacy including yearly tallies of extremist motivated killings aimed at minority groups and vulnerable groups such as the LGBTQ population and others (ADL, 2023c).
According to the ADL Center on Extremism, between 2014 and 2023 white supremacist groups/members committed 76 percent of all extremist motivated homicides in the United States and accounted for 442 deaths. White supremacists are most responsible for extremist ideology-motivated homicides over any other group. Their attacks have surged since 2015 to present and dissemination of antisemitic, anti-LGBTQ propaganda have increased by double and triple digits, respectively (ADL, 2023c).
The environment of tolerance for white supremacist ideologies can be one reason for these increases. Public and political divisions have worked to create justification for violence; the blame for most of the perceived social ills continues to fall upon ethnic and religious minorities and particularly on immigrant communities currently.
The United States has grappled historically with racist, misogynist, anti-immigrant, classist, and bigoted sentiments that have delayed or denied equality among its populace since its inception. The United States has addressed aspects of these issues at different times with different outcomes, but there has been a steady progression in the past, even if cyclical, toward achieving a more equitable nation over time. Yet, ideology disavowing equality persists among a percentage of the population who cling to these views. Labels that differentiate between “worthy” vs. “unworthy” individuals also persist.
Studies on the effects of racism in social psychology by Kurt Lewin and others that analyze how racism ingrains into the social psyche to affect behavior (Adelman, 1993; Lewin & Gold, 1999) and were a starting point to many other studies on racism. Exposure and proximity between groups toward establishing connection and lessening racist beliefs were defined in the “contact hypothesis” of Allport who discussed unlearning stereotypes through familiarity to find common ground. Perception of fears and threats attributed to other groups can change with more exposure between them, even if there is some initial hostility, if there is also some shared equality between them (Allport, 1979; Bush, 2015; Crosby, 2020; Oskamp, 2000).
A sense of entitlement common to the historically dominant Caucasian population has come under scrutiny in recent generations and the United States faces a demographic shift as people of color and minority groups are growing to become the new majority. This has been interpreted as a threat to power and livelihood (jobs) and a strain on the resources that “rob” from those who are “legitimate” (Krosch et al., 2022).

1.2. Analysis and Common Threads

These are the common threads that will be analyzed for patterns among the Case Examples.
  • Power (socio-economic, personal status) and “white proximity”—A means to move ahead and attain success by aligning oneself with selective elements of white supremacy that may contribute to achieving your goals. This is further enhanced if you can appear and behave as one of the dominant group. Fears of minorities becoming a majority and thus a group with power contribute to the feeling that something must be implemented to prevent this. Minorities that align with white ideals are positioning themselves with the dominant group rather than usurping it.
  • Conservatism, Tradition, and Authoritarianism—Culture and tradition are important to most ethnic groups; building on fear of loss of that culture and tradition is compounded when socio-economic times are unstable. Authoritarianism is usually embedded in the framework of this model for those who need to feel connected and tethered to a stabilizing force that is viewed as reliable. Common threads of grievance connect individuals across different socio-economic groups who are experiencing the same struggles and difficulties to personal and familial success.
  • Notions of “purity”—The idea that human beings can be quantified by levels of “purity” within a specific ethnic group; that you must protect future generations from loss of status (via racial purity) or loss of culture (cultural blending) due to intermarriage and cultural mixing. This concept resonates with individuals who put an emphasis on this as the core of their identity.
  • Conspiracy Theories and Revised/Pseudo Histories—Conspiracy theories that switch roles of populations by revising history with fictitious changes or providing an alternative fantasy; an In vs. Out mindset dictates the group must defend against usurpers. This lends legitimacy and social status to those who feel these have been denied. It requires selective reasoning in the face of inconsistencies and contradictions.
  • Mental Health—Mental health issues in conjunction with supremacist ideology or aligned with concepts of purity/contamination/or threat of being usurped. Mental illness is not a stand-alone reason for their acts of violence. Underlying unresolved issues of belonging and identity confused or conflated with white supremacy as an outlet for their anger through hateful symbols, utterances, and actions.

1.3. And What Do White Supremacist Groups Get out of Minority Membership?

An opposite but equally important element to consider when analyzing why minorities would choose to align themselves with supremacist organizations is the following: How could such an organization reconcile having members who represent what they stand against? Analysis of the phenomenon must also consider what white supremacist groups get out of having minorities among its membership and the equally contradictory situation.
Suspending the vitriol for the sake of common goals must certainly be among the motivations. In addition, a primary goal for supremacist groups is fundraising in addition to expanding membership. It helps to have diversity even if fundamentally against it, to demonstrate shared goals and a willingness to come together to achieve those goals; the “legitimacy” of your plan is demonstrated when the other group shares them, even to the point of willingness to commit crime or violence on behalf of the organization or its values (Burt et al., 2013). Inclusion of non-white members, furthermore, lends itself to the illusion that the group is not racist per se, but rather, inclusive in shared goals and values that support separatism as a legitimate solution (Clarke, 2021).
Played out to a logical end, once goals are achieved, one might surmise that groups would cut ties with those who served their purpose when they are no longer needed. We may never know because the divide of supremacist ideologies seems to be a chronic human condition over the course of history. As long as one group perceives itself as wrongly denied its power and privilege, to which they feel entitled to for no other reason than they begrudge others from sharing that power, hate and elitist/supremacy-minded groups will continue to flourish.

2. Methodology

The analysis of the selected cases presented will consider a limited use of anthropological cross-cultural comparison in historical contexts where they shared a common issue, such as the rise of eugenics and its implementation in various ways among different countries and cultures. The intent of cross-cultural comparison is not to define one culture or people and its solutions, behaviors, problems, etc., as “better”, “worse”, or “inferior or superior” to one another—but to understand what underpinned the choices made. Interpersonal and intrapersonal dynamics provide context but also allow for individual agency.
Other social theories such as the contact theory, and ethnic identity as a process of negotiation for a changing social construct as outlined by Stuart Hall’s work (Omi & Winant, 2014) to help explain why minorities would align with supremacist ideals.
For this reason, the analyses of the examples provided in this article will seek common threads as well as differences in the perception of it, and the choices ultimately influenced from the context of cultural and historical experiences of each group.

2.1. Qualitative vs. Quantitative

A qualitative approach in conjunction with a cross-cultural comparison was selected as relevant to the interpretive process of this article in terms of how each group adapted via shared grievances to each other amidst biases. An interpretive approach rooted in historical contexts is presented, plus current realities guided by issues of legitimacy, power, racism, and other emotion-packed experiences can help identify common issues that contribute to marginalized populations developing favorable views toward white supremacy or Nazi ideology.
Conversely, Allport’s “contact theory” (Allport, 1979) can provide possibilities for a different trajectory of alliances in this article’s analysis. Rather than demonstrating how proximity and exposure to diversity can bring out the humanity we recognize in each other to debunk stereotypes for newfound tolerance as Allport posited, this article examines the shared grievances and perceptions that seem to create tolerance of supremacist ideology as well. This article hypothesizes that shared grievances and historical experiences of scientific racism created a predisposition for and a profound effect on some people of color who have chosen to align with supremacist views.
Cultural changes over the last 50–60 years have made the political environment so vastly different that previously unimagined alliances are formed that would not otherwise have developed. Coupled with these theories are perennial issues of power and domination that have particularly attached to rogue contemporary political ideologies that seek to deny the voices of the unempowered and the most vulnerable. The politics of racial identity and categorization are affected. Rather than holding on to static categories, “race” and ethnicity are very much fluid processes under negotiation, which are sometimes used to escape one’s perceived limitations by redefining them (Omi & Winant, 2014; Pankaj, 2018).
Due to limits on data collection systems currently in place it would require significant funding, research time, and changes in processes to produce. This article should NOT be viewed as the “definitive answer”, but rather a wake-up call in a political and social environment that has become much more contentious and unstable in the United States over the past two decades than has been seen for over 150 years.

