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Article

“Seeing Myself as a Whole”: An IPA Study Exploring Positive Body Image Through Greek Women’s Embodied Experiences

by
Konstantina Adamidou
1 and
Panagiota Tragantzopoulou
2,*
1
Department of Psychology, University of East London, London E16 2RD, UK
2
School of Social Sciences, University of Westminster, London W1B 2HW, UK
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Women 2025, 5(4), 45; https://doi.org/10.3390/women5040045
Submission received: 28 September 2025 / Revised: 28 October 2025 / Accepted: 17 November 2025 / Published: 19 November 2025

Abstract

Positive Body Image (PBI) has been conceptualized as a multidimensional construct encompassing acceptance, functionality appreciation, and self-care, yet little is known about the lived processes through which women move from self-criticism to reconciliation with their bodies. This study aimed to explore how women experience, construct, and sustain PBI in their everyday lives, and to identify the psychological and contextual factors that facilitate its development. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with ten women in Greece (ages 18–62) of diverse body sizes, educational backgrounds, and life circumstances, which were then analyzed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. Participants were recruited through convenience sampling and interviewed online between July and August 2025. Findings revealed three superordinate themes—(1) Catalysts of Realism and Self-Care, (2) From Rejection to Reconciliation, and (3) My Own Positive Body Image—comprising nine subthemes that together illustrated a developmental process of body acceptance and meaning-making. Findings revealed a trajectory from self-rejection to reconciliation, marked by shifts from external appearance to holistic embodiment, and from self-criticism to compassion, functionality appreciation, and intrinsic motivation. Participants described mindful self-care practices—particularly exercise and healthy eating—as acts of self-nurturing, supported by psychotherapy, positive social relationships, and turning points such as illness, aging, or personal maturation. These catalysts facilitated a reorientation of body image away from societal ideals and toward health, resilience, and existential meaning. The study contributes to understanding how women develop sustainable forms of PBI, highlighting the importance of self-compassion, supportive contexts, and body functionality. These insights have implications for interventions aiming to promote wellbeing, resilience, and healthier relationships with the body across the lifespan.

1. Introduction

Body image (BI) refers to one’s perceptions, thoughts, and feelings about the body’s appearance and functionality, shaped by personal beliefs and sociocultural influences [1,2,3]. In recent years, research has shifted from focusing on dissatisfaction to exploring positive body image (PBI)—a multidimensional construct encompassing body acceptance, functionality appreciation, and self-care [4,5]. Rather than the mere absence of negative evaluation, PBI represents a holistic sense of embodiment, gratitude, and respect for the body, contributing to psychological well-being and resilience [6].

1.1. Theoretical and Sociocultural Perspectives on PBI

Several frameworks help explain how PBI develops and is sustained. Self-Determination Theory (SDT) identifies autonomy, competence, and relatedness as key needs underpinning intrinsic motivation and health-oriented behaviors, linking PBI to empowerment and well-being [7,8,9]. From a sociocultural view, Stereotype Embodiment Theory describes how cultural beliefs about aging and appearance are internalized across the lifespan: negative stereotypes (e.g., aging as decline) undermine self-esteem and acceptance, while positive narratives of wisdom and resilience foster PBI and vitality [10,11,12]. The concept of aging embodiment further highlights that aging is a socially mediated experience influencing how bodies are perceived and cared for [13,14]. In this paper, embodiment refers to the lived, agentive experience of the body—how individuals inhabit, move, and connect with it through practices such as exercise, cultivating awareness and resilience [15,16]. A phenomenological lens similarly emphasizes the body as lived experience rather than an object of evaluation, with studies on disability and sensory awareness showing that focusing on embodied experience promotes authenticity and self-acceptance [17,18,19,20].
These theoretical perspectives intersect with contemporary movements such as body positivity and body neutrality. Body positivity challenges appearance-based ideals by promoting acceptance and empowerment, with evidence linking exposure to body-positive content to higher self-esteem and reduced body shame [21,22,23]. Yet, critiques point to its commodification in digital media and its limited capacity to address stigma and structural inequities, especially for marginalized groups [24,25,26,27]. Findings from recent qualitative research with overweight women in southern and eastern Europe further complicate these critiques as participants described ambivalence toward body positivity, perceiving it as rhetorically inclusive yet ineffective against persistent stigma, workplace discrimination, and family scrutiny [27]. In contrast, body neutrality shifts attention from appearance to bodily functionality and capability, promoting acceptance without requiring pride or aesthetic satisfaction [28,29]. Although this stance can support well-being during bodily change, critics note that excessive neutrality may risk emotional detachment or reduced empowerment [29,30]. Both frameworks can enhance well-being depending on individual readiness and sociocultural context [22,31].
Overall, these evolving perspectives reflect a broader cultural shift toward authenticity and diversity—redefining body ideals around lived experience, functionality, and human variation rather than aesthetic perfection [23,26].

