Economic Factors Contributing to Social Isolation Among Immigrant Older Adults in the Greater Toronto Area: A Qualitative Interpretive Description

Abstract

Background: In Canada, 30 percent of the older adult population is foreign-born. Immigrant older adults are more likely to experience significant social isolation due to a variety of factors. However, limited research exists on the influence of specific factors. The objective of this study is to understand the economic factors that contribute to social isolation among older immigrants in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), Canada. Methods: A qualitative interpretive description method was used. Following research ethics boards’ approval, semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with a total of 47 Arabic, Mandarin, and Punjabi-speaking older immigrants in the GTA. The interviews were conducted in their preferred language, audio-recorded, and translated (when needed) into English and transcribed. Thematic analysis of the data was informed by an ecosystemic framework. Results: Six themes were identified: (1) barriers to finding employment; (2) living a “hand-to-mouth life” due to limited income/pension; (3) housing costs that eliminate choices and options; (4) costs (and availability) of transportation as a barrier to getting around; (5) lack of “essential” healthcare coverage; and (6) costs of community programs that prevent “getting out of the house.” These economic factors at micro, meso, and macro levels of society intersected to create desperate situations that contributed to social isolation among older immigrants in the GTA. Conclusions/Implications: Addressing these economic factors is critical to immigrant older adults’ aging in place. Service providers must advocate for accessible physical and financial resources and services including affordable housing and transportation, old age security, and comprehensive healthcare coverage for older immigrants. Future research should focus on economic challenges faced by older adults across other immigrant communities in the GTA as well as in other cities, provinces, and territories.

1. Background

Canada has a long and rich history of immigration, with newcomers playing a pivotal role in building and sustaining its economy. Between 2016 and 2021, immigrants accounted for four-fifths of the labor force growth [1] and constitute virtually all population growth in Canada [2]. Immigrants fill critical gaps in the workplace, especially in the industries that face labor shortages, such as healthcare and technology. Through their participation in the labor market and as consumers, immigrants contribute to Canada’s tax base, which in turn, supports public services, such as education and infrastructure [3]. Immigrants also provide much needed diverse perspectives in skills and knowledge to enhance creativity and productivity in the workplace and the economy in Canada [4], ensuring its presence and competitiveness within the global market [5]. The positive economic impact of immigrants is substantial, stretching well beyond the paid labor force. The economic consumer spending and demand created by immigrants of all ages stimulates economic activity and economic growth [6]. Older immigrants very often contribute to the wellbeing of extended families by participating in multigenerational households, providing childcare and unpaid domestic labor [7] freeing younger household members to enhance their labor market activity thus extending the economic productivity of the family to the economy [7]. Multigenerational households are also increasingly utilized by immigrants as an economic survival strategy to manage issues, such as high housing costs [8] (pp. 8–10).

Many immigrants, however, continue to encounter barriers in the labor market and the economic system more broadly that prevent them from achieving comparable economic and social statuses and related advantages as their Canadian-born counterparts [1,9]. These inequities significantly affect the health and wellbeing of immigrants and their families who as of the 2021 Census formed 23% of the population in Canada [10], and more than 46% in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) [11]. A number of factors influence immigrants’ economic outcomes in Canada including age at time of immigration. For example, younger immigrants tend to have better long-term labor market outcomes in Canada compared to their older immigrant counterparts [9,10]. Racialized immigrants arriving at an older age face significant barriers to integration into the Canadian labor market due to ageism and racism in the workplace [9,12]. As such, they often experience low-income and insufficient pensions to manage their retirement years [9]. A significant education-occupation mismatch exists for both recent and established immigrants in comparison to their Canadian-born counterparts [13]. For example, in 2021, the number of recent immigrants who were overeducated for their current positions was almost double that of young Canadian-born workers [13]. Although immigration policies favor the selection of immigrants who are highly skilled and educated [1], once in Canada, they face significant levels of economic exclusion and unsatisfactory economic outcomes. Literature demonstrates that devaluation of foreign credentials and limited English/French fluency proficiency act as barriers to integrate into the labor market in Canada [14,15,16].

Older immigrants face additional challenges to securing an adequate income. A significant proportion of immigrant older adults arrive in Canada as family-class immigrants, joining a family already in Canada [9]. They may not have the same qualifications for and/or intentions of joining the labor market as their younger counterparts arriving in Canada, and as such, are more likely to financially rely on their family [9], who may be struggling financially themselves. Arriving in Canada at a later stage in life means that they are not able to build an adequate pension. About 30% of immigrant older adults and half of the more recently arrived older adults face chronic low-income rates [17]. Low incomes and resulting economic vulnerabilities have been linked to social isolation [18,19]. Social isolation refers to the limited quantity and quality of contact with others [20]. It is a risk factor for short and long-term health problems, decrease in quality of life, and early mortality among older adults [21,22].

These inequities experienced by older immigrants are compounded by other social determinants of health and overlapping social identities, all of which, in turn, increase their economic vulnerability and sense of connectedness. Economic factors are operationalized as variables connected directly with financial earnings and costs individuals and families face, which determine economic wellbeing. Social factors, such as immigration status, racialized status, and linguistic variables take on direct economic dimensions, becoming economic factors when they systematically operate in the economy to negatively influence earnings creating forces of economic exclusion. Previous literature has identified that older immigrants, particularly those who belong to racialized groups or have arrived in Canada at a later age, are disproportionally impacted by the labor market, limited pension credits, and chronic low income [9,12,13,17]. Economic insecurity among older immigrants not only limits access to basic resources but also restricts their ability to take part in social activities, ultimately increasing their vulnerability to social isolation. Although previous studies have reported low-income and economic exclusion to be associated with poor health outcomes [18,19,20,21,22], limited research is available that focuses on how these economic factors intersect to shape social isolation among older immigrants in Canada.

