Recent Trend and Outlook of Tourist Accommodations in Spain at Various Scales: The Challenges of Touristification in Andalusian Municipalities

Abstract

As a globe leader in tourism, Spain relies on this sector as a key economic pillar, contributing over 12% to its GDP. The hospitality industry has expanded steadily in response to growing demand. In parallel, recent years have witnessed an exponential rise in tourist accommodations, such as privately owned properties repurposed for short-term rentals, largely facilitated by digital platforms. This study explores the evolution and spatial distribution of these accommodations, assessing their share within the overall housing stock across different scales. The focus is on Andalusian municipalities, a region characterized by both its geographical diversity and its significant tourism footprint. This study highlights two primary areas of concentration: the region’s Atlantic and Mediterranean coastlines (most notably the Costa del Sol, centered in Malaga) and internationally renowned heritage cities such as Seville, Granada, and Cordoba. By applying quantitative methods, this research assesses the clustering of tourist accommodations in relation to major cultural landmarks, including several UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The findings provide an analysis of the implications of this trend, shedding light on the challenges and opportunities it presents within the tourism sector, particularly against the backdrop of mounting criticism surrounding the sustainability and socio-economic impacts of this evolving model of tourism.

1. Introduction

Spain, as a global tourism powerhouse, received over 93 million visitors in 2024, according to data from the UN Tourism (2025). This figure reflects the country’s profound reliance on tourism as a key economic driver. In fact, the sector accounted for 12.3% of Spain’s GDP in that same year (INE, 2024), underscoring its structural importance. Despite being classified as part of the service economy, tourism is frequently referred to as a “tourism industry,” a term that captures both its scale and its centrality within the national economic model.

The initial expansion of tourism in Spain was progressively accompanied by the incorporation of urban destinations, including major metropolitan areas such as Barcelona and Madrid, as well as smaller cities of notable heritage value. Currently, fifteen of these cities are classified as World Heritage Cities (Spain Info, 2025). Islamic architectural heritage, considerably more prevalent in Spain than in the rest of Europe, constitutes a key distinguishing factor. It is present not only in places such as the historic center of Cordoba, with its singular Mosque–Cathedral, and the caliphal city of Medina Azahara, but also reaches its highest expression in the Alhambra of Granada, which regularly occupies the top position in national visitor statistics (INESEM Business School, 2025).

Andalusia, the most populous and the second largest autonomous community in Spain, is geographically characterized by its dual coastal exposure: to the Atlantic Ocean (Gulf of Cadiz) and to the Mediterranean Sea (specifically, the western sector known as the Alboran Sea). Historically, it also stands out as the region where Islamic presence endured the longest on the Iberian Peninsula, from 711 to 1492, a legacy that left behind a substantial architectural and artistic heritage of Muslim origin. It is therefore unsurprising that, according to data from the Instituto de Estadística y Cartografía de Andalucía (IECA), the tourism sector in Andalusia accounted for approximately 13% of the regional GDP in 2023, generating around EUR 20 billion and over 400,000 direct jobs (Andalucía2030, 2025).

In recent years, global tourism has intensified significantly, particularly due to the widespread expansion of air travel. This trend has been especially pronounced in Western capitalist contexts, driven to a large extent by the rise in low-cost airlines. In Europe, the Irish company Ryanair has played a leading role in this process, with notable effects in Andalusia (Florido-Benítez, 2023). Closely linked to this development is the growth of so-called tourist-use dwellings, also referred to as dwellings for tourism purposes. These are defined, according to the Sistema de Información Multiterritorial de Andalucía (IECA, 2025b), as residences located in buildings on land designated for residential use, where accommodation services are offered for a fee on a regular basis and for tourism purposes, within the territory of the Autonomous Community of Andalusia. These properties are typically marketed through various digital platforms, the most prominent being Airbnb, which is more commonly used by private owners (A. Gutiérrez & Domènech, 2020), and Booking, which features a higher proportion of listings managed by tourism companies (Jover & Díaz-Parra, 2020).

The convergence of these two phenomena has led to a significant increase in the supply of this new form of tourist accommodation, particularly in urban areas and their surroundings, which tend to be well connected through air routes operated by the aforementioned low-cost carriers. The growth has been especially intense in historic city centers, where the effects of touristification have become particularly visible (Barrero Rescalvo & Jover Báez, 2020). These include the displacement of traditional residential uses, rising housing costs, and the replacement of local commerce with businesses aimed at meeting the demands of intensive tourism. In some cases, these processes have given rise to growing social tensions and even signs of tourism-related rejection (Barrero Rescalvo, 2019).

This study will evaluate the intensity of tourist housing across multiple spatial scales, following approaches recently proposed for other territorial levels (Sánchez-Sánchez & Sánchez-Sánchez, 2025). The analysis will include the national context, the regional level of autonomous communities, provincial divisions, and Andalusian municipalities, which represent the basic units of Spain’s territorial organization. The research will also focus on four case studies, corresponding to the most populous cities in Andalusia, where the presence of tourist housing is especially significant across districts, neighborhoods, and census tracts.

The distribution of cultural heritage assets within these four municipalities will also be mapped using data from the Datos Espaciales de Referencia de Andalucía (DERA) (IECA, 2025a). Within this inventory, particular attention will be given to landmarks included on the World Heritage List (UNESCO World Heritage Convention, 2025), with the aim of identifying spatial correlations between these heritage sites and the concentration of tourist-use dwellings. Many local governments, which hold regulatory authority in this area, are currently seeking to introduce measures to mitigate the negative effects of this phenomenon (Gerencia de Urbanismo y Medio Ambiente del Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 2024).

