Minority Media as Part of Public Service Broadcasters in Societies in Transition: Insights into the Serbian Language Channel in Kosovo

Abstract

RTK 2 is an unordinary example that helps unravel the complex process of establishing, operations, and the role of minority-language media within public service broadcasters in transitional societies that have a legacy of war. As a Serbian-language television channel within the Radio Television of Kosovo, RTK 2 also provides an opportunity to analyze media outlets that were established as part of conditions imposed by foreign political decision-makers in countries where the largest minority is subject to the dual influence of both the official majority’s politics and that of the kin-state. Through an analysis of legal documents and an analysis of the news discourse, this study addresses two key aspects: the practical implementation of the concept of a public television channel for the largest ethnic minority within a multiethnic PSB at the managerial and news content level. The analysis confirms that RTK 2 attempts to maintain a balance between rival political factors influencing it, but this has a negative impact on the quality of its news content. This study contributes to the field by presenting a unique but under-researched case that can inform future comparative research on minority programs within the framework of public service broadcasting in multiethnic environments. The findings provide lessons learned from the operational practices of programs essential to the concept of multiethnic societies, yet shaped and constrained by political conditions.

1. Introduction

Radiotelevizija Kosovo 2 (RTK 2) is the main programmatic component of the multi-ethnicity concept within Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK). The separate Serbian-language television channel was founded after Kosovo’s declaration of independence on 17 February 2008, but it was conceived prior as part of international obligations during the period when the political status of Kosovo was being defined (International Crisis Group, 2012). Since June 2013, RTK 2 functions as an integral part of the media outlet that represents a sui generis case within the category of PSBs and within a milieu that is distinguished by ethnic tensions and polarized political stage. As distinct and important channel within RTK, it has become an unavoidable aspect of public discussions and reports about the media system in Kosovo’s society (Group for Legal and Political Studies, 2012; Mehmeti, 2019; Media Ownership Monitor Kosovo, 2023). In studies on the media system in Kosovo or on public broadcasters in Southeastern Europe, the channel is mentioned as part of RTK’s overall structure and as part of the international obligations undertaken by the newly established state of Kosovo. Studies assess that in Kosovo, which still faces challenges to accommodate its ethnic Serb minority within its institutional umbrella, the role of RTK remains crucial (Miftari, 2021).

However, existing studies have not addressed the specifics of this channel’s functioning within RTK, nor its editorial policy and program content, especially news programming. This study is unique because it elaborates on the key aspects of the functioning of this channel as part of RTK’s overall organizational and editorial structure.

Research Questions (RQs)

RQ1: What is the legal status of the Serbian-language television channel within Kosovo’s PSB?

RQ2: How does RTK 2 report on the polarized political and ethnic environment, based on the legal framework that defines its activity?

Hypotheses:

H1. 

RTK 2 holds a unique legal status within Kosovo’s Public Service Broadcaster, as it is a channel designated to provide content in the language of the country’s largest minority community. Nevertheless, similar to the majority-language channels, the law does not guarantee protection from political influence over its management structure and funding.

H2. 

The complex political environment is reflected in both the terminology and the structure of the news. RTK 2 adheres to the terminology established in the official documents of the state within which it operates. Meanwhile, it allocates its main news space to political actors who exert influence over it, both from Kosovo and from Serbia.

Taking into account the specificities of the case of RTK, at first glance the paper and its relevance may appear to be connected solely to Kosovo. However, in a broader context, they may contribute to advancing debates on the role of Public Service Broadcasters in political communication, the fulfillment of their social functions, and the study of media systems. PSBs operate in increasingly complex multicultural and multiethnic environments. Whether in media systems within societies that have traditions of power-sharing, or in those undergoing lengthy transitions, the rapport between PSBs and politics, as well as their inclusiveness and diversity in their programming, remain issues of significant societal importance.