2. Purpose

This paper presents the economic barriers Arabic-, Mandarin-, and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults face in the GTA and how these shape their social isolation and identifies some reform pathways. This work is part of the Inclusive Communities for Older Immigrants (ICOI) study that focuses on understanding and addressing the demographic, social, economic, and geo-spatial factors that contribute to or create situations of social isolation among Arabic, Mandarin, and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults in Canada with the aim of co-designing interventions to improve their social connectedness.

3. Theoretical Framework

The study was informed by an ecosystemic framework [23,24]. Ecosystemic frameworks are helpful in clarifying how individuals are situated within and are influenced by micro-, meso-, and macro-systems. In particular, ecosystemic frameworks help to understand how individual lives and decisions are shaped by dynamic interplay of multi-level factors [24]. Applying an ecosystemic framework to this study helped us to explore how individual/micro-level factors, such as age, racialized status, ethnicity, gender, immigration status, and socioeconomic conditions intersect with and are reinforced by factors at different levels of society to create experiences of economic exclusion, which in turn results in situations of social isolation for Arabic-, Mandarin-, and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults.

4. Method

The overarching method used in this study is qualitative interpretive description. It allows exploration of a phenomenon of interest with the aim to articulate a meaningful account of the phenomenon [25]. In particular, it helps to generate an interpretive account on the basis of primary data along with reflective examination of what is/could be [25] to inform health, social, and settlement services and policy change. Furthermore, this method can help understand patterns related to individuals’ varied experiences of social or human phenomenon [25]. The philosophical underpinning of qualitative interpretive description is that in the world of human experience, there are multiple socially constructed realities. Although each person’s experience is unique and situated in their individual contexts, patterns can be identified across these differences [25].

Individuals were eligible to participate if they: (1) were 60 years or older; (2) were born outside of Canada; (3) self-identified as belonging to the Arabic, Mandarin- or Punjabi-speaking community; and (4) were able to provide informed consent. These three language groups were selected because they are among the largest immigrant populations across Canada. According to Statistics Canada, over half a million people in Canada speak Punjabi (520,390) or Mandarin (530,945) as their predominant language, and approximately 285,915 people speak Arabic [26].

Following institutional Research Ethics Boards’ approval (2021-545-1), data were collected between March and December 2022. Participants were recruited using a range of active and passive recruitment strategies, including referral through community connections; research assistants contacting potential participants during community events, such as, fairs and religious gatherings; and posting flyers at various community agencies or businesses (such as, grocery stores) serving the immigrant communities of focus. However, a significant portion of the study participants were recruited through community organizations.

Potential participants were offered three options to take part in the study: in-person, by telephone or via Zoom. All recruitment materials were translated into Arabic, English, French, Mandarin, and Punjabi. The translation process was carried out by bilingual research assistants (RAs). The translations were reviewed by a second RA and a co-investigator or a community partner who is fluent in the particular language, for clarity, meaning, and accuracy of cultural nuances. During data collection, all participants were given the option to complete the interviews in their preferred language (Arabic, English, French, Mandarin, or Punjabi). This approach helped inclusion of immigrant older adults who could not have participated in the study had we done interviews only in English.

All eligible individuals were informed that their participation was completely voluntary, and that they could skip any interview questions, stop participating in the study, or withdraw from the study within two weeks of their participation. After providing informed consent, participants completed a brief demographic questionnaire that captured data on age, gender, citizenship status, number of years in Canada, etc. Next, they took part in a semi-structured individual interview, which was conducted at a date and time, based on each participant’s preference. The interview guide was developed based on the current academic literature on economic factors and social isolation. Interviews were approximately 45 min to one hour in length and facilitated by RAs fluent in the participants’ preferred language. With consent, interviews were audio-recorded. Each participant received $40 in acknowledgement of their time in participating in the study.

Audio-recordings of interviews conducted in Arabic, Mandarin, Punjabi, and French were translated into English, and transcribed alongside those conducted in English. All names and other potentially identifying information were removed during transcription, and only de-identified data were kept for data analysis and dissemination. The interview transcriptions were labeled systematically to ensure consistency in facilitating data analysis. Each label indicated multiple components that reflected key demographic information.

Transcriptions were coded using the Nvivo-14 software, and subjected to thematic analysis [27], which included the following steps. A preliminary codebook was developed by the co-investigators using an iterative process that involved reading and re-reading through the transcripts, becoming familiar with the data, and discussing emerging codes. Once the preliminary codebook was developed, two to three RAs independently applied the codes to a subset of transcripts. They then met with the co-investigators to discuss the new codes and coding discrepancies, and to refine code definitions. The finalized codebook was subsequently applied across all transcripts, followed by development of themes. For example, throughout data analysis, several codes such as “credential recognition,” and “extensive previous job experience” were grouped under the broader category “discrimination.” As more transcripts were reviewed by the research team, this category was further refined to create the overarching theme “Barriers to finding employment.” which described a range of barriers participants’ faced when seeking employment opportunities in Toronto. Analytically, we followed Interpretive Description: (i) initial open coding to capture instances of economic constraints; (ii) iterative constant-comparison within and across language groups to cluster codes into categories; (iii) development of practice-oriented themes through matrixing (theme × level) and analytic memoing focused on consequences for social participation; (iv) return-to-data checks to look for negative/variant cases; and (v) refinement of an explanatory account that links economic factors to isolation across micro–meso–macro levels.