The seriousness and urgency of the problems arising from the expansion of short-term tourist rentals have prompted an increasingly robust regulatory response from public administrations across Spain. At the national level, the Supreme Court ruled in 2023 that homeowners’ associations may prohibit the establishment of new tourist rentals with the support of a three-fifths majority, thereby enabling grassroots mechanisms of resistance against touristification processes. At the regional scale, several autonomous communities with high levels of tourism pressure have adopted pioneering and restrictive measures. In Andalusia, a new decree enacted in 2024 has led to a sweeping revision of the Andalusian Tourism Registry, resulting in the removal of thousands of properties due to non-compliance with technical, urban planning, or accessibility requirements. In the Balearic Islands, where tourism saturation has reached critical levels, the regional government has introduced moratoriums on new vacation rental licenses in designated areas and has banned the conversion of multi-family residential units into tourist accommodations in Palma de Mallorca. In Catalonia, particularly in Barcelona, authorities have designated high-pressure zones with strict license caps and have required compatibility with municipal urban plans for any new permit applications, alongside the implementation of extensive inspection and enforcement mechanisms. Meanwhile, in the Canary Islands, the regional government is preparing a legislative reform aimed at restricting the spread of tourist dwellings in saturated residential areas, with the goal of safeguarding housing affordability and territorial sustainability.

In parallel, the seriousness of the tourism-related problems and the urgency of this line of research are also evidenced by the rise in consolidated and increasingly vocal civil society movements such as Canarias Tiene un Límite, Menys Turisme, Més Vida (Balearic Islands), and the Assemblea de Barris pel Decreixement Turístic (Catalonia), which demand structural changes to current tourism models (Assemblea de Barris pel Decreixement Turístic, n.d.). These policy responses and civic mobilizations not only underscore the magnitude and immediacy of the phenomenon but also highlight the necessity and innovative value of academic research capable of providing precise territorial diagnostics and empirically grounded insights. Within this context, the present study offers a meaningful contribution at both the theoretical and methodological levels, combining multi-scalar analysis, quantitative techniques, and a heritage-oriented perspective to examine cities that are particularly exposed to the impacts of short-term tourist rentals.

Touristification, a phenomenon present in the study areas, refers to the process by which a space undergoes profound transformations to accommodate the needs, expectations, and demands of mass tourism. This process can significantly impact local infrastructure, the economy, cultural practices, and the lifestyles of residents (Almeida-García et al., 2023).

These dynamics often lead to significant changes in urban land use, largely driven by the transformation of residential units, commercial areas, and public spaces into tourist accommodations, restaurants, souvenir shops, and similar establishments (Santos-Izquierdo et al., 2023). As a result, long-term local residents are frequently displaced to more peripheral areas due to rising rental prices and property sales (Castro Noblejas et al., 2023; Huertas et al., 2021).

Another major impact is the alteration of local cultural identity, as traditional forms of life are either adapted or diluted to cater to tourist expectations. While tourism may generate employment and income, it often creates a dependency on a single economic sector and contributes to the precariousness of others (Jover & Lerena Rongvaux, 2024). Additionally, essential infrastructure tends to become overloaded under the pressure of increasing visitor numbers, leading to problems such as congestion, pollution, and the degradation of the urban environment (Barrera-Fernández et al., 2019; Almeida-García et al., 2025).

This research is guided by a central question: is there a spatial correlation between the location of urban heritage landmarks and the distribution of short-term tourist rentals, or do other variables exert a more decisive influence? To address this question, the study establishes two primary objectives: First, it seeks to hierarchize the pressure exerted by tourist-use dwellings on the residential housing stock at various territorial scales across Spain. Second, it aims to identify and compare the degree of tourism-related pressure on the monumental heritage of four representative Andalusian cities, namely Seville, Malaga, Granada, and Cordoba.

To achieve these goals, this study applies quantitative methodologies based on harmonized statistical data from the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE) and the Instituto de Estadística y Cartografía de Andalucía (IECA). Specifically, it uses the proportion of short-term tourist dwellings relative to the total residential housing stock as a key indicator of saturation. This proportion is calculated at multiple territorial levels: the national, regional (NUTS II), provincial (NUTS III), and municipal levels, as well as within urban units. These urban units are analyzed at three distinct spatial scales: districts (broad administrative divisions commonly used for planning and governance), neighborhoods (socially and historically constructed areas with distinct identities and functions), and census tracts (the smallest statistical units, enabling highly detailed demographic and spatial analysis). The analysis includes two temporal references (August 2020 and August 2024) to assess change over time. Saturation thresholds are defined at ≥10% for saturation and ≥15% for high saturation, and these thresholds are used to construct a composite Hierarchical Urban Saturation Index (HUSI) across spatial hierarchies. Additionally, the Integrated Tourist–Heritage Pressure Index (ITHPI) combines this saturation variable with a Heritage Proximity Index (HPI), based on gravity models measuring the relative accessibility of each census tract to UNESCO (6) and national heritage landmarks (357).

By integrating these quantitative indicators and composite indices, this study fills a scientific gap in the existing literature by providing a robust and scalable spatial analysis of the interaction between tourism accommodation pressures and urban heritage systems. It also enables cross-case comparisons and the identification of distinct typologies of spatial saturation. Furthermore, it contributes by addressing the phenomenon from an integrated perspective that combines both macro-level patterns and micro-scale urban impacts.

The main controversy surrounding this issue lies in how to effectively balance the economic benefits generated by this new model of intensive tourism with its inherent drawbacks and the public costs it imposes, particularly on local administrations (Mesa Jiménez, 2024). In essence, the short-term rental market represents a phenomenon with a marked ideological dimension (Barrero Rescalvo & Díaz Parra, 2024), whose regulation across Spain varies considerably depending on the political orientation of each autonomous community (Viana-Lora & Sánchez-Cubo, 2024).

2. Materials and Methods

The materials employed in this research are drawn from highly reliable statistical sources at both the national level, through the Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE), and the regional level, through the Instituto de Estadística y Cartografía de Andalucía (IECA). The selection of these two institutions is based on the criteria of accuracy and the regular updating of the information used.