2.2. Selection Criteria and Data

There is currently no national database or research project that compiles specific demographic information on the number and ethnic backgrounds of minorities who join or subscribe to white nationalist or supremacist organizations, who advocate violence, or who act upon that ideology in a criminal manner. White supremacist violence qualifies as a domestic terrorist activity, but the focus in law enforcement at the state and federal level for its record keeping is not on individuals’ ethnicity within those organizations (typically presumed in line with “whiteness”) but on their organization, sources of funding, terrorist plans and networking, and on intercepting or preventing attacks (ADL, 2023b). State and federal law enforcement agencies note demographic information in broad categories for annual reports on violence: firearms used, other weaponry (sharp or blunt instruments), numbers of physical assaults, homicides, etc. In these categories, victims’ ethnicities and that of the offender(s), sex, and age are included. They do not, however, particularly note the non-white status of members who belong to white supremacist groups responsible for the violence nor is there a demographic/ethnicity-based data set kept on those who subscribe to the ideology but who have not committed crimes.
Therefore, the selection process and criteria used focuses on those incidents and commentaries that have risen to national attention via news coverage and social media. These selections highlight the ethnicity of perpetrators involved in criminal activity linked to supremacist ideology. In addition to acts of violence, public comments made in interviews or on social media by high-profile individuals who command a wide audience of interest (politicians, entertainers, and others who influence public opinion) were also selected for examination. These individuals feel unconstrained by “political correctness” to self-censor based in part on the political and power shifts and public sentiments within the United States. Thus, these individuals and their public statements contribute insights among individuals of color. News coverage and social media posts suggest at least growing tolerance of supremacist ideology among segments of the population that include minorities.

2.3. Defining Terms

2.3.1. People of Color/Minorities

For purposes of clarity, a definition of terms is necessary to avoid misapplication or misunderstanding of concepts discussed in this article. The phrase “people of color” has been challenged as a catch-all phrase that some feel locates all non-Caucasian groups in an “othering” category, inadvertently making “Caucasian” a default for the norm. Meanwhile others have argued that the phrase functions as a point of unity for ethnic groups and minorities who have been targeted and marginalized because they are in a non-Caucasian category. In this article, the phrase is intended to relate to ethnic, cultural, and other historically or currently marginalized groups who have been delegitimized as not acceptable for a Caucasian label or its entitlements.

2.3.2. Nazi Ideology

Nazi ideology referred to in this article is based upon the Nationalist Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP), which was founded in 1920 (Eatwell, 1997). The NSDAP evolved from the 1919 German Workers Party (DAP), which espoused antisemitic views entangled with conspiracy theories and harbored very nationalistic goals that were not only anti-communist but anti-democratic as well. Adolph Hitler became a member of the DAP in 1919, which had a direct bearing on its continued evolution into the NSDAP, a group that actively sought power in Germany’s political arena from 1920 into the 1930s and finally achieved the power it sought in 1933 (Caplan, 2019). Their strategies included use of propaganda designed to appeal to the common worker at a grassroots level and utilizing Hitler’s oratory skills to spearhead it with success. Germany’s working class viewed themselves as victims of an ineffectual government largely responsible for their economic distress and Adolph Hitler became its leader with cult-like status.
In summary, the “Nazi” party and its ideology discussed in this article is specifically referencing the basic concepts born of the NSDAP that include racism (the supremacy of Caucasians as the embodiment of the superior “race” (in Hitler’s regime this translated specifically to the “Aryan” race, though not exclusively in current view for this article) and Caucasians are the only group recognized as “legitimate”). They hold antisemitic sentiments and a belief in racial purity based upon pseudo sciences and biological fiction (also known as scientific racism) that human beings who are people of color/minorities represent different “species” or “races”, all of which are inherently inferior to the Caucasian race in character, intelligence, and physical abilities. Furthermore, worldview and political orientation promote nationalistic superiority and exclusivity with its an anti-communist and anti-democratic stance.

3. Linking Past to Present: Sentiments That Linger

This section is aimed at providing a brief history of stereotypes and pseudoscientific justifications, such as racial purity, which influenced development of laws and policy that defined who was legitimate and who was not to be considered full members of society. These sentiments were part of a far-reaching eugenics program in the 19th–20th centuries across the globe as countries embraced the concept that a superior human being could be achieved through selective progenitive measures. It also created standards based upon racial and cultural biases for whom to exclude or place in a hierarchy of value. While the eugenics movement diminished over time, residual sentiments continue to contribute to the attitudes of legitimacy.