Rigor: To mitigate potential bias, the following strategies were employed. Regular meetings with the RAs and the co-investigators were held during the data collection and analysis to discuss any emerging issues and concerns, and to ensure the data collection is conducted in a consistent manner across the language groups. These meetings also provided opportunities for the research team and the RAs to critically reflect on own assumptions and positionalities to minimize their influence on data collection, analysis, and interpretation. A team-based approach was used for coding as well, with two to three RAs independently coding transcripts and resolving discrepancies through consensus meetings with the broader team. Also, the codebook was developed iteratively through collaborative discussions, ensuring that codes and themes were grounded in the data rather than preconceived notions. Discussions were held regarding the application of the ecosystemic framework and how different levels of factors intersect and influence immigrant older adults’ social isolation. An audit trail was also maintained to document coding decisions, codebook revisions, and analytical reflections, enhancing transparency and rigor in the analytic process. To further enhance rigor, we have provided excerpts from interviews alongside key demographic characteristics of individual study participants. Two analysts double-coded 10% of transcripts, met to resolve discrepancies by consensus, and refined the codebook before single-coding the remainder with spot checks. Given Interpretive Description’s focus on description and interpretation, we used consensus adjudication, instead of computing κ statistics, which can misrepresent negotiated agreement in reflexive qualitative designs.

Study sample: A total of 47 older immigrants who live in the GTA participated. Of these, 15 were Arabic, 15 were Mandarin, and 17 were Punjabi-speaking. Thirty participants were women and 17 were men. A majority of the participants possessed higher education: 18 had a bachelor’s degree, seven had a master’s degree, six had completed a diploma, four had completed secondary school, five had some secondary school, four participants completed primary school, and three participants had other forms of education. In terms of participants’ immigration status, 31 were Canadian citizens, 15 were permanent residents, and 1 was an immigrant. A total of 28 participants were fully retired, 11 were partially retired, and eight were still working. Thirty-two participants were married, 10 were widowed, four were divorced, and one participant identified as being single. The participant characteristics are listed in

Table 1. Participant Characteristics Table.

Characteristic	Number of Participants
Languages	Arabic: 15 Mandarin: 15 Punjabi: 17
Gender	Women: 30 Men: 17
Education	Bachelor’s: 18 Master’s: 7 Diploma: 6 Secondary School: 4 Some Secondary: 5 Primary: 4 Other: 3
Immigration Status	Canadian Citizens: 31 Permanent Residents: 15 Immigrant: 1
Retirement Status	Fully Retired: 28 Partially Retired: 11 Still Working: 8
Marital Status	Married: 32 Widowed: 10 Divorced: 4 Single: 1

.

5. Results

Six key themes were generated: (1) barriers to finding employment; (2) living a “hand-to-mouth life” due to limited pension; (3) housing costs that eliminate “choices and options;” (4) costs (and availability) of transportation as a barrier to getting around; (5) lack of “essential” healthcare coverage that affect social wellbeing; and (6) costs of community programs that prevent “getting out of the house.”

These themes are outlined next with excerpts from study participant interviews. The participant identifiers are listed (alongside the excerpts) in the following order: language group, participant #, gender, age, length of stay in Canada, immigration status, marital status, retirement status, and education level. For example, a sample identifier P4W6222CDCO means: Punjabi-speaking, participant # 4, woman, 62 years old, 22 years in Canada, citizen, divorced, completely retired, and other education level. (Appendix A lists the full set of participant identifiers). The interaction pathway for each theme is described in

Table 2. Interaction Pathway.

Theme	Interaction Pathway
Barriers to finding employment	Macro-level discrimination and credential recognition barriers reduce access to employment opportunities, which results in (micro-level) financial strain which in turn limits social networks (meso-level).
Living a “hand-to-mouth life” due to limited pension	Macro-level pension exclusions in Canada intersect with meso-level cultural expectations (such as gift giving), resulting in micro-level financial burdens and social withdrawal.
Housing costs that eliminate “choices and options”	On a macro-level, the lack of affordable housing limits where older adults can live, which limits meso-level opportunities for engagement in religious/cultural community events, resulting in experiences of social isolation at the micro-level.
Cost (and availability) of transportation as a barrier to getting around	Macro-level transportation accessibility problems reduce older immigrant access to cultural and religious activities (at the meso-level), which is creating situations of social isolation among immigrant older adults.
Lack of “essential” healthcare coverage that affect social wellbeing	Macro-level gaps in essential healthcare coverage intersect with other macro-level factors such as barriers to employment and limited pensions to exacerbate the (micro lived) health problems, such as mobility and chronic pain, to prevent older immigrants’ social engagement (at the micro-level).
Cost of community programs that prevent “getting out of the house”	Macro-level funding and eligibility policies result in high program costs, which limit access to language classes and other social activities (at the meso-level), which result in (micro-level) experiences of social isolation among older immigrants.

.

5.1. Barriers to Finding Employment

One of the most prominent themes arising from our interviews relates to the macro-level barriers that many respondents faced in accessing meaningful employment within the Canadian labor market. Unlike the Canadian-born older adults who may be contemplating or preparing for retirement, older immigrants often seek to maintain or begin paid employment for financial security and social integration purposes. However, our study participants faced many barriers to securing employment. They perceived that many micro, meso, and macro-level barriers intersected to reduce or prevent them from finding employment at the level of their education, skills, and experience.