1.1. Historical Background

History matters and matters a great deal in the process of transformation (Jakubowicz, 2001). This is particularly valid for media systems in countries that have experienced communism, wars, involvement of international actors, as well as ethnic and political polarization (Dyrstad, 2012; Broughton Micova, 2013; Hodžić, 2017). As Jakubowicz and other scholars establish, public media are subject to politicization beginning with the conditioning and perceptions on their missions by the founding institutions all the way to the direct interventions in their leadership or programme content (Hanretty, 2011; Tambini, 2015; Marko, 2017).

Kosovo makes no exception with regard to the strong interventions and influence of politics over PSB (Rexha, 2016; Rexha, 2018; Miftari, 2021; Thomass, 2021). The story of the Radio Television of Kosovo (RTK) begins in summer 1999, when Kosovo was placed under the protectorate of the UN, after the airstrikes of NATO against the regime of Slobodan Milošević. The UN administration (UNMIK) found in Kosovo a media system based on the former infrastructure of the Yugoslav period, when Radio Television of Prishtina had been the main audiovisual media outlet for the Albanian majority (Ruston, 1992), However, since the summer of 1990, following the banishing of Albanian journalists, it had been transformed into a propaganda tool for Serbia. Plenipotentiary under the competencies granted by UN Security Council Resolution 1244, UNMIK initially aimed to transform Radio Television of Prishtina, similar to the efforts of post-communist governments in other former communist bloc countries. It has never been officially clarified why this objective was abandoned. Instead of leading the transformation process, UNMIK, through the OSCE mission, which acted as its fourth pillar, invited the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) to establish a new broadcaster. In the document titled ‘Memorandum of Understanding between the OSCE and the EBU’, it is stated that:

EBU will oversee and manage the operation of Radio Television Kosovo (here in after RTK) to expand operation to include both radio and television and develop it as an independent public broadcaster for both television and radio. (Rexha, 2018).

An important component to attain this concept within RTK was the development of minority-language programming. Since then, 15 percent of the broadcasting space has been allocated to news and other programs in Serbian, Bosnian, Turkish, and Romani languages. Named as ‘community programs’, they were characterized by an editorial policy that promoted tolerance and coexistence among communities. In the period of defining Kosovo’s political status, the international actors reinforced this legal obligation of the public broadcaster. However, attention was focused on the Serbian minority and the creation of a separate television channel for it. The Comprehensive proposal for the Kosovo status settlement (2007),widely known as the Ahtisaari Plan, demanded the following:

guaranteed access to, and special representation in, public broadcast media as well as programming in their language, in accordance with the law and international standards; The right to create and use their own media, including to provide information in their language, and the use of a reserved number of frequencies for electronic media in accordance with the law and international standards.

(Annex II, Article 3)

The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo (2008), which entered into force on 15 June 2008, incorporated this requirement from the Ahtisaari Plan as part of the rights of the communities living in Kosovo. The Constitution stipulates that the Republic of Kosovo shall take all measures necessary to secure an international frequency plan to allow the Kosovo Serb Community access to a licensed Kosovo-wide independent Serbian language television channel (Chapter III, Article 59). While RTK and Albanian political actors accepted this compromise, various actors from the Serbian side opposed one of the defining elements for the future television channel: the location for its headquarters in Pristina and within Radio television of Kosovo (International Crisis Group, 2012). Their objections delayed the legal implementation of the requirements set forth in the Ahtisaari Proposal. Law No. 04/L-046 on radio television of Kosovo (2012) entered into force in 2012 and stipulated that RTK shall consist of two TV channels (TV channel in Albanian language and TV channel in Serbian language (chapter III, Article 8).

1.2. Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

This study is grounded primarily in Media Capture Theory, which addresses the processes through which political or commercial actors exert influence over media institutions (Schiffrin, 2017; Dragomir, 2017). In the context of public service broadcasting, media capture can occur through political appointments, dependence on state-controlled funding, and regulatory pressures (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013). As Hallin and Mancini (2004) argue, the structural conditions of media systems, including ownership and political parallelism, shape editorial independence and the capacity of public broadcasters to fulfill their democratic role. To explore how these structural constraints translate into news content, within minority-language programming, this study additionally draws on the Minority Media Framework (Cormack, 1998; Matsaganis et al., 2011). This framework highlights the dual role of minority media: they preserve cultural and linguistic identity, while navigating editorial, institutional, and regulatory demands of the broader media system.