A Brief Historical Background

A brief historical overview of notions of purity and legitimacy regarding people of color is necessary to fully appreciate the social evolution that made it possible for people of minority status to adopt supremacist ideology today. We cannot begin to understand how such a phenomenon can have developed among those who have been historically victimized by the very ideology they now embrace, until we understand how levels of acceptability and a slow insidious transition made it possible. While much of this historical backdrop is over 100 years in the making dating to the late 19th and early 20th centuries eugenics argument, it is relevant because proponents erroneously claim science supports their views. It also paves the way for normalizing these sentiments over a long period of time and is reflected in studies of the perception vs. the reality of different ethnicities’ involvement in non-fatal but violent crimes (Beck, 2021).
Discrimination influences the lived experiences of people of color and any socially nonconformant individuals labeled as “Other”. Most of us would deny harboring biases that rise to the level of inhumane, immoral, or unethical treatment of others. Yet, individuals who depend upon stereotypes and personal biases ranging from slight to extreme nevertheless feel justified in judging others and treating them according to their assessed “value”. This is not exclusive to the Caucasian population but can be found among people of color themselves who have adopted some of the same standards of judgment toward their own.
Fairness is reserved for the legitimate among us. The United States has been labeled a “melting pot” of immigrants and multivariant individuals since its inception yet a percentage of society routinely employs litmus tests to determine the legitimacy of others. These may be consciously or unconsciously applied (Davenport & Steggerda, 1929).
Social sentiment shifts depending upon historical circumstances of the moment, despite a philosophical cannon incorporated into the foundation of the United States’ Declaration of Independence that “all men are created equal”. From the 19th and early 20th centuries in the United States for example, Irish immigrants were derided as “monkeys” or “white chimpanzees”; (Beddoe, 1885; Gair, 1934; Grigg, 2012; Nast, 1871) by other Caucasian groups, and Mediterranean-based populations including Italians, Spanish, Portuguese, and Greeks, for example, necessitated more categories and hierarchal tiers of whiteness and “race”. These populations were deemed not fully Caucasian and thus, were not as legitimate or in some cases considered completely human. Entire populations were frequently referred to as separate species in news, popular culture, and imagery (Rosenberg, 1930; Davenport & Steggerda, 1929; Hooten, 1931/1946; Ripley, 1899; Templeton, 2016).
Thomas Huxley, a 19th century British anthropologist, rejected the idea of a generalized category of human beings labeled as Caucasian. Instead, he posited gradations of purity reflected in phenotypical characteristics (physical stature, skin complexion, hair and eye color, etc.) that equated into degrees of “whiteness” calling the whitest (by his definition and terminology) Xanthochroi. Others who were darker though technically white, again, by Huxley’s definition, were gradations below the perceived purity of the Xanthochroi and were labeled the Melanochroi (Huxley, 1863, 1894/1947).
Huxley did not earn a formal degree after attending university in which he pursued a bachelor’s degree in medicine. While at Charing Cross Hospital Medical school in England, he did well in biological studies; however, he dropped out before completing his exams. Later in life he was awarded honorary doctorates from several prestigious universities based upon his work in the fields of biology and anthropology and was a self-proclaimed advocate of Charles Darwin’s evolutionary theory, although he conflated socially created inequalities with scientific adaptations. Even so, Huxley’s theories were regarded as significant academic achievements in his time based upon public sentiment and acceptance of his views then and he was considered a progressive thinker.
While it is fair to say that 19th century scholars should not be judged by 21st century standards, it is also fair to point out that controversy surrounds Huxley in contemporary times (Matzke, 2021). Some consider his stance on race to be equally unscientific, just in a different way. The Western Washington University (WWU) Board of Directors, for example, recently assessed whether changing the name of the school’s “Huxley College of the Environment” to distance itself from Huxley was prudent—while acknowledging the more positive contributions on race and culture that he made. Some felt that Huxley’s overall reputation and “unscientific” approach in some ways influences today’s students’ perception such that the school might suffer. (Matzke, 2021). A Legacy Review Task Force (LRTF) was created composed of scholars who were tasked to investigate the scope of Huxley’s stance on eugenics and to provide the Board of Directors with further information (Ballew et al., 2021). Ultimately, WWU did change the name to College of the Environment because they could not reconcile some of Huxley’s views on eugenics and evolution that could be construed as anti-inclusive of the university’s mission (Matzke, 2021).
Giuseppe Sergi, an early 20th century Italian anthropologist and contemporary of Huxley, adopted an anti-Nordic stance that had become popular and rejected the notion that human beings from Nordic regions were inherently superior to all others (Sergi, 1901). Rather, Sergi favored the idea that Mediterranean-based populations provided the origins of classical human achievement, the benchmark of what gave rise to western civilization in its glory. In his view, therefore, Mediterranean groups were the superior population. Sergi earned a doctorate in anthropology after attending the University of Messina in Italy, and was also educated in subjects including criminology, psychology, and philosophy. His focus, like so many others during this era was eugenics, race, and the theory of racial degeneration. Sergi challenged notions that certain races were prone to inferior fitness both cognitively and physically, and that some were predisposed to decline before others (Sergi, 1901). While his views were not supportive of what eventually became a Nazi party ideology of Aryan or “Nordic” superiority, he did embrace privileging select populations and cultures and the concept of eugenics, though applied differently.
The influence that Huxley, Sergi, and other like-minded individuals had on human studies in western society at the turn of the 19th to the 20th century cannot be overstated. Some anthropologists, biologists, medical professionals, social scientists, and outright charlatans clamored to promote notions of racial purity and provide pseudo sciences and theories to explain the socio-economic differences between ethnic groups and to capitalize upon them. Eugenics metamorphosed into a goal to aspire to controlled human reproduction to gain genetically desired attributes and superiority for future generations.
A number of, though not all, physical/biological anthropologists of the early 20th century interested in eugenics programs became involved in and helped to promote white supremacist ideals directly or indirectly. These individuals supported theories that claimed it was biological science, not personal bias, that decided inequality and that the pursuit of Caucasian purity was a worthy goal. Going a step further, Cesare Lombroso, a late 19th-early 20th century social scientist added that there was inherent inferiority and criminality in some populations that resulted in offspring with the wrong parentage (Lombroso, 1876/2006).
The Nazi party was quick to adopt these theories and promote the notion of superhuman beings originating from the “Aryan race”. They employed any academic or medical professionals willing to commit to such research. Nearly every country around the globe in the 1920s and 1930s delved into a eugenics program within their resources to pursue. Besides the United States and Germany these included the following: most of Europe, Great Britain, Canada, the South and Central America, Australia, Japan, and China. A few hold outs that prevented eugenics from becoming state ideology were the following: the Soviet Union, Spain, Portugal, Poland (a Polish Eugenics Society existed, but did not exert state level influence), and the Catholic cantons of Switzerland (Chaulin, 2020).
As late as the 1940s onward, China’s policies reflected the influence of eugenics concepts (Cohen et al., 2016; Slotkin, 1965). China regulated the number of births per household not only to control population growth in China and regulate resources with which most people are familiar, but also to provide a better so-called quality of human being. The concept was based upon the idea that limited fertilization led to healthier, more productive, and capable offspring (Jia et al., 2021). Legitimacy linked to government definition and the idea that carefully regulated childbirth resulted in “better”, more productive members of society has long roots in Chinese culture.
Furthermore, the law prescribed sterilization for anyone who had a family history of genetically linked disabilities. Children born outside of these legal parameters, known as the heihaizi, were not afforded the same citizenship and rights as those who were “legal”, and parents often faced legal and financial sanctions as well for these births. As a result, non-status children became social outcasts and were institutionally and publicly discriminated against, which was considered justified (B. Li & Zhang, 2017; Gordon, 2017).
In this way, discrimination was normalized and accepted. The heihaizi were denied access to common livelihood opportunities: most employment positions, medical treatment, and education, which has been a crucial goal in Chinese culture for centuries. The heihaizi were essentially denied the means to thrive in society such that their families were their only source of security and resources. Most families did not have the means to take care of their adult children and, in fact, normally relied upon the opposite circumstances to rely on children to attend to their needs in elderly years. Perhaps the only relief available in the situation was families that were rural and had farms that could produce their own resources. Urban families and those who did not have alternate resources were significantly impacted economically.
The Nazi regime, once achieving the power they long sought in 1933, took the most extreme measures in positioning eugenics as a cornerstone of a new ideology (Caplan, 2019). History informs us that the justification for eradication of masses of “undesirable” human beings was based upon this ideology. Depictions of certain groups as beast-like and given to animal impulses that included criminality had grown. Minorities and “Others” were the most vulnerable segment of society. People of color who exhibited more phenotypically recognizable attributes, such as African American, Asian, Middle Eastern, Hispanic/Latino, and Indigenous Native Americans (North and South America) for example, have all borne the brunt of imposed and negative classifications and racial profiling. Forced sterilization was promoted in 1920s USA for those who suffered from mental or cognitive problems as a way to eliminate it from recurring generationally (Cohen et al., 2016).
Mythologies that embrace the concept of racial purity persist today. Caucasian ancestry was and continues to be upheld as the standard by a significant percentage of the population who promote it as what is best for the country.