When I applied for a job, one lady there told me candidly that, I will not be getting that job because at that company, they do not hire South Asian people.

(P5W6128CMPB)

I worked for 30 years [in my country] in the field of engineering and before that I studied for 17 years. I would like to have benefited from that. Even if my language isn’t good, someone could have helped me, in the least way possible [to find a job] even if it’s with less money, fewer hours, even just 3 or 4 h a day. They [the employer] would benefit and I would benefit. It’s a shame.

(A2M6609CMPM)

You were good at many things in the past, and you come here and you have to start from zero. It wasn’t easy. In light of the absence of friends that supported you, you find yourself on your own.… I’m not used to hard labor, but I worked… but after a year, I couldn’t… I came here at a late age. My language is French, I was learning English so that I could work in my field, but I couldn’t do physical work because I was old. This is why I couldn’t connect deeply [with others] in society.

(M9W6608CMPB)

The above excerpts highlight macro-level structural barriers including racism, and the employer failure to recognize education, skills, and prior experiences within the Canadian labor market. These factors intersect with meso-level factors, such as the lack of social capital, and micro-level factors, such as physical capabilities, health problems, and limited English language proficiency, to restrict older immigrants’ access to suitable employment. The respondents’ experiences describe not only individual level challenges, but also systematic barriers that result in economic exclusion for older immigrants that have long-term ramifications, such as reduced opportunity to build Canadian pension credits and financial security.

Participants identified that these economic insecurities prevented them from going out with friends and others. For example, a majority of the Arabic speaking participants shared that there is a cultural norm of bringing gifts for the host family, which is impossible to do when they had no money left:

I got invited to two weddings, but I did not attend because I have no money left to spend on a gift.

(A8W6108CMCB)

As a result, they avoided social outings, such as birthday parties and weddings. Others noted that they could not meet friends regularly due to not being able to afford to buy a cup of tea or coffee. These accounts underscore how financial insecurity prevented older immigrants in the GTA from participating in social activities, resulting in their social isolation.

5.2. Living a “Hand-to-Mouth Life” Due to Limited Pension

Financial security following retirement was a key theme that demonstrated how structural and systemic barriers intersect to create unique experiences of economic disadvantage among older immigrants. In particular, limited pension is a major factor that created economic insecurity for immigrant older adults. Immigrants must reside in Canada for a minimum of 10 years before they qualify for the Old Age Security (OAS) pension and the Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS) major sources of income security. Moreover, the Canada Pension Plan (CCP) is an employer-employee contributor plan that is based on years of contributions (40 being the maximum) and levels of contributions (which is determined by incomes; lower incomes resulting in smaller pensions) [28]. Overall, this means that many older immigrants are highly disadvantaged at retirement due to pension ineligibility and/or pensions that are significantly discounted in value because of low incomes and reduced years spent in the Canadian labor force.

Participants who had held employment and were entitled to a pension reported that their pensions were not sufficient to cover their basic monthly expenses including their rent. This is evident in the following excerpts:

I get $900 in pension, which is not at all enough to cover my expenses (…) How can one survive in $900, one must pay rent too. After paying half [of the pension for rent], and phone bill, barely any money is left for other expenses.

(P6W6333CDCO)

In the current pension amount, most of us are living hand to mouth life… We barely have enough money to feed ourselves after paying necessary expenses. We are not able to live a decent life.

(P7W6012CMNM)

The Participants noted that the limited income/pension meant that they had to prioritize their expenses, which for most participants meant “cutting down” the social aspects of their life (as can be seen in the following excerpt):

I’d like to purchase better clothes for myself and my daughter so that we can both present ourselves more elegantly… I refrain from participating in certain outings due to the lack of money to buy specific clothes required for those events.

(A14W6107PMPS1)

For older immigrants, pensions constitute an extremely important element in financial survival. Many participants noted that an increase in retirement pensions would help cover their basic monthly expenses that are not covered by their current pension amount. Overall, this theme reflects macro-level inequities that are rooted in Canada’s pension and social insurance plans, which ultimately disproportionately affect older immigrants. These structural challenges intersect with meso-level societal expectations associated with different cultural groups (e.g., the tradition of gift giving when visiting friends/family) and produce micro-level pressures of financial burden and social isolation in older immigrants’ life.

5.3. Housing Costs That Eliminate Choices and Options

Housing costs emerged as a central theme which describes a critical source of financial vulnerability among older immigrants, with high costs restricting their autonomy in their everyday choices. One third of the study participants reported on the financial strain they experienced related to housing/rental costs. Some participants stated that they were compelled to share their living space, even though some of the living arrangements made them uncomfortable due to a range of reasons. For example, a female Arab Muslim participant reported the following that highlights the precarious situation she is in:

A man and a woman share my apartment. This arrangement makes me uncomfortable as I have to wear a Hijab even when sleeping (…) but I have to pay rent so I have no choice.

(A11W7207PWCO)

This example underscores individual/micro-level factors, such as gender, religion, immigrant status, and financial status intersect to shape experiences of vulnerability and constraint. Several participants reported spending the majority of their income or pension on rent, leaving insufficient funds for other necessities such as food, and as a result, having to rely on food banks. Participants noted that due to inflation, the costs of groceries and everyday items are increasing considerably, while they are receiving the same salary or pension. As a result, they were slowly drowning in debt. Many could not afford to buy other items needed for their homes or replace a broken household item, such as a broken chair.