The close dependence of PSB on social, cultural, and political circumstances (Jakubowicz, 2011), has been proven to be one of the key specific features of this media outlet category. Problems faced by media with PSB status come to the surface, especially those in countries in transition (Prina et al., 2013). Nevertheless, as evidenced by empirical studies in diverse media landscapes, PSBs operate in murky zone (Hanretty, 2011, p. 163). Conceived as public service broadcasters in decades that were dominated by mass media, these outlets aim to adapt their role and seek their own space as public service media (PSM) in the changing media environment (Olsen et al., 2024) and in the hybrid media system (Chadwick, 2017). Public Service Broadcasters continue to be considered important even in the digital era, despite the numerous debates surrounding their role within national media systems (Allan, 2016) and the numerous legitimacy challenges they face (Moss & Edwards, 2024). In countries with developed democracies, they are appreciated for their role in public service and as unique instruments dedicated to the common good (Barca, 2016).

However, even in most developed democracies, public service broadcasters, including the outlets that transformed into public service media, often operate within a hostile media environment (Cushion, 2019; Soontjens et al., 2020; Holtz-Bacha, 2021), either by commercial outlets or other interests in social groups that deem them obsolete in the new realities after the fall of national audiences’ limits in XXI century. Studies show that even in countries with tradition and with strong PSMs, policy change is often hard to achieve (Sundet & Syvertsen, 2020). The Internet and the liberalization of broadcasting markets have weakened their central position in the media market (Saurwein et al., 2019). On the other hand, the Internet era has shaken the foundations of the two universality categories by which PSB were distinguished. The universality of availability category has fallen, whereas the universality of appeal has become significantly more difficult to address (Hutchinson, 2017).

Nonetheless, the importance of PSB/PSM has not been impaired, as in many instances, their importance is measured by and is based on their performance in certain key areas (Ramsey, 2024). They may become part of distinctiveness (Hendrickx et al., 2019) and enhance interaction with audience as viable options of PSB strategy (Raats, 2012). In such cases, public broadcasters may have, or may be perceived to have a decisive role in ensuring that minority voices are heard (McClean, 2008), in promoting minorities by enhancing pluralism in the public sphere (Raboy, 1998) or in being developed as key players in securing an adequacy of services for minorities and regional cultures (Moring & Godenhjelm, 2011, p. 199). They achieve this through programs in minority languages and by addressing issues related to minorities within programming in the majority language. Comparative analyses indicate that minority channels can even reach beyond core speaker groups, while contributing to language normalization and cultural visibility (Willis, 2024). In different cases, they have transitioned from multicultural policies aimed at serving specific minority groups to integrationist policies that mainstream cultural diversity (Horsti & Hultén, 2011). Despite the different practices and their specific features stemming from historical periods, the development of programs in minority languages is considered a component that fosters the development of intercultural dialogue. However, attempts to achieve this goal may be considered and interpreted as clashes between the concepts of unification around a nation and increasing fragmentation within nation states. As scholars argue, identity and diversity might be considered to be somewhat antagonistic (Donders & Raats, 2015) and are difficult to attain, even for BBC (Aujla-Sidhu, 2016).

2. Methodology

This study employs two qualitative methods: qualitative document analysis and discourse analyses. The first method allows to systematically analyze and interpret a wide range of legal texts, including constitutions, media laws, regulations, and policy documents. This approach helps uncover the underlying principles, values, and power structures embedded within legal documents that govern the operation of PSBs. By focusing on the content, language, and context of these documents, qualitative document analysis enables to assess how legal frameworks support or constrain the independence, accountability, and public service obligations of broadcasters (Bauer & Stark, 2009). It also provides insight into the relationship between law, media policy, and societal needs, highlighting areas where legal provisions may align with or conflict with the evolving media landscape (McQuail, 2010). This method is particularly useful for identifying gaps in the legal protection of PSBs and for exploring the historical development of media law in a specific country or region.