The INE provides data from the 2021 Population and Housing Census, which includes population, households, dwellings, and buildings, compiled using harmonized criteria shared with other European countries. In this study, these data represent the main source for calculating the total number of dwellings across the different territorial scales addressed in each methodological phase (INE, 2025a).

Additionally, the INE is the source for the measurement of the number and capacity of tourist-use dwellings in Spain (INE, 2025b). This is a recent statistical operation designed to estimate the number of tourist accommodation units, as well as their capacity, in response to the increasing demand for information in this area. The methodology relies on web scraping techniques, which use various software programs to extract data from the three most commonly used online platforms for tourist accommodation in Spain. Once the data are extracted, tourist-use dwellings are selected according to the regulatory frameworks established by each autonomous community. Duplicate listings across multiple platforms are then removed using a specific algorithm. These data have been available since August 2020, with publications in 2021, 2022, and 2023 referring to the months of February and August. Since 2024, the data have been published for February, August, and November. For this study, comparative data from August 2020 and August 2024 were analyzed, with the latter also serving as a reference point for the most current situation.

When additional variables related to tourist housing were incorporated into the study, preference was given to the dataset known as Datos Espaciales de Referencia de Andalucía (DERA), which was developed by the IECA (2025a). This collection of cartographic bases in various geometric formats (points, lines, polygons, and raster images) covers the Andalusian territory. It has an established track record, is supervised by the Spanish Ministry of Finance, and is co-funded by the European Union.

The DERA dataset is organized into thematic blocks, offering centralized access to diverse sources of information, with guarantees of continuous updating, geometric consistency, and territorial coverage. For this study, two specific shapefile layers were used:

The first, 11_19_EntornosProteccionBIC, contains polygonal data on the protection areas of Bienes de Interés Cultural (BIC ), including categories such as historic ensemble, historic garden, site of ethnological interest, site of industrial interest, monument, historic site, and archeological zone. These data are provided by the Regional Ministry of Culture and Sport of the Government of Andalusia and are registered in the General Catalog of Andalusian Historical Heritage.

The second, 11_21_PatrimonioMundialBienes_pol, also consists of polygonal data and refers to Andalusian Cultural Heritage assets listed as UNESCO World Heritage Sites. In relation to the four urban case studies examined in this research, it includes the Caliphal City of Medina Azahara, the Alhambra, the Generalife and the Albaicín of Granada, the Cathedral, the Alcázar and the Archive of the Indies in Seville, and the Historic Centre of Cordoba. The data also originates from the Regional Ministry of Culture and Sport of the Government of Andalusia.

These datasets are used to explore potential correlations between the distribution of tourist-use dwellings at the highest possible spatial resolution (census tracts, as defined by the INE based on population distribution dynamics) and the location of the aforementioned types of heritage landmarks.

To ensure data accuracy and comparability over time, the selection of reference periods was made strategically. The months of August 2020 and August 2024 were chosen not only for their temporal distance, allowing the detection of trends, but also because they represent the peak season in terms of tourism activity in Spain. This controls for seasonal variability and enhances the internal consistency of the comparisons. Although the central focus of this study is on tourist-use dwellings as the most direct indicator of urban touristification, the methodology acknowledges the presence of other complementary forms of tourist accommodation, such as hotel apartments, rural tourism units, or tourist apartments, whose influence, especially in heritage-rich urban areas, is also relevant and considered qualitatively in the interpretation of the results.

In terms of analytical techniques, two synthetic indices are applied: the Hierarchical Urban Saturation Index (HUSI) and the Integrated Tourist–Heritage Pressure Index (ITHPI). The HUSI enables a weighted assessment of saturation levels (≥10%) and high saturation (≥15%) across various administrative scales: districts, neighborhoods, and census tracts, capturing the spatial depth and distribution of tourist pressure within each urban system. Meanwhile, the ITHPI combines the relative intensity of tourist rentals in each tract with their spatial accessibility to cultural heritage assets, measured through a gravity-based Heritage Proximity Index (HPI). This model uses Euclidean distances between the centroid of each census tract and the surrounding heritage landmarks, assigning higher weight to closer and more numerous assets. The resulting index allows for the identification of critical overlap areas where residential touristification and patrimonial value coincide, making them particularly susceptible to tourism-driven transformation.

From a methodological standpoint, this study applies standard procedures in geographical analysis, including multi-scalar approaches, comparisons between representative case studies, and the use of quantitative techniques aimed at identifying correlations between variables with different characteristics.

The multi-scalar approach begins with a comparison of the estimated percentage of tourist-use dwellings relative to the total housing stock (2021) for two specific points in time: August 2022 and August 2024. These figures are also compared to the Spanish national average over the same period, with differentiation by autonomous communities, corresponding to NUTS II statistical units as defined by the European Union. Spatial representations are included accordingly. The analysis then shifts to the provincial level (NUTS III), and, in the case of Andalusia, the same variable is mapped across its 785 municipalities, which constitute the basic territorial units in Spain’s administrative organization. In all cases, interval classifications are standardized to ensure consistency and comparability.

Within Andalusia, four urban case studies were selected based on population size and the intensity of cultural tourism activity. These cities have received particular scholarly attention in relation to short-term rental dynamics, both as a general phenomenon (Cerezo-Medina et al., 2022; Díaz Cuevas & Fernández Tabales, 2023) and in focused analyses: Seville (Camarillo-Naranjo et al., 2022), Malaga (Chamizo-Nieto et al., 2022), Cordoba (Prados Jiménez & Ramírez Baquerizo, 2020), and Granada (Mendoza de Miguel et al., 2024). In these municipalities, the distribution of the variable is addressed at multiple scales: districts, neighborhoods, and census tracts. The resulting maps integrate, in their core sections, the location of Assets of Cultural Interest and World Heritage Sites, which serve as key indicators of tourist attraction. In these detailed analyses, the distribution of the variable is not only scientifically modeled but also intentionally calibrated against critical thresholds of saturation in relation to the proportion of tourist dwellings within the general housing stock. Exceeding 10% is identified as a key tipping point.