Participants requested government support to manage the housing situation of older immigrants in Canada, either in the form of subsidized rent or through the provision of accessible housing:

We ask from the government and organizations… If there’s an ability to help us, we would be grateful. Especially when it comes to housing. Houses that can be distributed by the government. If we got a house, that would be a blessing.

(A4M7707CMPP)

The most important thing is the house. If only they were able to help older immigrants with housing. Similar to the older people in Holland and Germany and Sweden. All these governments give them houses. Here we don’t have that. We have to figure it out…

(A5W6707CMCP)

Interviews revealed that most participants lacked funds for basic living needs. As a result, they were unable to go out to meet others or to invite others to their homes. Relying on food banks meant that they did not have a choice about the food they could eat or serve a friend coming to their homes. This theme also reflects how macro-level barriers such as lack of affordable housing limit the study participants’ autonomy and overall wellbeing (at the individual/micro-level). These structural constraints intersect with meso-level factors, such as religious norms that restrict social participation which are experienced at the individual/micro-level through financial strain, and reduced agency in their day-to-day life. All of these contributed to the study participants experiencing social isolation.

5.4. Cost (and Availability) of Transportation as a Barrier to Getting Around

Participants noted that costs of transportation played a critical role in hindering their social engagement. They reported that a lack of affordable transportation prevented them from seeing their friends and family members and building new social connections. The cost of public transit also prevented them from participating in social programs and activities in their cultural communities and/or at local community centers. One participant compared the cost of public transport in Canada, to that of their home country in the following manner:

In China, older adults travel everywhere. I think if the [Canadian] government can achieve that, seniors in Canada can visit various places as well. Currently, I have to reduce many nonessential travels because I have to be careful about my expenses”

(M7W6808IMCB)

Participants emphasized that more affordable transportation options as an important strategy that governments should implement to reduce financial burden and enhance social engagement among older immigrants.

Beyond the cost of public transit, participants reported on the unreliability of public transit, often forcing them to seek out more expensive alternatives. A participant provided an example to highlight their experience of using the city bus:

It’s difficult using the buses, honestly. I wait for hours and hours for it to arrive, I’ll have walked for so long and taken a nap at the stop and the bus still wouldn’t have arrived. I waste most of my day just waiting for buses.

(12W6507CWPE)

Participants noted their frustrations also with Wheel-Trans, a paratransit system for persons with physical disabilities in the GTA, in particular, with the delays in Wheel-Trans’ arrivals that affected their ability to get to formal social supports and services. As reported by one participant:

Sometimes [Wheel-Trans] pick you up on time, sometimes they do not show up at all, sometimes they are late… Sometimes they are very late and if I call, they say, it is on its way and by the time it shows up, it’s useless to go because the appointment time has passed.

(P4W8026CWCB)

As a result of these transportation challenges, some participants expressed the desire to have a personal vehicle, as this could eliminate many of the challenges they faced when using public or Wheel Trans; however, as can be seen from the next excerpts, many could not afford to own a car and those who owned one could not afford to use it regularly:

Well, if I use the car, then I’m using gas, and it’s expensive, so I don’t use the car often.

(A15M6004CMNB)

In Toronto, I must pay $400–500 for insurance, and $100 for gas

(A9M6708CMCS)

There’s a big difference between waiting all day for a bus and getting a car in five minutes and dropping you off wherever you want. Using Uber is too much, I pay too much money when I use it and that I can’t afford.

(A12W6507CWPE)

Several participants stated that being able to have a personal vehicle plays a key role in facilitating social connections; however, related costs were beyond affordable for most study participants who struggle to afford even public transit costs. In short, this theme reflects the intersecting barriers on the micro-, meso-, and macro-level in transportation accessibility and infrastructure that limit older immigrants’ autonomy. In particular, meso-level factors such as lack of affordable (and reliable) local transit programs for older adults intersect with meso-level factors including difficulty accessing cultural programs or attending religious gatherings. These challenges are experienced at the micro-level through feelings of frustration, stress, and social isolation.

5.5. Lack of ‘Essential’ Healthcare Coverage That Affect Social Wellbeing

Costs related to healthcare emerged as a critical barrier to immigrant older adults’ social wellbeing. In particular, participants highlighted the economic constraints they faced because of lack of certain healthcare coverage. They reported incurring considerable expenses, in particular, in relation to essential heath care, such as dental and vision care.

Dental services, generally not covered by government programs, were commonly reported as posing a financial burden to participants who did not have complete or partial coverage for such services. Similarly, several participants reported that they suffered from lack of coverage for vision care. The following excerpts capture some of their concerns:

Dental care is not covered, [the government] should provide complete coverage for that

(P6W6333CDCO)

They charged me $450 for testing and then $760 for surgery on each eye, and on top of that I paid $150 three times for the medicines. Eye drops were not covered either. That cost me [in total] about $2500 to $3000. Even after spending that much, I still did not get well. I went through so much pain and spent so much money too, and you know how little the pension is these days

(P10W7542CWCS)

I went to a dentist for my molar extraction, and he charged me $250, this way money keeps bleeding little by little. Even though I had coverage for that, they refused to accept it and told me to go the hospital, I went to the hospital, and dentist in the hospital told me that he can extract it, but privately in his clinic because he has to stitch after extraction, thus I should see him in his clinic. You can see his crookedness, he made his money, taking advantage of my pain. What should one do, when one is in pain.