The activity of RTK is regulated by a special law; therefore, the primary document for analysis is the Law on the Radio Television of Kosovo. Two internal legal documents of RTK also serve as primary sources for analysis: the Statute and the Professional Standards and Ethical Principles of Journalism in the Programs of Radio Television of Kosovo (2015). Within the political and social context, the establishment and activity of RTK 2 have also been addressed in documents from the period of defining Kosovo’s political status and following the declaration of independence. Therefore, the analysis in this paper also draws upon the following: Comprehensive proposal for the Kosovo status settlement (2007) and Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo (2008).

The functioning of RTK, and, in particular, the selection of its governing body and the method of its financing, have been the subject of reports by various international organizations as well as by civil society. For general reference, the European Commission’s Progress Reports on Kosovo over the past five years have been reviewed. As a researcher with a particular interest in the topic, I have also, from time to time, followed the reactions of other organizations, such as the EBU, the reports of local organizations, and the processes of selecting members of the RTK Board. Their assessments have broadened the contextual background and made the research more focused. However, the analysis of the impact of the legal framework on RTK and its Serbian-language television channel is concentrated on five key documents for it. While the qualitative document analysis creates room to deal with legal aspects of the functioning and management of RTK 2 under the auspices of the public broadcaster, it does not give an opportunity to analyze and interpret the reflection of the legal aspects on the editorial autonomy.

This paper uses discourse analysis, as a valuable method for studying public service broadcasters as it allows to examine how language, communication practices and media narratives shape and reflect the roles and responsibilities of PSBs within society. It helps to explore how PSBs present themselves as institutions of public trust and how they engage with broader societal issues such as democracy, diversity, and public accountability (Fowler, 1991; Hall, 1997). Discourse analysis also allows for the identification of discursive strategies used by PSBs to navigate political pressures and regulatory frameworks (Van Dijk, 2008; Couldry, 2010). Furthermore, this method enables the exploration of how PSBs construct and negotiate national identity, cultural values, and social norms, reflecting their unique position in shaping the public sphere (Livingstone & Lunt, 2007).This study employed manual discourse analysis without using qualitative data analysis software. Given the interpretive nature of discourse analysis, manual coding allowed close engagement with the material and flexibility in responding to the nuanced and context-dependent language used in the reports. As Gee et al. (1992) note, deep understanding of discourse often relies on sustained interpretive work rather than automated tools. Manual coding also supported analytical reflexivity, which is essential in studies involving sensitive political and ethnic content (Taylor, 2013; Saldaña, 2015).

The selection of the sample for analysis was preceded by the routine monitoring of the main news program on RTK 2. The news broadcast in the Serbian language has been a subject of interest for me as a researcher since the establishment of RTK 2. Taking into consideration the activity of the channel within a complex political and social environment, the key issues which have drawn my attention were: the prioritization of events, the structure of the news, and the principles of reporting. Over the years, research curiosity has transformed into a research interest. Continuous monitoring of the news, accompanied by a general familiarity with the political and social environment in Kosovo, has facilitated the selection of the specific sample for analysis. The first phase of the research was conducted during the months of August and September 2021. Below are the reasons that determined the choice of these months:

It is the practice of newsrooms in Kosovo’s media outlet that the intensity of political events is reduced in August and this situation creates more room to expand reporting into other areas, such as economy, social issues, etc. However, this is a challenging period for the media outlets too, which focus their reporting only on daily events and do not have their own news agenda. Meanwhile, September 2021 was a campaign month for municipal elections, of importance for the Serbs in municipalities where they are the majority. At the same time, there were unusual developments in the north of Kosovo, inhabited by a majority of Serbs. Discourse analyses was focused on the main news edition in Serbian language at RTK 2, named ‘Dnevnik 2’. The programme is broadcasted every weekday in the evening, starting at 19:00–19:30, containing the key events of the day. I monitored the live news edition and took notes, which later helped analyze whether the reporting and structure of the edition adhered to RTK’s Professional and Ethical Standards. For RTK editors and journalists, including those of the Serbian-language channel, that is the sole primary document that defines the principles of reporting, editorial policy, and the manner of reporting on non-majority communities in Kosovo. Instances of doubt regarding omissions or errors in my notes were resolved through re-verification on the RTK 2 YouTube channel, where ‘Dnevnik 2’ can be accessed.