3. Results

3.1. Characterization of the Tourist Housing Phenomenon at Different Spatial Scales in Spain

The regional analysis reveals a significant increase in the proportion of tourist dwellings relative to the total housing stock between 2020 and 2024 (see Figure 1). This upward trend reflects the robust growth of short-term rental tourism in Spain, which has experienced a remarkable recovery following the COVID-19 pandemic. The highest values are concentrated in the Spanish archipelagos, particularly the Canary Islands and the Balearic Islands. However, in the latter, as well as in Catalonia, the trend appears to have reversed during the study period due to the implementation of restrictive regulatory measures aimed at curbing the proliferation of tourist accommodation and mitigating their associated negative externalities. In Catalonia, the enactment of Decree Law 3/2023 introduced the requirement of an urban planning license to convert housing into tourist use in municipalities facing housing affordability challenges (Generalitat de Catalunya, 2023). This regulation imposes a cap of 10 tourist dwellings per 100 inhabitants and mandates a five-year renewable permit, conditioned on the urban plan expressly permitting such use. Similarly, in the Balearic Islands, Decree Law 4/2025 prohibits the creation of new tourist accommodation places in multifamily buildings across the archipelago, reinforcing the moratorium established in 2022 (Govern de les Illes Balears, 2025). These measures, alongside heightened quality standards and increased penalties for non-compliance, have contributed to the recent decline in the relative weight of tourist dwellings in both regions.

Andalusia stands out as one of the five regions with the highest levels of tourist housing, exceeding the national average. Located in the south of the Iberian Peninsula, the region presents a combination of geographical, demographic, and cultural features that make it a priority case for the study of this phenomenon. With an area of 87,599 km², Andalusia is the second largest region in Spain and, with a population of 8,663,175 inhabitants in 2024, the most populous. These characteristics not only position it as a key reference in the Spanish context but also as a significant case at the European level, surpassing countries such as Belgium, the Netherlands, or Denmark in both territorial extension and population size.

At the provincial scale (NUTS III), the data represented in Figure 2 reveal a clear spatial pattern in which the provinces with the highest concentration of tourist dwellings tend to be those bordering the Mediterranean Sea. In Andalusia, the province of Malaga stands out, with figures exceeding 4.2%, followed by Cádiz, where the proportion ranges between 2.3 and 3.2%. However, it is important to emphasize that, due to the size and territorial diversity of these provinces, areas of low saturation coexist with others where the levels of tourist dwellings are considerably higher. In the case of Malaga, the Costa del Sol emerges as a major tourism hotspot, driven by its favorable climate, beaches, and well-developed tourism infrastructure. Similarly, Cadiz shows high densities along its coastal areas, particularly in the Bay of Cadiz and the Campo de Gibraltar.

Other coastal provinces, such as Girona and Alicante, as well as those located in the insular regions of the Canary and Balearic Islands, also report notably high values of tourist dwellings, reflecting the strong appeal of the traditional sun-and-beach tourism model. The presence of these destinations, each with unique natural and cultural characteristics, highlights the key role that tourist accommodation plays in shaping both the supply and demand dynamics of the tourism sector. This is also evident in other territories with distinctive coastal and cultural features, such as Cantabria and the province of Tarragona in Catalonia.

This uneven pattern illustrates a clear national duality, where highly developed tourist areas coexist alongside rural or peripheral regions with lower levels of tourism activity. This situation reflects the marked territorial and economic diversity that characterizes the Spanish landscape.

In the case of Andalusia, a detailed municipal-level analysis (Figure 3) reveals even more clearly the spatial disparities associated with tourist dwellings. Coastal areas and large cities appear as the main concentrations of this type of accommodation within the region. These dwellings are predominantly located in areas of high demand, supported by specific attributes that make them especially attractive to visitors. Among the most relevant factors are the supply related to heritage tourism, the characteristic of historic cities, and the sun-and-beach tourism offer, which are typical of the coastal zones.

This distribution responds directly to the logic of the tourism market, which favors environments that combine services, accessibility, and natural or cultural attractions. As a result, the four largest cities in Andalusia, Cordoba, Granada, Malaga, and Seville, which are all provincial capitals, concentrate significant shares of tourist dwellings due to their high population densities and considerable tourist pressure.

The saturation of tourist dwellings in these cities generates important challenges in terms of sustainability and urban management. The proliferation of these accommodations has a direct impact on the housing market, reducing the availability of dwellings for the local population and altering the socioeconomic balance of the most in-demand neighborhoods. In the most saturated areas, these dynamics also contribute to the progressive depopulation of residential spaces, aggravating existing urban imbalances.

The city of Cordoba (Figure 4), strategically located in the center of Andalusia, stands out for the significant concentration of tourist dwellings in certain emblematic neighborhoods. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the area surrounding the Mosque–Cathedral, one of the city’s most important heritage landmarks. In the neighborhood that hosts this monument, more than 15% of the housing stock is dedicated to tourist use, resulting in a situation of oversaturation. In the adjacent neighborhood of San Basilio, located to the south, the share ranges between 10 and 15%.

This distribution pattern is closely linked to the tourist and commercial character of these areas, where the high demand for temporary accommodation has transformed the traditional residential use of the urban space. In these neighborhoods, the relatively small number of private residences facilitates a higher proportion of properties dedicated to tourism, in contrast with predominantly residential areas such as Poniente Norte. In this district, despite being home to Medina Azahara, a World Heritage Site since 2018, the presence of tourist dwellings remains almost negligible.