(P10W7542CWCS)

I had a cataract problem, and they kept pushing me to get surgeries and I was so foolish that I listened to them. After surgeries I started suffering from vertigo and my head is spinning most of the time, and so many other ailments

(A12W6507CWPE)

The lack of prescription coverage is also a significant financial constraint for many older immigrants. As the excerpts above demonstrate, following eye surgery, the individual still had to pay for medications. Similarly, participants expressed their concerns about the lack of affordability of over-the-counter medications to manage their everyday ailments. The next excerpt provides an example:

Here, the medications from pharmacies are not covered if the family doctor doesn’t give you a prescription. You cannot get [over the counter medications for free] from the pharmacies. And also, vitamins are so expensive. That’s why we don’t use pharmacies unless we can see a doctor and the doctor gives us prescriptions.

(A9M6708CMCS)

They could not purchase over-the-counter medications for back pain, joint pain, muscle pain, headaches, etc., that usually do not require prescriptions. This situation resulted in older immigrants staying at home when they experience such health problems.

[my health is getting] worse and worse. It’s impossible to get better. There will be more health problems in your 70s and 80s. Yet, I don’t care too much about [getting better].

(M6W6521CMCD)

My health stops me from going out, and I am in a lot of pain most of the time. I would love to go out for walks sometimes, but not right now. As I told you before, for the past four months, my eyesight is not Ok [and] it is very hard for me. I cannot see things clearly in the room and I am very much stressed right now.

(P10W7542CWCS)

Similarly, if they could not see well because they were unable to buy new eyeglasses or have the required eye surgery, the participants remained at home, especially in the evening, if the sidewalks are not well-lit, or in the winter when it gets darker in the afternoon.

I have back pain, and I went to the doctor, and I have to do the MRI and they gave me an appointment in six months. After that, I have to get another appointment to see the doctor [to discuss the results and treatment] and until then, I have to live with the pain which might worsen even more.

(A9M6708CMCS)

Unsolved acute health problems along with chronic health problems prevented them from engaging in social activities. Overall, this theme reflects the macro-level structural inequities in accessing essential healthcare services, which intersect with individual/micro-level factors, such as limited mobility, untreated/unresolved acute and chronic pain, all of which prevented or limited older immigrants’ social engagement.

5.6. Cost of Community Programs That Prevent “Getting out of the House”

Participants highlighted that community programs that require a fee for participation or the purchase of food and drinks make such programs financially inaccessible. Several participants expressed the need for increasing government-funded activities, as this would provide an avenue of socialization for immigrant older adults. A participant elaborated on the importance of access to these services for mental and physical benefit:

[we need] community programs to get us out of the house so we have some kind of network to feel better

(P24M7142CDNB)

Many participants spoke about the role of the government in providing programs, such as fitness classes, in community-based settings. They believed that this would provide an avenue for socialization for immigrant older adults:

To be honest, for older Chinese immigrants or older immigrants from other countries, it will be quite convenient if [the government] can open up some accessible community canteens or dining halls. On the other hand, there should be some social programs, such as singing and dancing.

(M3M7030CDCS1)

I have one thing in mind right now; the government should increase the support for seniors’ activities. If their children were going out for work or school, they [older immigrants] would be left alone and become very lonely.

(M5M6821CMPB)

Many reported that they were interested in participating in social activities but could not afford to do so due to financial barriers. Solutions were suggested that involved free community programs that can benefit older adults, in general. Thirty-five of the 47 participants shared thoughts surrounding access to cultural and social connections within their cultural community.

Furthermore, participants noted that English classes were often places of social engagement but since obtaining their citizenship, they were required to pay for learning to speak in English. A participant stated the following:

After we got our citizenship, we stopped. They said that we couldn’t do it anymore after receiving the citizenship. You have to pay $300.

(A5W6707CMCP)

Participants also could no longer receive assistance from certain social and settlement service agencies. One participant shared her experience in the following manner:

I tell them I need help and they tell me I’m Canadian and that they can’t help me. So what? So, what if I’m a Canadian citizen now? They won’t help me anymore? I don’t even speak the language

(A12W6507CWPE)

Becoming Canadian citizens meant that they are now required to pay for learning English and certain other formal social supports and services. This is resulting in older immigrants being excluded from places of social connections, which exacerbate their social isolation. Overall, this theme underscores how macro-level funding cuts and policy decisions surrounding financial and service eligibility and costs of program participation that restrict older immigrants’ access to important social activities resulting in social isolation.

6. Discussion

This study, conducted among Arabic, Mandarin, and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults in the GTA, identified numerous economic factors that significantly affected many aspects of their lives, including access to the labor market, housing, transportation, food, and healthcare and other services, all of which in turn negatively affected their ability to build and maintain social networks in the post-migration context.

The study results demonstrate how individual/micro-level factors, such as age, immigration status, language, racialized status, and gender intersect to shape economic vulnerability, and in turn, immigrant older adults’ social isolation. This situation is exacerbated by the meso-level factors, such as costs of housing/rent, and public/private transportation as well as the macro-level factors associated with immigration and citizenship statuses, language barriers, and discrimination and racism. These overlapping determinants ultimately heighten the economic insecurities and resulting social isolation among older immigrants in Canada.