The second period analyzed is that of the final days of the 2025 parliamentary election campaign in Kosovo. The Vetëvendosje Movement, known for its hard-line positions toward Serbia and its distinctive approach toward minority communities in Kosovo, was aiming for a second mandate. Meanwhile, the campaign was marked by fragmentation within the ranks of Serbian political forces in Kosovo. During the same period, there were unusual developments in Serbia, including protests against the government and the president. In this case as well, I employed the same approach, taking notes; however, the program was found only on the RTK 2 YouTube channel, since the analysis was carried out after the conclusion of the elections. The same program was analyzed in two different periods in order to verify whether RTK 2 employed consistent reporting methods and a uniform editorial approach toward different political actors.

The way RTK’s Serbian-language channel reports on events directly related to its community during unusual times, such as election campaigns, extraordinary political developments in Kosovo or Serbia, or periods of political tensions between Kosovo and Serbia helps draw conclusions about the accuracy, impartiality, objectivity, and pursuit of truth as important elements of editorial policy and reporting for public service broadcaster channels. The analysis included terminology, selection of reported events, editorial order of events within the structure of the news edition, reporting features, and the level of openness to information of interest to other communities.

3. Results

3.1. Legal Capture of RTK

Any study of the media system in Kosovo inevitably leads to its connection with politics. In the case of RTK, this connection is even stronger, realized in a top-down hierarchical form. It begins with the law and is implemented through RTK’s leadership and management bodies. Initially, the RTK Law stipulates that the multiethnic and gender character of Kosovo must be guaranteed in the RTK Board as the main governing body, stating that “at least two from 11 RTK Board members shall be appointed out of the Serb community” (Article 25, Chapter V). But, board members are directly appointed by the Kosovo Assembly. Comparative studies from different countries indicate that appointment by the legislature would result in more independence than appointment by the executive branch (Hanretty, 2011, p. 170). However, in the consolidated practice of political interventions in the activity of the PSB in Kosovo, appointment by the Assembly did not guarantee quality, professionalism, and independence of the RTK board. The centralization of the process exclusively within political decision-making generates chain effects in the leadership structures of RTK, including the channel dedicated to minorities.

The board is the body that appoints the general director of the RTK and gives the final decision on other directors, including the one for the Serbian language channel (Articles 30, 31). The appointment of RTK 2 director follows special procedures by mechanisms comprising multiethnic structures.

For the purpose of recruiting the Director of the Serbian Language Television Channel, the RTK Board shall establish a Working Group which shall be composed of: seven members, all of which must be politically independent and either representatives of civil society or experts in media; four shall be members of the Serbian community; too shall be members of the Albanian community and one shall be a member of a non-majority community other than the Serbian (Article 35, Chapter V).

Although the ‘Working Group’ may be considered the appropriate mechanism for reducing political influence, it remains powerless and constitutes only a small part of the broader structure of media capture. In the first phase of the process, its credibility is questionable, as it is established by the Board. In the second phase, the candidates selected through this mechanism are subjected to appointment by the Board, which itself is a body elected through a process centralized exclusively in the parliamentary majority.

In the course of daily operations, this position also reports to the Director General of RTK. The managerial autonomy of the Serbian-language TV channel, hierarchy, specifically the channel director, is comparable to that of other units (the Albanian-language television channels and the radio). In the practice of this channel’s operation, there have been ongoing problems both with the election of the director and with maintaining the position. However, this is not related to the fact that the channel is designated for minorities, as, in general, RTK faces problems with management positions, starting with the position of the Director General. In a media system characterized by the features of the Mediterranean Model (Hallin & Mancini, 2004), the position of the General Director bears the features described by scholars that must balance the interests of the state, which administers and funds the media, with the needs and interests of civil society (Nissen, 2016), whereas the scope of this media category is highly problematic as in general, the current support for PSM is not citizen, but institution-driven (Horowitz & Nieminen, 2017).