4. Case Examples

The following is a selection of high-profile individuals of color who by their acts of violence, advocacy of violence, or uncensored public comments self-proclaiming agreement with Nazi or supremacist ideology are used as indicators of social change and receptivity to supremacist views.
Cases were selected from among ethnicities represented as newsworthy on a national level or high-profile public figures who appeared in news for their violent acts, public comments, and/or behaviors declaring themselves in some way affiliated with white supremacist ideology.

4.1. Kanye West—Singer Entertainer (African American)

Kanye West has been in the entertainment industry producing and performing music since the late 1990s and was originally an associate of another successful African American musician, Jay-Z (ADL, 2022). West has been a solo music artist rapper for over 20 years and by all accounts has achieved billionaire status and popularity. However, in the last four years his popularity, finances, and entertainment contracts have been jeopardized by his very public stance on Nazi-related conspiracy theories and ideology (Morrow, 2022).
Beginning in 2018 with a visit to the White House under the first Trump administration, West alluded to controversial views on racism and that he had been diagnosed with bipolar disorder, which he then denied and amended per an alleged doctor’s comments that he was only suffering from sleep deprivation. He considered the 13th Amendment that abolished slavery in post-Civil War of 1865 nothing more than a “trap” that he wanted to see abolished itself (Seifu et al., 2018). In explaining the “trap” comment, West later said that the 13th Amendment should be revised rather than abolished due to the caveat within it that made involuntary servitude and unpaid labor in prisons a punishment that could particularly befall African Americans. Abuses in the prison system attributed to the 13th Amendment loopholes have been noted throughout the early 20th century and used to justify disproportionate incarcerations over minor offenses of black people that benefited prison labor projects. However, those loopholes were all effectively ended by the 1930s, thus, it appears that West was ignorant of the legal system having already addressed the change to prevention of ongoing abuse and its historical contexts. Many other destructive and arbitrary abuses of the legal system were and continue to be issues highlighting racial disparities as to who receives the most severe sentences comparatively for the same infractions, not only against African Americans but also other ethnic groups. West did not address those.
In 2022, West’s antisemitic comments had acquired momentum and garnered much negative attention leading to his loss of the Adidas partnership and 1.5 billion in revenue. In an interview on the Alex Jones show, InfoWars, in 2022 West declared that he believed Adolph Hitler had some “good things” about him and that the Holocaust was a hoax. Strangely, he also said, “I love Jewish people”, but simultaneously said he loved Nazis as well. The incongruity was not explained. Perhaps even more damning, West was quoted in the Jones interview as saying that 400 years of slavery in the United States “sounds like a choice”, implying that the black population was complicit in its own oppression. The backlash was swift and unrelenting. Prominent black activist and professor at University of Arkansas responded to West’s antisemitic comments and said it was important to speak out against such harmful rhetoric because black music is a fundamental influence on a social level in society. Batist’s research and work centers around the empowering influences of black music in politics and believes West’s views cannot be viewed as simply freedom of speech—it has become hateful with potential to negatively impact those who look to West as an inspiration (Batist, 2022).
Since then, West has continued to make provocative remarks deemed antisemitic on a number of social media platforms. Forbes has since removed West from the billionaire list as West’s net value has plummeted in the aftermath of his comments due to lost contracts and advertisements (Srinivasan, 2023; ADL, 2022). Most recently, West released a song titled, “Heil Hitler”, on several streaming platforms including Spotify and promoted a T-shirt on Shopify portraying a swastika as part of his Yeezy fashion line, marketed during the Super Bowl in February of 2025. Spotify has since removed the song, Shopify has removed the t-shirt, and West’s talent agency, Creative Artists Agency, has dropped him as a client. Several more companies with clothing/marketing projects in progress have since withdrawn their association with West as well.
According to statements that West himself has made publicly, he subscribes to conspiracy theories that promote antisemitic stereotypes of Jewish businessmen as wielding unchecked power in the United States responsible for “modern-day slavery” that extends to an all-out attempt at world domination (Cohen et al., 2016). This trope claims there is a cabal of wealthy men, mainly Jewish, who essentially wield the power from behind-the-scenes, though there is no basis of so-called evidence that survives serious vetting and fact-checking that support this belief.
But West’s extreme comments and behaviors are not limited to Jewish and antisemitic views. In 2020 West dismissed the murder of George Floyd by the convicted police officer, Derek Chauvin, a miscarriage of justice because in West’s view, Floyd did not die of asphyxiation but of fentanyl overdose. This contributes to the stereotype of the black out-of-control suspect high on drugs that had to be contained and unfortunately died of his addiction and overdose while under arrest. This misrepresentation persists even though two autopsies and assessments by medical examiners and other experts have summarily debunked the notion and stated that Floyd died of asphyxiation due to pressure on his neck and inability to breathe (Czopek, 2025).
Furthermore, West has been associated with other high-profile supremacist or white nationalist leaders. Nick Fuentes, a podcaster and leader of a white Christian nationalist group known as America First Foundation, who is also Hispanic, is known for his virulent antisemitic views. Also in West’s orbit is Louis Farrakhan, an African American leader of the Nation of Islam that promotes the view of black supremacy and has been classified by the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Anti-Defamation League as a hate group. On the surface, both organizations are opposites of each other: one promotes the superiority of white, Christian Americans and the other of black Americans as superior to whites. How does this reconcile with West’s stance on supremacist ideology in general, and for West as a black man espousing Nazi ideology?
It seems baffling to consider how in this political, religious, and social tangle of contradictions that a once successful entertainer who is also African American can find comfort and feel allegiance to both.

Analysis: Kanye West

Kanye West’s ideologies of Nazi leanings suggest a thread, however tenuous, that West and others sharing his world view may cling to: (1) A learned mistrust of Jewish individuals as having influences cloaked in secrecy that are destructive to the general public but pose a specific threat to the African American community. (2) A core belief that West subscribes to is the false narrative that the Jewish people, or whom society identifies as Jewish, are in fact imposters. In this false narrative, several conspiracy theories promote the belief that the true Jewish people and tribe from Israel were the black population. This black population was then usurped by others who deceptively took their place as the modern Jewish population, and for that reason have been dehumanized as tools of the Devil meant to mislead the world and cause its destruction. The Nation of Islam also credits the Jews with being central to the enslavement of African people and complicit in attempted genocide (Brackman, 1994). There is a level of entitlement and disconnect in these views such as the notion of a “true” race that has supremacy over others and makes this a parallel belief system something that can align with selective Nazi ideology.
The narrative has essentially been flipped and cherry-picked for elements of purity, pride in a true “mother” race, i.e., black Jews, and rightful status denied. These are prevalent conspiracy theories attempting to pit African Americans against Jews. Blacks who contribute to the stereotype of criminality and drug abusers such as George Floyd, are undermining their own and are not afforded the empathy or consideration—and are in fact held “accountable”—by those who struggle for their proper place. The idea of “white proximity” seems to be on the edge of this belief system in that while black individuals like West may feel they are truly God’s chosen, see themselves as real Jews, and, by caveat, are more closely aligned with and deserving of “white privilege”.