The importance of labor market attachment and income is clearly highlighted in the experiences of older immigrants in our study. The reality is that many immigrant older adults face chronic low incomes, especially the more recently arrived individuals, and there is a need for labor market incomes well into the 70s to help economically sustain themselves [29]. The trend to extend the labor market lives of older people, especially of immigrants, has been growing [3]. The income generated from paid work remains essential for the economic survival of many. Inequitable labor market outcomes are a lived reality for this population including low wages and the inability to secure access to even ‘bad jobs’. UNESCO (2023) [30] has long identified the importance of access to the labor market for migrant populations in the promotion of inclusion. In the context of a rapidly aging population and a shrinking labor force, the significance of embracing, on mutually beneficial terms, skills, and experience of older immigrants as a critical human resource in the Canadian labor market is essential. Governments should support this through such measures as employer hiring incentive plans and specifically designed settlement programs aimed at assisting older immigrants in gaining paid employment. The importance of employment is not only about its economic value for older immigrants but also because participation in the labor market “sustains social networks” [3] (p. 48). Overall, applying an ecosystemic framework underscores how older immigrants’ labor market experiences are shaped not only by their age, but also by their English language proficiency, immigration status, and racialization. Such intersecting factors at the micro-, meso-, and macro-levels combine to create barriers to employment opportunities in the GTA.

Our study results show that immigrant older adults require adequate pensions to cover their essential daily living expenses. Canada’s National Strategy for Financial Literacy has acknowledged that “current seniors and Canadians approaching their senior years often face unique financial challenges as they enter and move through this phase in their lives”, [6] (p. 2). It is key to note that within current poverty trends [31], financial insecurity among older immigrants, and particularly that among racialized immigrant older adults, is pronounced [32]. Service providers have stressed the importance of enhancing awareness of older immigrants’ economic situations and the resulting lived experiences to shed reality on navigating pensions and finances [33]. Pension reform is necessary and should focus on relaxing eligibility restrictions and enhancing benefit levels for low-income earners.

Some participants expressed the need for more community-based government-funded activities, as this provides opportunities for socialization for immigrant older adults in an affordable manner. Participants expressed interest in attending social activities, but their interest and efforts were often thwarted by the costs associated with participating in such activities. Leisure activities are crucial for fostering social participation, which has a positive impact on their short and long-term health and well-being. Given the challenges ageing adults, particularly older immigrants, face in maintaining relationships, it is vital to ensure that social activities are accessible and inclusive [34]. Many participants also shared concerns about financial constraints that hindered their ability to meet cultural expectations in social settings. This, in turn, served as a barrier to socialization because of the usual cultural expectations regarding appropriate attire, bringing of gifts and so on that they could not meet. Cultural expectations to maintain social status can also result in individuals feeling pressured to spend beyond their means to adhere to social expectations, which in turn leads to further financial instability and debt [35]. Overall, social participation in community or government activities is not only influenced by age, but also cultural norms and income level which shape both opportunities and barriers for social engagement.

Older immigrants’ financial situations were very much tied to their housing situation. They are often required to share their homes with others or live with others in spite of the challenges they face. Government-implemented housing support, such as subsidized rent or direct housing assistance, have been proposed for creating supportive environments for active aging [36]. Housing rental costs are significant in the GTA and there is a need for affordable and accessible housing options for immigrant older adults. In our study, respondents spent a significant amount of their pension funds/income for housing, leaving little for other essential expenses, such as food, utilities, health care (medication) and transportation. This aligns with the statistic that around 13.7% of senior households live in “core housing need,” defined as housing that is unsuitable, inadequate or unaffordable [29]. The availability of subsidized housing can alleviate a portion of financial hardship yet there are often lengthy waiting lists for subsidized housing, especially in Ontario with wait times going up to 10 years [37]. Given that rising housing prices outpace the fixed income upon which older adults live, there is not enough money to pay for food and health care expenses [38] and socializing. More (meso-level) support from social service agencies could bridge this gap through wellness checks, connecting immigrant older adults with services that could support meal sharing and affordable access to food.

Building affordable communities that include access to housing and integrated social services (at the meso-level) could support healthy aging [34,35], and reduce costs, such as those related to transportation. The costs associated with public transit posed a significant obstacle for many older immigrants in our study, as this prevented them from participating in community-based social activities and programs that were hosted in the community (meso-level). Transportation is vital in retaining older immigrants’ mobility, and lack thereof removes their access to social activities and contacts [39]. Inability to access and/or engage with their community [40] is associated with an increased risk of social isolation and loneliness, and a decrease in quality of life among immigrant older adults (i.e., individual/micro-level). Older adults often perceive transportation access as the primary challenge in remaining in their own homes and communities as they age [41]. Costs related to transportation included bus fare and/or vehicle maintenance. Thus, reducing the costs of public transit, for example, was proposed by the study participants as an important approach to take (at the meso-level). In the UK, concessionary travel policies for older adults where public transit is free have improved access to services for older adults and helped them establish personal and community networks [42]. At the meso-level, specialized transportation for wheelchair or other mobility device users was often inconsistent with timing, which posed problems for our study participants (at the individual level) when heading out to appointments. This need is consistent with previous research demonstrating the need for transportation options that are accessible for older adults [39,43].