Cordoba’s rich historical and cultural heritage, including a total of 86 Assets of Cultural Interest (BIC), two UNESCO World Heritage Sites, the Mosque–Cathedral complex, and the archeological site of Medina Azahara, further accentuates the attraction of specific areas for tourism-oriented uses, thereby intensifying the territorial imbalance in the distribution of tourist dwellings.

In the city of Granada (Figure 5), similar dynamics to those observed in Cordoba can be identified with a significant concentration of tourist dwellings in neighborhoods with high historical and cultural value. As in other Andalusian cities, this pattern reflects the concentration of tourist activity in the most emblematic areas, where the intense demand for short-term accommodation has a direct impact on the local housing market. In this case, the neighborhoods of Albaicín and Sacromonte present the highest figures, with more than 15% of their housing stock dedicated to tourist use.

The Albaicín, listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, attracts visitors due to its rich historical heritage, narrow cobbled streets, and privileged views of the Alhambra, which has also been included on the UNESCO World Heritage List since 1984. Similarly, Sacromonte, known for its traditional cave dwellings and its close ties to flamenco culture, constitutes another area of high tourist appeal. The attractiveness of these neighborhoods has led to the transformation of a large number of dwellings into tourist accommodations.

However, as one moves towards the periphery and into neighborhoods located farther from the historic center, the proportion of tourist dwellings decreases considerably. These areas, which are much less connected to tourism dynamics, retain a predominantly residential character, generating a sharp contrast with the central tourist districts.

Granada’s appeal is strongly anchored in its cultural legacy, which includes 84 officially recognized Assets of Cultural Interest and a UNESCO World Heritage Site. This rich heritage framework plays a central role in shaping the spatial dynamics of tourism within the urban fabric.

In the city of Malaga (Figure 6), patterns similar to those identified in other Andalusian cities can be observed, with a high concentration of tourist dwellings located both in the central neighborhoods and in coastal areas, where sun-and-beach tourism plays a key role. In the city center, neighborhoods such as La Goleta, Ensanche Centro, and Puerto register particularly high values, mainly due to their proximity to Malaga’s main cultural and tourist attractions, including the Cathedral, the Picasso Museum, and the Alcazaba. The city’s rich historical heritage, reflected in the presence of 57 officially protected Assets of Cultural Interest (Bienes de Interés Cultural, BIC), further reinforces the attractiveness of the central area for tourism-related uses.

In addition, several coastal neighborhoods present significant proportions of tourist dwellings, driven by the demand associated with beach tourism and the city’s well-developed hotel infrastructure. Areas such as La Malagueta, Pedregalejo, and El Palo have experienced a notable increase in the number of dwellings converted into tourist accommodations, consolidating themselves as key areas for tourism in Malaga.

This distribution reflects the dual character of the tourist offer in what is often referred to as the capital of the Costa del Sol, which combines the cultural and urban appeal of the historic center with the popularity of the coastline as a sun-and-beach destination. On the other hand, as one moves towards more peripheral or residential neighborhoods, such as those further away from these tourist areas, the presence of tourist dwellings declines considerably, preserving a character less influenced by the dynamics of intensive tourism.

In the city of Seville (Figure 7), a pattern similar to that of other Andalusian capitals can be observed, with a marked concentration of tourist dwellings in the most central and emblematic neighborhoods, which are characterized by a wealth of heritage and commercial resources. Notable among these are the neighborhoods of Alfalfa, Santa Cruz, San Bartolomé (the city’s former Jewish quarter), and Arenal, which are all located in the southern sector of the historic center, where the proportion of tourist dwellings is significantly high. This spatial distribution is closely related to the city’s exceptional cultural and historical heritage, which includes 130 officially recognized Assets of Cultural Interest (Bienes de Interés Cultural, BIC) and three UNESCO World Heritage Sites.

Santa Cruz stands out as one of the main tourist hotspots due to its narrow streets, flower-filled patios, and proximity to iconic monuments such as the Cathedral with its former Almohad minaret transformed into the Giralda, the Alcázar, and the Archivo de Indias, all designated as World Heritage Sites in 1987. Likewise, the Alfalfa neighborhood is particularly attractive to visitors thanks to its gastronomic and cultural offerings. In the case of Arenal, its proximity to the bullring and the Guadalquivir River basin also contributes to its high concentration of tourist accommodations.

In contrast, as one moves away from the historic center toward more peripheral and residential areas, the proportion of tourist dwellings decreases significantly. This is largely due to the lower presence of tourist attractions and the predominance of privately owned housing in these neighborhoods. Triana, for example, is located close to the city center but separated by the river. Despite offering considerable tourist appeal, its level of saturation remains lower than that of the aforementioned neighborhoods. However, areas within Triana closer to the Guadalquivir show a higher presence of tourist dwellings, and in general, the neighborhood is experiencing a growing trend towards touristification.

3.2. Application of the Hierarchical Urban Saturation Index (HUSI) to the Four Andalusian Cities Under Study

This research applies the Hierarchical Urban Saturation Index (HUSI) as a composite metric to assess the spatial intensity of saturation processes within four key Andalusian cities: Seville, Malaga, Granada, and Cordoba. By integrating both the severity of saturation, distinguishing between moderate (≥10%) and high levels (≥15%), and the hierarchical structure of urban administrative units (districts, neighborhoods, and census tracts), the HUSI provides a robust framework for quantifying urban spatial pressures in multi-scalar contexts (García-Ayllón, 2018; Rodríguez Rangel & Sánchez Rivero, 2020).

$$HUSI={\displaystyle \frac{\left[3\left(SD+2HSD\right)\right]+\left[2\left(SN+2\times HSN\right)\right]+\left[1\left(SCT+2HSCT\right)\right]}{\left(3N_{Districts}\right)+\left(2N_{Neighbornhoods}\right)+\left(1N_{CensusTracts}\right)}}$$

Empirical results reveal a marked contrast among the cities studied. Granada and Seville present notably higher saturation indices, with HUSI scores of 0.096 and 0.091, respectively. In contrast, Malaga (0.042) and Cordoba (0.033) show significantly lower values (

Table 1. Incidence of saturation and high saturation levels across districts, neighborhoods, and census tracts in the four case study cities. Source: Own elaboration based on Instituto Nacional de Estadística (INE, 2025b) and the spatial data infrastructures of the four municipalities analyzed.