In the case of RTK, the connection with institutions has turned into strong dependence. The method of financing, as the second aspect linked to the independence of public broadcasters (Saurwein et al., 2019; Puppis et al., 2020), is also an exclusive right of the Assembly of Kosovo. However, in the framework of the general dependency, the channel in Serbian language has been granted legal guarantee for financing by the RTK Budget. In every calendar year RTK shall allocate 10% of its own overall budget received from all sources for the channel in Serbian language (Article, 21).

However, RTK 2 remains without funding whenever RTK is not allocated the budget foreseen by law. In the practice of RTK’s functioning, the allocation of the budget has been conditioned by the satisfaction of Members of the Assembly with RTK’s management bodies. In cases of dissatisfaction, RTK has been sanctioned through the suspension of financing from the state budget. Similarly to the appointment of the Board, in matters of PSB financing as well, politics uses the law as an instrument to exert its influence (Rexha, 2016), thereby reducing it to the level of a “political prisoner” (Thomass, 2021). The relationship between politics and the management bodies undermines the entire structure of PSBs. This scheme confirms the first hypothesis of this study. Political decision-making has predetermined RTK 2’s unique legal status of providing programming in the native language of the main minority; however, the institutions in charge have not ensured the legal preconditions for this. Within the overall structure of the PSB, captured by politics, it is at once both distinctive and the same.

3.2. De Facto Editorial (in) Dependence

Studies indicate that under the circumstances of political control over the managing bodies of public broadcasters, de facto independence is an abstract concept (Hanretty, 2011, p.167). In this specific case study, the concept of de facto independence is elaborated in the framework of editorial policy and the reporting way on events related to the Serbian community and the political factors influencing them.

3.2.1. Terminology

The first element stemming from the discourse analysis is the language and terminology being used. The main denomination is linked with RTK itself and its editorial policy prior to the establishment of RTK 2. Since the time of international administration, RTK used the term ‘community languages programming’, not ‘minority’, as happens with many other broadcasters. This term is in compliance with the most important political and legal documents of Kosovo. According to the Ahtisaari Proposal and then the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo (2008), ‘communities’ are as follows:

Inhabitants belonging to the same national or ethnic, linguistic, or religious group traditionally present on the territory of the Republic of Kosovo.

(Chapter III, Article 57)

Law No. 04/L-046 on radio television of Kosovo (2012) uses the same term, while stipulating that the:

Editorial policy of RTK shall be independent, fair, professional, objective, balanced and impartial.

(Article 18, point 8)

Thus, terminology becomes an unavoidable aspect of the analysis on the reflection of the editorial policy in programmatic content. Within a polarized political environment, aspects of terminology analysis begin with the initial term: that for naming the country within which RTK 2 operates. ‘Republika Kosovo’, ‘Kosovo i Metohija’ or ‘Kosovo’ may represent a great dilemma but is also of editorial significance for the channel in the Serbian language within the public service broadcaster of the Republic of Kosovo. ‘Republika Kosovo’ is not accepted by some Serbian political parties and by the majority of the Serb electorate in Kosovo, who are the main audience of RTK2. ‘Kosovo i Metohija’ is a term used by the official policy in Belgrade about the Republic of Kosovo, whereas ‘Kosovo’ is the compromise name used by the international actors too. The analysis of discourse reveals that RTK 2 news use all versions, while making a professional distinction between them. While reporting, the channel uses the term ‘Kosovo’. Inside stories we encounter the terms ‘Republika Kosovo’ and ‘Kosovo i Metohija’, but as quotes from interviewees, as parts of statements, or in cases of official name, for example: ‘Kancelarija Srbije za Kosovo Metohiju’. The same editorial approach is used for terms and names while reporting on various institutions and organizations. Such reporting practice is in compliance with the provisions of the Professional Standards and Ethical Principles of RTK on balancing information:

RTK programs that address issues of public interest and generate differing opinions must present diverse viewpoints adequately and equally. In this context, adequately and equally means impartiality and a reasonable volume, taking into account the weight of particular viewpoints and specific opinions and their significance.