4.2. Nick Fuentes—Leader of America First Foundation (Hispanic)

Nick Fuentes is the leader of an extreme white nationalist non-profit organization that also claims to be Christian based, called the America First Foundation. The objective of the organization is to promote authoritarian far-right conservative goals aimed at reshaping the United States into a Christian nation, by their definition. They believe that the difficulties facing Americans today are a direct result of liberal ideas and values that promote an ideology contrary to God’s plan, such as observing rights for LGBTQ+, feminisms, diversity/multiculturalism, and promoting inclusion of immigrant populations. The organization believes there is a liberal plan towards replacement of white Americans with immigrant populations that are easily manipulated and that further degrade Christian values in America and white rights.
Fuentes is himself Hispanic, his father is half Mexican and immigrated to the United States, but very little about him beyond this is public knowledge (Contreras & Galvan, 2022). Nick Fuentes was an 18-year-old Boston University student when he attended the now infamous Unite the Right white supremacist rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in August of 2017 and found it inspiring. The rally led to the death of a peaceful counter protester, Heather Heyer, when white supremacist and neo-Nazi James Alex Fields Jr. drove his car into a crowd of counter protesters running over Heyer and sending 35 people to the hospital with injuries, at least five of them critically (Duggan & Jouvenal, 2019).
He has advocated violence and death to anyone who would stand in the way of the goals of the America First organization and their plans for a reshaped America. Two days before the 6 January insurrection, Fuentes alluded to the possibility of needing to kill state lawmakers who dared to stand in the way, stating on a live stream of his speech, “Republicans just screwed us every day for two months straight, and we have no recourse. Why? Because we have no leverage. What are we going to do to them? What can you and I do to a state legislator besides kill them?” (Gais, 2021). Fuentes dismisses the label of white supremacist and has stated that the label is nothing more than an “anti-white slur” (ADL, 2023c).
On a personal level, Fuentes has stated that he was proudly an “incel male”—a phrase commonly used to describe young males who are involuntarily celibate due to their own social awkwardness and issues with establishing intimate relationships (Downen, 2023). Fuentes provides a confusing and at times incoherent narrative about his heterosexuality, declaring that sex with women was “gay” and that being asexual was the only appropriate way for a heterosexual male to conduct himself. He also waffled on his celibate status as involuntary but also said that it was voluntary.
Nick Fuentes is now 27 years old. His advocacy for violence as a means to secure the goals of the America First Foundation against those who would stand against it remains unchanged. His anti-immigrant stance remains firm and most recently he has added to the Foundation’s goals and doubled down on the objective of criminalizing mixed or interracial marriages. Fuentes addressed the reality of his own father and mother’s interracial marriage and his father’s immigrant status by saying that he would not compromise in his ideology and its principles even if it meant criminalizing his own parents (ADL, 2022, 2023c). In a 2022 Timcast IRL podcast by Tim Pool, Fuentes, Kanye West, and Milo Yiannopoulos (British extreme right commentator) were discussing the dinner they had with Donald Trump when West walked off after being confronted about his antisemitic views that Jews control the media. Fuentes and Yiannopoulos eventually left also, but not before Fuentes had been confronted about his own stance on immigrants and interracial couples given his own background. Fuentes justified his statements by essentially declaring that his own skin was white, that his ideology and belief systems were based upon a “white” god, and therefore there was no conflict in him having these views (Madarang, 2022).

Analysis: Nick Fuentes

In the case of Nick Fuentes who has risen to prominence as a leader and promoter of Christian white supremacist ideals, he has in the past alluded to his lack of intimate relationships and need for extreme Christian frameworks. Racist tropes highlight a paranoid perspective that “Others” who exist outside of Christian and white privilege spaces are not trustworthy and, in fact, strive to replace the white population (and Christianity) and take control of America. This Replacement Theory is another that strives to justify the concept that undeserving minorities are attempting to replace and supplant the population that deserves white privilege. Fuentes turns away from his Hispanic heritage and justifies it based upon his beliefs rooted in a white God, white value system, and that his own skin is white. He resigns himself that his father is half Mexican but prefers to not acknowledge it as a meaningful aspect of his identity.

4.3. Enrique Tarrio—Leader of the Proud Boys (Hispanic/African)

Enrique Tarrio self-identifies as an Afro-Cuban American and was born in Miami, Florida, where he grew up in a neighborhood known as Little Havana (Steinhauer et al., 2021). Both of Tarrio’s parents were Cuban immigrants; his father, also named Enrique, came to the United States with in the 1960s (Ceballos, 2025). Enrique Jr. was raised in the Catholic faith, and he characterizes his family as conservative. Tarrio was also the director of the grassroots version (rather than the campaign-led organization) of Latinos for Trump. The Proud Boys, besides their support of Donald Trump’s campaign for the presidency, were also violently opposed to Black Lives Matter and perceived ANTIFA movements, insisting they were an organized group rather than individuals with common anti-fascist views. Tarrio’s Proud Boys frequently engaged these groups and individuals with violence whenever they encountered one another at protest marches (Equis Research, 2025; King, 2025; Sidner, 2020).
Tarrio has claimed he is not racist, antisemitic, fascist, or a white supremacist (Burgos, 2020). And yet, the Proud Boys have been defined as a neo-fascist, white supremacist group. Many of the Proud Boys members are proudly antisemitic and embrace the ideology the groups stands for: expressing hatred of immigrants, Muslims, and Islam, they refute women’s rights, LGBTQ rights, and actively engage in violence against these and other groups. They are known for their core of white supremacist ideology.
Tarrio’s break into illegality seems to have begun in earnest when he and others were caught in 2012 and found guilty of re-selling stolen medical merchandise for which he received a sentence in federal prison of 30 months. He ultimately served a little over half of his sentence (16 months) as he was given leniency for becoming an informant and working with law enforcement, leading to the arrest of more cases involving theft and human and drug trafficking.
Most widely known as the leader of the Proud Boys from 2018 to 2021, Tarrio was credited for being an architect of the 6 January violence, although he was personally not present at the riot and takeover of the Capitol building. For the 6 January riot, Tarrio was convicted of seditious conspiracy and given 22 years in 2023, the longest sentence handed down from the 6 January prosecutions (Ceballos, 2025). However, Tarrio received a pardon from newly elected President Trump along with 1500+ others convicted in the 6 January attack. In 2024 Tarrio returned home to Miami.
Tarrio is no longer the leader of the Proud Boys. In 2021 his alliance with law enforcement as an informant between 2012 and 2014 was made public, even though Tarrio has denied this was true. It has caused Tarrio to be a subject of suspicion among his former comrades and his place in leadership roles has diminished. He made a brief visit to the Capitol building in February 2025 where he was accused of assaulting a protester by knocking her phone from her hands when she attempted to take a picture or film him, but the charges were dropped and the prosecutors decided there was not enough evidence to pursue and assault charge (Burgos, 2020).

Analysis: Enrique Tarrio

Enrique Tarrio has denied subscribing to an ideology of white supremacy, fascism, and racial prejudices, but this irrationally denies his obvious commitment to an organization known specifically for all of those elements. Not only a member, but Tarrio was also its leader for approximately three years until legal problems and information circulated that he was at one time an informant for law enforcement. This left him in a position of losing trust and credibility and forced him to step back.
A common thread that can be pointed to is that Tarrio clung to conservatism as a value with which he was raised. Conservatism and a need for structure and authoritarianism are often bundled into a mindset that takes a more tolerant view of fascism or supremacist ideals. Tarrio appears to have used these underpinnings from his childhood rearing to justify his associations with the Proud Boys and other organizations that promote propaganda for a return to “traditional” values. In essence, the traditional values as promoted by organizations like the Proud Boys is often more about white privilege and power and maintaining that privilege. His motivations suggest seeing other groups as threats to “traditional” stability that made it palatable to be a part of an organization fighting to “defend” conservative tradition. His Hispanic identity was not an obstacle for him to move up in the ranks of the organization, which was satisfied with his leadership and the “positive” optics as a diverse member with common values that he represented for them.