Municipality	Nº Districts	Saturated Districts (≥10%)	Highly Saturated Districts (≥15%)	Nº Neighborhoods	Saturated Neighborhoods (≥10%)	Highly Saturated Neighborhoods (≥15%)	Nº Census Tracts	Saturated Census Tracts (≥10%)	Highly Saturated Census Tracts (≥15%)	HUSI
Granada	8	1	0	36	1	4	184	4	1	0.096
Seville	11	0	1	108	6	7	532	13	6	0.091
Malaga	10	1	0	419	5	5	436	12	5	0.042
Cordoba	8	0	0	72	3	1	253	2	1	0.033

), suggesting a less critical scenario of spatial saturation, or at least one more dispersed throughout the urban area.

In the case of Granada, saturation is primarily concentrated in lower-tier units, such as neighborhoods and census tracts. Despite its relatively compact territorial framework, comprising eight districts, 36 neighborhoods, and 184 census tracts, the statistical weight of each saturated unit is magnified due to the city’s smaller administrative footprint. Notably, Granada demonstrates a cluster of highly saturated neighborhoods (Albaicín, San Matías–Realejo, Centro Sagrario, and Sacromonte) and census tracts, indicating localized but severe spatial pressures, especially in the city center and adjacent districts.

Conversely, Seville presents a more diffuse saturation pattern. The existence of a highly saturated district (Casco Antiguo) and the significant number of saturated and highly saturated census tracts (n = 19) reflect saturation pressures spread across various hierarchical levels. It is worth noting that Seville’s larger and more fragmented administrative system, comprising 11 districts, 108 neighborhoods, and 532 census tracts, broadens the geographical dispersion of spatial constraints, implying more heterogeneous and systemic urban saturation dynamics.

Malaga, while registering a moderate presence of saturated neighborhoods (10 in total), shows a diluted HUSI score as a result of its extensive territorial segmentation. The city’s large number of neighborhoods (419) and census tracts (436) mitigates the relative influence of each individual saturated unit. Furthermore, the absence of highly saturated districts suggests a less severe manifestation of spatial saturation, largely restricted to localized neighborhood-level dynamics.

Cordoba clearly emerges as the least saturated urban system among the four cities analyzed. The absence of highly saturated districts and the low incidence of neighborhoods with tourist housing pressure (only four in total), as well as saturated or oversaturated census tracts (only three), contribute to a low HUSI score. This outcome points to a more spatially stable environment, with saturation pressures appearing fragmented and confined to isolated areas, at least for now.

These findings underscore the relevance of adopting a hierarchical and weighted approach when analyzing urban saturation processes. The HUSI not only captures the extent and severity of saturation but also accounts for the administrative scale at which it occurs, offering a comprehensive metric for urban analysis. The results reveal two distinct urban profiles: cities like Granada and Seville, where saturation pervades multiple hierarchical layers, and cities like Malaga and Cordoba, where saturation is comparatively dispersed and of lower intensity (Fernández Aragón & Lavía Martínez, 2020; Galacho-Jiménez & Reyes-Corredera, 2024; Bonal & González Motos, 2023). It is important to highlight that saturation concentrated in higher-order administrative units (e.g., districts) likely exerts broader socio-spatial implications, affecting accessibility, urban livability, and infrastructure resilience on a metropolitan scale (Lee et al., 2020; Cao et al., 2024). Conversely, saturation limited to lower-order units (e.g., census tracts) may entail more localized challenges that are potentially addressable through specific urban planning interventions.

3.3. Touristification and Heritage Accessibility: Insights from Urban Case Studies

The analysis of the Integrated Tourist–Heritage Pressure Index (ITHPI) for the cities of Granada, Seville, Malaga, and Cordoba reveals distinct spatial configurations. These patterns illustrate how residential touristification interacts with the accessibility of heritage assets in each urban context. The methodology employed is based on the construction of three composite indicators applied at the census tract level. This enables the precise identification of areas where the intersection between the heritage network and the saturation of short-term rentals results in significant cumulative pressure on patrimonialized urban spaces.

The first component is the Heritage Proximity Index (HPI), which is calculated through a gravity model widely applied in accessibility studies (Miller, 2018; Papa & Bertolini, 2015). The HPI measures the relative accessibility of each census tract to its surrounding system of heritage landmarks. The formula employed is as follows:

$${HPI}_i={\sum }_{j=1}^n\hspace{1em}\frac{1}{d_{ij}}$$

In this expression, $d_{ij}$ denotes the Euclidean distance between the centroid of tract $i$ and heritage asset $j$, while $n$ represents the total number of heritage landmarks within the municipal urban system. This gravity-based approach assigns greater weight to nearby heritage assets, capturing the degree of spatial exposure of each tract to the overall density and hierarchy of the patrimonial network.

The second component, tourist rental saturation (TRS), quantifies the intensity of residential touristification in each census tract. This indicator reflects the proportion of short-term rentals relative to the total housing stock and enables comparisons across and within cities through a density-independent measure of touristification (J. Gutiérrez et al., 2017; Yrigoy, 2018).

$${TRS}_i={\displaystyle \frac{{STR}_i}{{RDw}_i}}$$

Here, ${STR}_i$ refers to the number of short-term rental units in tract $i$, and ${RDw}_i$ is the total number of residential dwellings, based on previously used sources across different Spanish scales. The TRS enables intra-urban and inter-urban comparisons by offering a normalized measure of touristification intensity, independent of variations in residential density.