(Point 2.3)

Balancing through the presentation of all parties, using the terminology they themselves employ, may be an appropriate way to avoid attacks of the parties against the PSB. However, this approach reduces the role of journalists and the program to that of passive conveyors of the narratives of powerful political stakeholders. The media has no voice of its own while it attempts to adapt by creating superficial balances in the name of impartial reporting and self-presentation in neutral tones. At times, this reaches the point where the news does not create room to make a connection between the channel and the state it belongs to. Through a basic but specific example, the language used reflects the balance that may be interpreted in various ways depending on the contexts of viewpoint: ‘U nastavku “Dnevnika” domaće teme (in English: ‘follows the “Dnevnik”, topics from the country’) is the usual sentence that connects world news with the second part of the news edition. For those Serbs who do not acknowledge the state of Kosovo and consider it still to be part of Serbia, ‘domaće’ may even refer to events in Serbia. For Albanians and others that may follow RTK 2 and know it is a television channel of the Republic of Kosovo this definition may mean that Kosovo events are upcoming.

3.2.2. The Structure of Dnevnik 2

This news program follows the usual news structure of television channels. The news begins with headlines, continues with selected events, and concludes with information on culture, sports, and weather. In the headlines (usually five main headlines), the most important events for the Serbian community in Kosovo are highlighted, along with other developments from politics or other fields in Kosovo, and the main event from the world. Sometimes, events from Serbia or from sports, culture, etc., are also highlighted in the headlines. As such, the headlines reflect the editorial decision that the order of events within the news edition will be based on their importance, while giving priority to events related to the Serbian community in Kosovo.

In cases where there are significant developments both in Serbia and in Kosovo, priority is given to Kosovo. In one example (4 March 2025), the report on clashes in the Serbian Parliament was aired starting at 12 min and 30 s into the broadcast, even though it was an important event of the day for the Albanian media. In cases where there are important news stories concerning issues related to Serbs living in Kosovo or events connected to them, these are ranked higher in the news program’s structure. For example, in the edition of 3 March 2025, a report about a Serbian suspect in a war crimes case in Kosovo and another report featuring statements by the mayor of Štrpce, a Serb-majority municipality, were placed starting from the fourth minute, while the report on the President of Serbia appears from minute 6:16.

The most important events, especially those from Serb-majority localities, are covered with reports prepared by RTK 2’s correspondents. When an event causes reactions from different sides, it is covered either through one or two reports and through separate news items.

A characteristic of the ‘Dnevnik 2’ structure is the connection between events in Kosovo and Serbia. Examples of this include: coverage of COVID-19, the situation in northern Kosovo in late September and early October 2021 (regarding reciprocity measures and Serbian barricades), or examples from the 2025 analysis, where within a few minutes of the news edition, interconnected stories were broadcast: a report from the Prime Minister’s Office of Kosovo, a post on social media by a mayor from the Serb-majority municipality in Kosovo criticizing the Prime Minister of Kosovo, announcements of protests in northern Kosovo against the President of Serbia, as well as statements from the President of Serbia himself. This method of reporting appears to create the opportunity for all opposing sides, even those with diametrically opposed views, to be represented. In reporting on political events, RTK 2 represents the stances of various sides. For example: RTK 2 reports about activities of Albanian parties during the election campaign. Regarding the talks between Kosovo and Serbia constantly requests and broadcasts also the positions of the Albanian analysts in Kosovo.

3.2.3. Dominance of Political Voices

The structure of the program is dominated by the voices of political representatives, either in Kosovo or Serbia. By such approach, the editorial policy of RTK 2 showcases the ordinary model in the Western Balkans, where PSBs are organized around traditional structures (Marko, 2017) and lack of editorial independence (Milosavljević & Poler, 2017). By protocol news (Andresen, 2009), these public broadcasters do not achieve exposure diversity (Helberger & Buri, 2015) or do not ensure content diversity (Horowitz & Nieminen, 2017).