4.4. NC Gov. Candidate: Mark Robinson—Self-Proclaimed “Black Nazi” (African)

In 2024 North Carolina’s Republican candidate for governor was Mark Robinson. Robinson is African American and at that time served at the Lt. Gov. of North Carolina (Sherman, 2024). He was often in the news for making controversial and provocative statements publicly that were anti-abortion—blaming a woman for having had sex that resulted in a pregnancy (no discussion of circumstances) and essentially declared that women should be held responsible (no mention of male partner’s responsibility) and the child ultimately serving as a penalty of sorts for the woman has to deal with. Robinson was outspoken about his anti-LGBTQ stance and declared homosexuals and transgendered people “filth”. He denied the Holocaust and dismissed it as “hogwash”. Finally, Robinson openly advocated extreme violence against these groups stating that “some folks need killing” (Pitts, 2024; Sherman, 2024).
An avid gun rights champion, he ran for lieutenant governor in 2019 and won serving from 2021 to 2025. He spoke out against critical race theory, a favored political punching bag issue for the political far right. Critical race theory is an academic concept that postulates that race and racism has been consciously and unconsciously interwoven into the foundations of the American legal system, as well as influencing social and political institutions.
Critical race theory is also nothing new. Debates about its use as a tool to study American social structures and work towards correcting imbalances in policies and laws has been discussed among groups advocating for change for over 40 years now. It is primarily a conceptual debate reserved for upper-level college study, but the tenants of understanding how racism has affected different populations in an historical context can be said to be a part of historical education for children in the K-12 system. One cannot separate out the historical context and consequences of social failings as taught in schools because history forms the basis upon which critical race theory is founded.
Discussion of CRT has been explained by its proponents as an effort to move towards awareness of these influences and correcting race-related consequences in society today. CRT opponents maintain that CRT is intended as a divisive tool designed to make the Caucasian population feel inherited guilt for the past and to privilege minority groups.
Essentially, the American K-12 educational system would have to deny, avoid, or revise history to present a more positive view of the past, glazing over events and outcomes that are deemed “divisive” and thus create a misleading view to completely disengage from CRT.
A scandal was born via initial reports released by CNN that Robinson had declared himself a “black Nazi” on a message board of a pornography site 10 years prior to the election. Initially Robinson maintained these were part of a political effort to harm his campaign. When asked directly if he believed in Nazi ideology, Robinson denied that he did but did not explain his prior antisemitic remarks including derogatory slurs aimed at Jewish individuals or his quoting Hitler on subjects of racial pride. Josh Stein won the gubernatorial race for NC in the 2024 election.
In the aftermath, Robinson attempted to sue CNN for defamation over their reporting of his past actions and quotes. Eventually he dropped the lawsuit in early 2025 and retired from politics (Sardonia, 2025).

Analysis: Mark Robinson

Mark Robinson espoused antisemitic views, labeled himself a “black Nazi” and chose to position himself against CRT (critical race theory) even though African Americans are held up as a prime example of how CRT informs on the socio-economic inequality that still plagues black families. This stance may have been prompted in part by its popularity as an issue among the conservative right wing of his political party during his gubernatorial campaign.
Robinson’s misogynistic comments also created backlash when he declared women as the only responsible party for unwanted pregnancies because of their own weakness and poor choices and advocated a total ban on abortion with no exceptions. He changed his position allowing for several weeks grace period for the procedure when it became clear that constituents did not favor a total ban. Robinson’s conservative views overlap with white nationalist ideology of “traditional conservativism” and made it more palatable to him. Again, very conservative and authoritarian leanings made acceptance of supremacist ideology acceptable. Robinson’s political ambition coupled with “traditional values” both appear to have made him receptive to embracing supremacist ideals to the point of announcing on a porn site he was in favor of slavery and that it should be reinstated (Kaczynski & Steck, 2024). Legitimacy and white privilege fit well as common threads for “white proximity”. Robinson distanced himself from his own ethnic background and showed favor for what was arguably a white racist view embracing institutional and cultural practices that victimized African American people.

4.5. Maricio Garcia—Mass Shooter—Allen, Texas (Hispanic)

Maricio Martinez Garcia was a 33-year-old Hispanic neo-Nazi who used an AR-15 style rifle to carry out a mall shooting at the Premium Outlet mall in Allen, Texas, on 6 May 2023. Garcia killed a police officer that attempted to stop him plus seven more people visiting the mall that day. He wounded another seven before police shot and killed him. Most of the information about Garcia’s views and desire to perpetrate a mass shooting were gleaned from his diaries that were uploaded to a Russian social media site (ADL, 2023a, 2023b).
Garcia had been an active follower of neo-Nazi ideology for a significant amount of time. Tattoos of Nazi symbolism such as a swastika and the lightning bolts of the Nazi paramilitary SS were on his body as early as 2008 when he was discharged after only three months from the U.S. Army for an “uncharacterized” discharge: a polite way of saying undetermined mental health issues (AP, 2023b). The letters RWDS were tattooed on his chest at the time of his death, standing for the phrase “Right Wing Death Squad”, as well as the Deus Vult—the Crusader cross that stood for anti-Muslim sentiment commonly found among white supremacist group members. He was known to express hatred of Middle Eastern and Asian Americans, frequently referring to them using racial slurs. He admitted at one point that he was ashamed of being Hispanic and referred to another Hispanic as a “refried piece of shit”. He later stated he had come to terms with being Hispanic.
Garcia also qualified as an “incel” based upon evidence that suggests he was a loner who had difficulties relating to women and expressed numerous misogynistic views that grew increasingly violent over time. He read Andrew Anglin posts on the Nazi website, The Daily Stormer, and supported Anglin’s views that women were not really human beings and that they “deserved to be beaten and raped” (AP, 2023b). Research revealed that Garcia had frequently posted on antisemitic and anti-immigrant websites as well.
An overview of Garcia’s murder victims at the Premium Outlet Mall show that he did not target his victims randomly. Three killed were from a Korean family, three were Hispanic, and one was an Indian immigrant. One Caucasian was the security guard who attempted to stop him (AP, 2023a).

Analysis: Marico Garcia

Marico Garcia was a very troubled individual who suffered from mental health issues in addition to his advocacy and support for white supremacist and Nazi ideology. He expressed self-hatred over his minority status and his actions show an individual willingness to be extreme in his need to overcome or compensate for his Hispanic heritage that he saw as a point of shame. He attempted to overcome his ethnicity by cloaking himself in Nazi symbols and repeating supremacist rhetoric. He was misogynistic, showed contempt and bitterness toward women, an admitted “incel” who suffered feelings of social alienation. He was unsuccessful in finding a suitable relationship with a woman and resented women for it—the definition of an incel. His actions and views suggest his adoption of Nazi ideology was designed to provide him an outlet for pent up rage at society in general and at being in a minority without power. His victims were targeted individuals of color, demonstrating that he felt they deserved his rage.