The last theme that was identified is related to barriers to accessing services that can help inform or address their financial situation. A lack of information sharing among service providers may account for newcomers being unable to connect with the services (demonstrating a connection between micro-meso levels). It is important to note the influence of institutional and bureaucratic barriers (at the macro-level), which further hinder the ability to access relevant resources [44]. Similarly, the approach often adopted in these services is to treat immigrants as a homogenized group, rather than providing tailored and customized service [44]. This, in turn, may account for disparities that may be faced between and within communities. Participants shared that the number of services that they could access (meso-level) after they had obtained their citizenship (macro-level), posed barriers in accessing language classes and other support services, which in turn exacerbated their financial challenges (at the individual/micro level). Access to healthcare services was also raised by the participants. Although in Ontario, the majority of healthcare services are covered through the Ontario Health Insurance Plan (OHIP), certain essential services, such as dental and vision care, and certain medications, are not covered [45]. This results in racialized immigrants in Canada in particular experiencing a greater health disadvantage [43,45]. Thus, this highlights a need for revision of existing policies to understand best practices in supporting immigrant older adults as they struggle to access healthcare and essential resources. These disadvantages together shape older immigrants’ access to informal and formal social support networks, resulting in social isolation.

Although some economic stressors (related to housing and transportation) are shared with Canadian-born older adults, the data show that these stressors intersect with language, culture, and immigration racialized statuses in ways that intensify social isolation for Arabic-, Mandarin- and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults. For example, participants described workplace exclusion and non-recognition of foreign credentials that curtailed earning and pension-building (e.g., “they do not hire South Asian people”). Arabic participants linked financial strain to social isolation related to cultural expectations around gifts and attire. Mandarin participants called for culturally familiar supports and programs and compared transportation support in Canada to those in China. Many participants reported losing free language-class access after citizenship, removing an important low-cost site of social connection. Together these culturally specific, language- and race-inflected pathways indicate that the economic drivers of social isolation for these three communities are qualitatively different from those faced by non-immigrant older adults. This calls for culturally and linguistically responsive and inclusive policy and program responses.

7. Limitations

Although interviews were conducted in participants’ preferred languages and translated into English for data analysis and were independently verified by an RA or co-investigators who are fluent in the languages, some cultural meanings and nuances may have been lost in translation. In addition, considerable number of participants were recruited through community organizations. Our community-based recruitment may over-represent socially connected or more educated participants, limiting transferability to the most isolated elders. Although interviews were conducted in preferred languages and translated, nuances may still be lost, despite a dual review of 20% of the translations. We approached 47 individuals: 47 consented. We lacked systematic data on family financial support, which likely moderates economic vulnerability and social participation. Further, this study relied on the participants’ ability to self-report their experiences which can contribute to recall bias. There is also a risk of social desirability (i.e., participants may have answered the interview questions in a manner that they believe is expected by the RAs). It is also important to acknowledge that family members, may play a significant role in reducing financial strain among older immigrants. However, we did not collect information on economic support from family members. We did not specifically collect such information. In spite of these limitations, our study adds to the limited literature available on this topic in the Canadian context. In particular, our study results shed light into the ways in which economic factors contributed to social isolation among Arabic, Mandarin, and Punjabi-speaking immigrant older adults in the GTA.

8. Conclusions and Implications

This paper reported the intersecting economic factors that contribute to social isolation among Arabic-, Mandarin-, and Punjabi-speaking older immigrants living in the GTA. Economic wellbeing is multidimensional and dynamic [46], with immigrant populations, especially older individuals, confronting disadvantages at multiple levels [18,19,20,21,22]. Income status is widely accepted as a social determinant of health, as it dictates one’s access to vital social and economic resources for daily life and wellbeing [9], such as food security, housing, healthcare, and social participation. Our findings suggest that practice and policy must move beyond generic supports for older adults and address the unique economic vulnerabilities experienced by immigrant older adults.

At the Federal and Provincial Levels: Older immigrants are in a disadvantaged position in accessing OAS pension and GIS because of their low income and reduced number of years spent in the Canadian labor force. Policymakers should focus on strengthening pension access for those with limited Canadian work histories and extend subsidized language and social programs. Addressing systemic barriers is key to reducing social isolation among older immigrants, thereby facilitating their ability to age in place with dignity. Service providers should advocate for affordable housing, reliable and accessible transportation, and better awareness and utilization of existing programs, such as OHIP and Ontario Drug Benefit (ODB), to ensure that older immigrants can access necessary healthcare services. It is important to consider expanding the eligibility requirements for subsidized or free dental and vision care, for example, or improving access to address these barriers among older immigrants in the GTA. Addressing housing needs is essential for fostering a more inclusive and supportive community for immigrant older adults in Canada [7,8].

At the Municipal/Community level: The impact of inaccessible and unreliable public transit systems on older immigrants underscores the urgent need for better transportation options that include fare concessions and on time pick up, can improve their access to both formal and informal social networks and support, which can improve their quality of life. The study results demonstrate the need for governmental support in funding free and accessible community programs, which in turn play a key role in addressing social isolation. Additionally, it would be equally valuable for funding to be allocated to key stakeholders who host and facilitate programming for older adults. Older immigrant adults require programs that support poverty relief and assured access to public, nonprofit and private providers within ‘age-friendly environments’ in the communities in which they reside [47] (p. 8). Some programs currently exist in Ontario that can be further improved to align with the findings of our study. For example, Toronto’s Transit Commission does offer a discounted fare for older adults aged 65 years and older [48]. In addition, the Government of Canada funds language classes [49] whose restrictions can be lifted to support language learning among immigrant older adults, which in turn can create more opportunities for social connections. This study also highlights the importance of further research that focuses on designing and evaluating tailored interventions for immigrant older adults of diverse cultural groups to address their social isolation.