Subsequently, the Integrated Tourist—Heritage Pressure Index (ITHPI) is formulated as the product of both dimensions:

$${ITHPI}_i={HPI}_i{TRS}_i$$

This synthetic indicator facilitates the detection of census tracts where the convergence of high heritage accessibility and elevated tourist accommodation density results in cumulative pressure on the urban fabric. The ITHPI highlights areas where both dimensions are simultaneously significant, filtering out census tracts where only one of the variables scores high (Mazziotta & Pareto, 2016; Font et al., 2021).

The spatial outcomes derived from this methodology vary notably among the four cities. In Granada, the ITHPI reveals a fragmented and polarized structure, particularly concentrated along the Albaicín–Alhambra axis. The census tracts located on the Albaicín slopes and near the Alhambra show some of the highest HPI values due to their proximity to major heritage landmarks. Concurrently, TRS values have risen considerably in these sectors, especially in the lower Albaicín, Paseo de los Tristes, and the surrounding areas of Sacromonte. The intersection of both indicators leads to ITHPI values exceeding the 90th and 95th percentiles, identifying zones of critical integrated pressure. These coincide with some of the most vulnerable urban and environmental enclaves within Granada’s historical landscape.

In Seville, the pattern is more continuous and homogeneous. The monocentric configuration of its heritage network generates an extensive cluster of high ITHPI values, concentrated in the Casco Antiguo, particularly around the Cathedral, the Alcázar, the Archivo de Indias, and the Santa Cruz neighborhood. The historic center exhibits consistently elevated HPI values, attributable to the dense agglomeration of major heritage landmarks. Simultaneously, TRS levels surpass 20% in several census tracts, notably in la Alfalfa, Alameda de Hércules, and San Bartolomé. This produces a radial and relatively continuous distribution of integrated pressure, which gradually decreases toward the peripheral sectors of the historic core, reflecting the classic monocentric dynamics of urban tourism systems.

Malaga, by contrast, displays a hybrid pattern marked by discontinuity and sectorialization. HPI values are generally lower than those observed in Granada or Seville, reflecting a more dispersed and less monumental heritage network. Nevertheless, recent expansions in the short-term rental market have led to the emergence of new hotspots. Areas such as the surroundings of the Cathedral, the Teatro Romano, and the Soho district now exhibit moderate to high TRS values, exceeding 10% in certain census tracts. Consequently, the ITHPI shows a fragmented distribution, with localized nodes of elevated pressure. These are primarily aligned with strategic urban corridors associated with regeneration and cultural rebranding processes, diverging from a strict heritage proximity logic.

Cordoba presents a more concentrated pattern, predominantly focused on census tracts adjacent to the Mosque–Cathedral and the Judería. The HPI in this nucleus is among the highest in the sample; however, TRS remains moderate, with few census tracts exceeding an 8% saturation level. As a result, the ITHPI is confined to a limited area with minimal diffusion to neighboring sectors. This reflects a strongly polarized dynamic, where touristification is highly concentrated around the monumental core, with negligible spillover into the broader urban fabric.

From a technical perspective, the bivariate Spearman’s correlation between HPI and TRS reveals differentiated patterns across the cities. In Granada (ρ = 0.57) and Seville (ρ = 0.53), the relationship is positive, statistically significant, and of moderate-to-high intensity. This indicates that census tracts with greater accessibility to the heritage system tend to also register higher levels of tourist rental saturation, pointing to a spatial overlap between heritage exposure and touristification dynamics (García-Hernández et al., 2017; Sequera & Nofre, 2020).

4. Discussion

The phenomenon of short-term rental tourist accommodation is multifaceted and highly controversial, which explains the emergence of a substantial body of the scientific literature in recent years, particularly throughout the second decade of the 21st century. This growing academic interest has materialized in both journal articles (González-Pérez, 2019; Mínguez et al., 2019; De la Calle Vaquero et al., 2023) and monographic works (Blanco-Romero & Blázquez-Salom, 2023; Navarro-Jurado et al., 2023).

Spain, as one of the world’s leading tourist destinations, particularly some of its regions, such as the islands and those along the Mediterranean coast, is especially affected by the dynamics of short-term tourist rentals. In particular, the region of Andalusia, which is home to globally recognized heritage cities, provides a highly suitable context for the in-depth exploration of the phenomenon’s specific territorial manifestations.

Accordingly, the present study undertakes a multi-scalar analysis of this phenomenon across Spain, culminating in a detailed examination of its expression in the four most populous cities within the autonomous community of Andalusia: Seville, Malaga, Cordoba, and Granada. Notably, and in contrast to the more common approaches, this analysis is complemented by a quantitative assessment of the spatial correlation between the distribution of short-term tourist accommodations and the location of urban heritage landmarks, regardless of their hierarchical prominence.

Moreover, in recent years, the growing controversy surrounding this issue has prompted authorities to implement measures aimed at curbing the unchecked expansion of short-term tourist rentals. At the national level in Spain, legislative changes have empowered homeowners’ associations to limit the proliferation of such accommodations within their buildings: new tourist rentals can now be prohibited with the approval of 60% of the community board (Poder Judicial, 2025). Simultaneously, the regional government of Andalusia has adopted a more restrictive approach by revising the criteria for properties listed in the Andalusian Tourism Registry. As a result, a significant number of previously registered properties have been excluded, thereby preventing their continued operation as legal economic entities (Click and Home, 2025).