4.6. Jeffrey Weise—Neo-Nazi School Shooter (Native American)

Sixteen-year-old Jeffrey Weise was a member of the Red Lake band of Chippewa, located in the unincorporated town of Red Lake, Minnesota. On 21 March 2005, Weise got up on a school morning and shot and killed his grandfather, Daryl Lussier Sr., who was a police officer, and his grandfather’s partner, Michelle Sigana, in their home. He then took his grandfather’s Glock pistol and a shotgun and proceeded to drive to the Red Lake Senior High School in his grandfather’s police car, ramming it through the school’s double door entrance (CBS, 2005; Enger, 2015). His shooting spree ended with nine victims killed: his family members, a teacher and a security guard, and five students. He injured another five before he killed himself after being cornered by police in a classroom, bringing the total dead to 10.
Background research indicates that Weise was a self-proclaimed neo-Nazi and gave himself the nickname of “Native Nazi” and “Angel of Death”. He was fixated on school and mass shootings, typically dressed in long dark overcoats imitating the Columbine shooters and openly expressed admiration for Adolf Hitler. Weise was also known to be taking medication for depression: Zoloft and Prozac. He had threatened to commit suicide on more than one occasion.
His childhood was troubled—Jeffrey was born in Minneapolis and was raised there until his father, Daryl Lussier Jr, died by suicide in a standoff with Red Lake police in 1997. Accounts suggest that his grandfather was present at the incident. Jeffrey was living with his mother in Minneapolis when it occurred. His mother was later critically injured in an automobile accident in 1999 that left her severely disabled and in need of 24/7 care (Newsweek Staff, 2010). Unable to take care of a minor and needing care herself, Jeffrey was removed from the home and sent to the Red Lake Indian Reservation to his grandfather’s home. While this was officially where he was supposed to be residing, there are accounts that question where he actually stayed from one week to the next, suggesting a troubled home life with his grandfather as well.
Accounts also suggest that Jeffrey was alienated and sometimes teased for his odd behavior and appearance. He was called a Goth for dressing all in black and sometimes gelled his hair into spiked horns (Haga et al., 2005). He frequently posted comments on racist websites indicating a contempt for interracial couples and criticized his Native peers for listening to rap music because it was not of their own culture. Jeffrey himself was of mixed heritage and he admitted that he also had German, French Canadian, and Irish ancestry in a moment of weakness. It left his self-righteousness about racial purity at odds with his own reality but he excused it by also stating that it was rare for most Native Americans to be full bloods anymore.
In the aftermath of the shootings a fellow student, Louis Jourdain, was charged with conspiracy to commit murder because he exchanged several email messages with Weise discussing plans for the school shooting (Robertson et al., 2006). Eventually, the conspiracy charge was dropped amidst the argument that Weise had emailed several others besides Jourdain who responded at first but lost interest and dropped off, not taking Weise seriously. Jourdain continued to respond on email but did not participate in Weise’s plans. He later stated that he did not take Weise seriously either and that he never thought Weise would actually go through with it. Jourdain’s charge was reduced to sending threatening interstate messages to which he pled guilty. Because he was also a minor the court proceedings and ultimate sentence given were not publicized, only that Jourdain could spend up to one year in rehabilitation and then released on probation until he turned 21 (AP, 2006). It is unknown how long Jourdain actually spent in the rehabilitation facility, leaving some in the public upset at the court’s withholding the information from the general public. His family, however, feel justice was served because they describe Louis as a fundamentally “good kid” who did not deserve to be caught up in Weise’s violent fantasy come true.

Analysis: Jeffrey Weise

Jeffrey Weise was another troubled individual, but his Native American status also fed into his notions of racial purity. Native Americans uniquely held to a notion, made a legal reality, of blood and purity that other populations in the United States are not. Historically, government structure left tribes with an inherently false notion of human value based upon degrees of blood quantum and proximity to “pure blood” status. Unfortunately, this system was implemented by the U.S. government as a method for legally counting who was or was not “legitimately” a member of a tribal nation.
The standard cut off was one quarter blood quantum. Anything less meant you were no longer considered Native American or due recognition as a legitimate member. This served multiple functions—U.S. government obligations per treaty for medical and educational resources to tribes are based upon population; this is slowly eliminated as membership declines due to the blood quantum standard. Before the reservation period, Native Americans did not measure blood as a means of membership or familial association. Secondly, the blood quantum standard functions as a form of institutional racism and promotes tribal members to marry within their own population, not intermarry outsiders for the “dilution” of their Native blood and in case their children’s status for membership is compromised.
Today, tribes can choose for themselves how much blood quantum they require for membership, or they can do away with it altogether. A handful have changed their requirements as the ramifications become a reality.
Wiese was so preoccupied by the purity of his identity and culture he castigated his peers for listening to rap music (not of their own culture) and classmates later stated he listened to it, and other music, himself with headphones in secret (Gunderson, 2005).
Weise underwent a number of personal traumas that left him without family stability. His removal from an urban life to a rural one in the Red Lake Reservation added to his alienation. There is no question that Weise suffered from mental health issues, but these were also caught up in notions of racial purity and this became an outlet for his rage at his own alienation among his own peers.

4.7. Asian Americans, Conservatism and White Supremacy

In lieu of a specific modern case or high-profile individual to discuss in alignment with white supremacist and Nazi organizations, this overview is made based upon growing numbers of Asians who have joined anti-affirmative action groups and shown support for other organizations who follow white supremacist ideology and are anti-affirmative action and anti-DEI. Japan also has a historical past with a fascist political party that had aligned itself with the Nazi party, called Tohokai. It was founded in 1936 by Seigo Nakano (Spang & Wippich, 2006). Seigo attempted to meet with Mussolini and Hitler in support of their goals and to collaborate, particularly against the Chinese population in Germany, but his movement was short-lived. He was found to be a “traitor” against Japanese Prime Minister, Hideki Tojo. In 1943 under political and cultural pressure, Seigo Nakano was persuaded to die by suicide for an honorable death. The Tohokai fascist party faded away shortly thereafter but speaks to that segment of the Japanese population that found common ground with fascist ideals and the Nazi party (Byas, 1939).
Growing numbers of Asian Americans (including Eastern and Western Asian populations) who consider themselves part of a conservative class have been showing support for organizations that promote an anti-affirmative action position. Some Asian conservatives are also more willing to work with white conservatives who advocate violence as part of their platform. This is because of a perceived common cause that there exists a collective bias and suppression in the United States against Asian communities (P. Li, 2023).
Higher education has been an important part of the culture and value system among many Asian families. But the view has grown that institutions of higher education in the United States, particularly among the most prestigious, have created obstacles using affirmative action policies and quotas that unfairly penalize Asian students.
Asian conservatives see this as a form of reverse racism and that Asian applicants are more likely to be denied acceptance because they are seen as an “overrepresented” minority group in higher education (P. Li, 2023). Applying to college has been described as an exercise in “anxiety” because they have come to expect rejection for being too prepared compared to other minorities and that being Asian is the deal breaker. This perspective has been encouraged by white supremacist groups who reinforce the anger that undeserving minorities are edging out more capable and deserving students including Asians and white applicants, based upon unfair quotas.