Even in cases when RTK 2 provides space within the news edition to issues from the daily lives of Serb citizens in Kosovo they are treated as less important and are listed in the second part of the news edition. The reports prepared by RTK 2 journalists on community issues, such as economic, social, cultural matters, etc. meet the principle of accuracy as foreseen by RTK’s professional standards. The journalists avoid personal evaluations, focusing solely on simple description and refraining from judgments or comments. This way of reporting is part of the legacy from the period of the UN protectorate. UNMIK attempted to promote peace-building journalism, particularly within RTK. In the programs for communities within the PSB of Kosovo as an independent state, it emerges as an element that helps fulfill the responsibility to inform the audience without provoking reactions from opposing political parties. As such, it constitutes the final component of the content structure, which confirms the second hypothesis of this paper.

Nonetheless, RTK 2 news usually seeks more than one protagonist’s perspective in the story, even in cases where the other side belongs to different communities, thus demonstrating openness to various viewpoints and other communities. In such cases, a particular detail emerges: Albanian interviewees or those from other non-Serb communities, who know the Serbian language, give their statements in Serbian; something that, in a society built upon the legacy of war, can be interpreted as a willingness to advance interethnic communication and as an acknowledgment by other communities of a media program initially established as part of political conditions.

4. Discussion

RTK 2 is a small television channel, which can serve as an important example for PSBs operating in complex political and ethnic environments. With its dualis that scholars Caspi and Elias (2010) define as media-for minorities and media-by minorities, RTK 2 serves both as practice and as a lesson learned. As a practice, this case reflects the difficulties faced by PSB programs dedicated to minorities within PSBs in captured media systems.

The findings of this study provide empirical support for Media Capture Theory (Schiffrin, 2017), indicating that political appointments and financial constraints create conditions that allow powerful actors to capture and control public service broadcasters (Mungiu-Pippidi, 2013). Moreover, the results corroborate the strong interconnections between politics and PSBs within the Mediterranean Model (Hallin & Mancini, 2004) while also illustrating the politicization driven by founding institutions (Jakubowicz, 2001; Hanretty, 2011). Although previous research (Rexha, 2018; Miftari, 2021) highlighted the dependence of Kosovo’s PSB on political actors, the present study extends these insights by showing that political influence reaches even the Serbian-language channel. Taken together, these findings underscore how structural vulnerabilities facilitate systematic political control.

The law creates direct dependency of RTK by the political power, including of the channel in Serbian language, in both key elements: election of the board and the manner of funding. Such an approach by politics limits the overall development of PSBs, despite the fact that they are entrusted with special responsibilities. Empirical studies from various countries confirm that, in fulfilling responsibilities such as producing programs for ethnic minorities, public service broadcasters function as key institutions for democracy. Through such programs, PSBs play a crucial role in amplifying minority voices, enhancing cultural visibility, and fostering cultural diversity (McClean, 2008; Willis, 2024; Horsti & Hultén, 2011). However, the results of this study partially challenge these assumptions. As the case of Kosovo demonstrates, they represent the greatest challenge for PSBs in societies characterized by ethnic divisions and political polarization. Furthermore, Kosovo represents a unique case of PSB development under the influence and involvement of international organizations. International politics also created a direct link between Kosovo’s political status and the establishment of a special television channel within the PSB for the largest ethnic minority. The provisions governing its activity have become an integral part of the legal documents regulating the functioning of Kosovo’s PSB.

In its news content, this channel has designed practical approaches aimed at avoiding or not provoking potential reactions from political actors exerting influence over it. Yet, even this merely makes it an example of lessons to be drawn for similar media environments. In countries going through transition, those without a tradition of media system independence, or those with ethnic divisions, the condition of programs dedicated to minorities is directly tied to the position of the PSB/PSM in relation to other political and social factors.