In any case, based on the findings presented throughout this study, it can be inferred that in cities characterized by monocentric or bicentric heritage systems, the processes of patrimonialization and the proliferation of short-term tourist rentals tend to mutually reinforce one another. The slightly higher correlation observed in the case of Granada can likely be attributed to its compact urban morphology and the dual concentration of major heritage sites, namely the Albaicín and the Alhambra, where tourism-driven transformation has traditionally been more spatially localized. In contrast, the broader historic core of Seville, which is home to one of the largest old towns in Europe, and the more dispersed distribution of short-term rentals contribute to a somewhat more diffuse, though nonetheless considerable, pattern of integrated spatial pressure.

In Malaga and Cordoba, however, the correlation is notably weaker, suggesting a more limited spatial association between proximity to heritage assets and the saturation of short-term tourist rentals. In the case of Malaga, the capital of the so-called Costa del Sol, this may be attributed to the expansion of tourist accommodation into non-heritage areas currently undergoing urban regeneration, such as the Soho district or the city–port interface. In Cordoba, the pattern is shaped by the highly localized concentration of touristification around the Mezquita–Catedral, with minimal diffusion into adjacent areas, resulting in a weak relationship between heritage accessibility and rental saturation.

Ultimately, these findings highlight the importance of complementing traditional correlation analyses with detailed spatial exploration. Cities exhibiting low overall correlation values may nonetheless contain highly localized hotspots of intense heritage–tourism pressure. Furthermore, the variation in correlation strength among the four cities studied points to the influence of mediating factors such as urban morphology, heritage hierarchy, and the role of cultural tourism as a catalyst for touristification. In this regard, compact urban forms, monocentric configurations, and the symbolic centrality of heritage landmarks emerge as key explanatory variables for the stronger correlations observed in Granada and Seville.

In the end, all of these findings reinforce the hypotheses put forward by scholars such as García-Hernández et al. (2017) and Yrigoy (2018) who argue that the processes of touristification in heritage cities across Southern Europe tend to cluster around emblematic heritage nodes (Quetglas-Llull et al., 2023). This dynamic, in turn, promotes tourism-driven gentrification and the socio-spatial restructuring of historic urban centers (Ferro et al., 2024; Altaba Tena et al., 2025).

The results obtained in the multi-scalar analysis of the distribution of tourist accommodation in Spain and Andalusia reveal significant territorial imbalances, with a marked concentration in coastal areas and historic urban centers of high heritage value. These patterns of concentration intensify the socio-spatial effects of tourism, particularly in the most tourist-oriented Andalusian municipalities such as Malaga or Seville. The application of indicators such as the Hierarchical Urban Saturation Index (HUSI) and the Integrated Tourist–Heritage Pressure Index (ITHPI) confirms how this tourism overload affects not only the urban spatial configuration but also living conditions and social perceptions of tourism.

Additionally, an emerging phenomenon requiring greater academic and political attention is the impact of recent national legislation on access to housing (2023 Housing Law), which appears to be generating indirect effects on the rental market. In a regulatory context that is stricter in terms of prices and lease durations, some owners are opting to shift the use of their properties, even those initially not intended for tourism, towards seasonal rentals or short-term accommodation through peer-to-peer platforms. This behavior, still difficult to quantify but observable in cities under strong housing pressure, introduces a new vector into the complex dynamics between tourism supply, residential availability, and public regulation.

In parallel, this study has demonstrated the centrality of historical heritage as a driver of tourist attraction. Proximity to World Heritage Sites proves to be a key factor in the location of tourist dwellings. However, this phenomenon can lead to accelerated processes of touristification that erode the residential fabric, intensify gentrification, and distort traditional urban functions.

Although regulatory frameworks exist to manage this type of accommodation, their effectiveness remains limited. The lack of coordination between the levels of government and the absence of a unified monitoring system hinder the proactive governance of the phenomenon. In this sense, the introduction of a multi-scalar approach and the proposed indicators aims not only to diagnose the phenomenon but also to provide comparable tools that can be incorporated into urban and tourism planning.

5. Conclusions

In conclusion, this study offers a substantive contribution to the academic discourse on the spatial manifestations of short-term tourist accommodations, particularly within urban contexts characterized by significant heritage value. Through a combination of quantitative spatial correlation analysis and interpretative territorial reading, the research has demonstrated that the intensity and configuration of the relationship between cultural heritage and the proliferation of tourist rentals are not uniform, but rather mediated by key urban variables, such as morphological compactness, heritage centrality, and the functional role of cultural tourism. These findings underscore the imperative of context-sensitive approaches in the formulation of regulatory frameworks and urban planning strategies, especially in cities subject to heightened tourism-driven transformation.

Looking forward, future lines of inquiry should consider the incorporation of complementary dimensions, including socio-demographic dynamics, residential displacement patterns, and the evolution of real estate pressures to deepen the understanding of the socio-spatial impacts associated with the expansion of short-term rentals. Moreover, longitudinal analyses tracking the medium- and long-term outcomes of recently implemented regulatory measures could yield critical insights regarding their effectiveness and potential unintended consequences. In this regard, the integration of advanced spatial analytics with critical urban theory remains essential for capturing the complexity of heritage–tourism interactions and informing more equitable and sustainable models of urban governance in outhern European cities.

Furthermore, the interplay between the 2023 national housing legislation and the strategic behavior of landlords, who increasingly convert long-term rentals into STRs to evade tighter regulations, deserves systematic attention. These dynamics, which are still unfolding, may further aggravate housing shortages in already saturated urban cores and call for harmonized multi-level governance solutions that align housing affordability with sustainable tourism policies.

Taken together, this phenomenon must be approached from an interdisciplinary and forward-looking perspective. The convergence of housing challenges, heritage preservation, and tourism impacts calls for the design of integrated policies that go beyond sectoral approaches. Future research should prioritize case studies in cities facing similar dilemmas, explore new forms of data integration to monitor changes, and foster participatory planning frameworks that ensure the inclusion of residents’ voices in the governance of tourism and urban transformation.