Analysis: Asian Conservatives

Asian Conservatives have begun to join forces with white supremacist groups for a common cause. Unfortunately, this approach fails to consider the impetus for having begun affirmative action in the first place. Without it, white applicants enjoyed “white privilege” at its best for generations, having better access to more resources and all the iterations of advantage that come with belonging to the dominant population. This successfully shut out nearly all minorities who suffered racial and social prejudices in addition to not having had the advantages and resources that were available to those with “white privilege”.
Each ethnic group faces their own circumstances and challenges that can make access to opportunities difficult to navigate. It is an oversimplification to declare that if Asian Americans can prepare their children for higher education and to do better in school it is an open pathway for all minorities to follow if they want to improve their competitiveness. This viewpoint fails to understand that circumstances and contexts facing different populations present obstacles that are not shared among minorities equally. The “Just Say No” anti-drug campaign of the 1980s is an illustration of an oversimplified approach to drugs and crime among youth that did not address the multifaceted issues underlying the problems.
Besides the issue with affirmative action policies, Asian communities have been used by supremacist groups to pit minorities against each other. African Americans, Native Americans, Hispanics, and other vulnerable minority groups who are left behind in socio-economic matters are “proof” that they are undeserving in comparison to the Asian population who have a higher percentage of socio-economic successes per capita. This reinforces the belief that affirmative action unfairly props up the undeserving, that privileged whiteness is warranted considering their historical achievements, and that the closer a population positions itself within a “white privilege” zone of success, the more deserving they are. The conservative branch of the Asian population has been particularly susceptible to this argument, which has expanded to include strategies for capitalist success. Asian values are, therefore, superficially promoted as more in line with the white nationalist movement to entice more Asian participation, and it appears to be gaining ground.
Bound by cultural history and tradition, conservatism is seen as a part of following traditional ways and securing a future for one’s family. However, some have come to view progressive ideas, such as affirmative action, as a reverse racism policy that has unfairly harmed their options for success, namely in education. Purity of culture is also a concept that has been highjacked by the white supremacist ideology. The ideology promotes the idea that cultures and tradition must be protected and will die or be diluted when outsiders are allowed change or if the continuation of racial pride among one’s own people is compromised.

5. Conclusions

For each of the ethnic groups represented by the Case Examples presented here, common threads suggest motivations for aligning with white supremacist groups or embracing a Nazi-leaning ideology. Cross-culturally, all groups represented have a history wherein concepts of race and legitimacy were embedded through the largely national embrace of a pseudoscientific concept of eugenics and scientific racism. This has created a persistent acceptance among a segment of the population in the United States that some individuals are inherently inferior and/or stand in the way of the success of others. To distance oneself from the inferior group is necessary to move ahead. Accepting and acting on supremacist ideology by working together (at least temporarily) will garner a better society if one can carve out a position of “white proximity”. A common enemy and common grievances have taken the place of shared humanity as one group (the minority) strives for legitimacy and redefines who they are in positioning themselves with a dominant group. This is achieved through the following various ways:
  • Racial purity based upon racist and political definitions that become accepted as quantifiable and scientific “truth” of one’s biology.
  • Native Americans are a prime example of governmental adoption of a racist premise that blood quantum can define a human being scientifically and accurately. Unfortunately, the victimized population embraces the bias of the imposed premise and even turns it on others within their own population.
  • Legitimacy—“white proximity”—through fictive redesign of history and redefining one’s ethnicity as a cultural/negotiated process. Conspiracy theories and fictitious redefined history make a shift in identity possible and justify an attitude that dismisses the suffering of those who do not accept the same premise within the group and signals to the dominant group that you are legitimately one of them.
  • In vs. Out group mentality; preserving tradition and entitlement against change; and contact theory find common ground in shared grievances rather than coming to appreciate diversity and differences. This helps to create new alliances and identity based upon a common “enemy”. Policies that embrace multiculturalism and affirmative action are made to be the cause of inequality. Asian groups who have historical experiences that deny legitimacy to those who are not defined as legitimate through government decree and inequality is normalized and presented as justifiable are predisposed to accepting rhetoric that espouses similar views.
  • Power—ultimately, in socio-economic, political/governance and class/status—is at the foundation of strategic alliances. As the United States grapples with shifts in attitude and no consensus currently exists as to what can be defined as truth and fact across all platforms, emotion justifies choices.
The Cases presented here demonstrate selective ways in which the individuals reconcile belonging to or acting as an agent of white supremacist ideologies when they have historically been a part of the populations that have been its victims.
The ability to overcome the contradiction and incongruity of joining the side of the abuser appears to lie in finding connection with them that appeals emotionally to a sense of power, empowerment, acceptance, and legitimacy and to some degree, self-hate or rejection of one’s ethnic status. The contradiction may be offset by feelings of victimhood being replaced as they become active agents instead of targets. Furthermore, examples suggest these individuals employ a certain amount of denial or dismissiveness of the contractions in favor of the common grievances they share, which they deem as more important. In some cases, mental illness played a role but was in concert with an existing unresolved and dangerous need to vent rage at their unempowered status.
This article was an attempt to find the common threads that unify different ethnic groups in a comparative analysis. Historically, some groups are more in line with accepting identity as defined by the larger group (racial purity, who is legitimate in society), while others see banding together with a former oppressor in order to right more important wrong(s) in today’s world as necessary (affirmative action, access to opportunity). Some have been historically primed to accept biased definitions that an authoritarian group offers. Finally, some seek to overcome what they feel internally as the “deficit” of their own ethnicity. They are willing to deny it or embrace fictive conspiracy theories or revised histories that put them in a role they prefer.
White supremacist groups have been successful in exploiting minority groups with propaganda that pits one group against another (protect your culture/traditions from outsiders who will take over or dilute it), a return to “separate but equal” is in everyone’s best interest, and so forth, a welcoming stance even to minority members that makes the supremacist organizations look reasonable.
A campaign to counter the propaganda of divisiveness among the ethnic groups themselves would seem to be a place to start, pulling it back from shared grievances. Finding alternative common ground that has more positive outcomes for everyone on how one achieves empowerment would be another. Hopefully, this article will aid towards finding alternative ways to address issues among minorities and people of color under the current tide of instability and division in the United States.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

Not applicable.

Informed Consent Statement

Not applicable.

Data Availability Statement

The original contributions presented in this study are included in the article.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declare no conflict of interest.

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Moses, S.K. Minorities Who Advocate White Supremacist and Nazi Ideology in the United States. Humans 2025, 5, 28. https://doi.org/10.3390/humans5040028

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Moses SK. Minorities Who Advocate White Supremacist and Nazi Ideology in the United States. Humans. 2025; 5(4):28. https://doi.org/10.3390/humans5040028

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Moses, Sharon K. 2025. "Minorities Who Advocate White Supremacist and Nazi Ideology in the United States" Humans 5, no. 4: 28. https://doi.org/10.3390/humans5040028

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Moses, S. K. (2025). Minorities Who Advocate White Supremacist and Nazi Ideology in the United States. Humans, 5(4), 28. https://doi.org/10.3390/humans5040028

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