1.2. Factors Contributing to PBI

Several factors have been identified as central to the development of PBI. A key element is body functionality appreciation—the focus on what the body can do rather than how it looks [32]. Reconciliation with the body, understood as recognition of the body as a valuable means of existence rather than an object of evaluation, also plays a crucial role [5]. Gradual detachment from the pursuit of the “ideal body” allows individuals to redefine self-worth beyond appearance [33]. Self-esteem, self-acceptance, emotional resilience, and self-regulation emerge as protective mechanisms that help individuals resist external pressures and negative stimuli [31,34].
Social support is equally significant. Acceptance and respect from family, friends, and meaningful social networks function as buffers against negative influences and facilitate healthier and more realistic self-perceptions [18,31,35]. Supportive relationships with parents, educators, and peers further promote PBI by strengthening self-esteem and reducing the detrimental impact of social media [36]. Nonetheless, the interplay between these factors and individual differences (e.g., gender, age, cultural background) remains insufficiently understood [37].
Participation in online communities that emphasize solidarity, diversity, and positive feedback has been shown to foster well-being and self-esteem, supporting embodied acceptance and improving mental health [34,38]. Similarly, therapeutic approaches focusing on acceptance, body functionality, and intrinsic value beyond appearance lead to deeper psychological reconciliation with the body [39]. However, further research is required to examine the connection between such factors and long-term outcomes such as quality of life and mental health, moving beyond the mere reduction in body dissatisfaction [31].

1.3. Strategies for Promoting Positive Body Image

The development of PBI unfolds through internal dialogue, interpersonal relationships, reconciliation, and life transitions, positioning it as a dynamic process linked to self-awareness, self-care, and psychological growth [20,31]. Higher PBI levels correlate with greater mental and physical well-being, reduced anxiety and depression, and higher self-esteem and quality of life [40]. For women, bodily changes across the lifespan—such as aging, motherhood, or hormonal fluctuations—shape both body perception and acceptance [18]. Yet, prevailing beauty standards reinforce self-objectification and are associated with poorer psychological outcomes [41,42,43,44]. Despite these pressures, cultivating PBI fosters empowerment and resilience through reflection and inner transformation [45,46]. Shifting from shame to bodily pride thus represents not only personal growth but also an act of resistance to cultural ideals that privilege narrow aesthetics and marginalize diversity [37,41].
Strategies that promote PBI integrate both critical reflection and embodied practice. Developing critical media literacy—an awareness of how beauty norms are socially constructed—enhances resistance to unrealistic ideals and strengthens body appreciation [20,47]. Similarly, reframing body-related experiences improves psychological well-being by boosting self-esteem and reducing depressive mood [31]. Avoiding body-shaming content and selectively engaging with empowering media act as self-protective cognitive strategies [46]. Self-compassion is central, reducing self-criticism and promoting kindness toward the body, which fosters acceptance and resilience against appearance pressures [5,21,48]. Women who practice self-compassion report higher self-esteem and lower body shame [18,49]. Likewise, mindfulness—cultivating non-judgmental awareness of bodily sensations and emotions—supports acceptance and reduces anxiety [34]. The effectiveness of these strategies depends on individual readiness, social context, and sustained engagement [37].

1.4. Age and PBI

Aging brings biological and aesthetic changes that may provoke distress; however, many women adapt by reframing body image in terms of health, functionality, and daily vitality rather than appearance [18,50]. This shift fosters greater acceptance of the body as a medium of expression and experience, enhancing well-being and quality of life [51]. Yet, internalized beauty ideals that equate youth with worth continue to pressure women, making bodily change not only a physical but also a social challenge shaped by cultural expectations of visibility and value [52,53,54]. For some, aging entails a perceived loss of relevance, particularly as detachment from the “male gaze” diminishes social visibility, underscoring the need for realistic and empowering models of embodiment [55,56].
With maturity, women often reinterpret dominant beauty narratives, redefining attractiveness on their own terms [55]. Still, culturally sensitive and age-inclusive approaches remain essential to support this process of self-reconnection [52]. Promoting positive aging models, destigmatizing bodily decline, and cultivating self-empathy can counteract ageist pressures and reinforce resilience [55,57].
Building on the theoretical and empirical insights outlined above, this study addresses key gaps in understanding PBI in relation to women’s daily well-being and psychosocial functioning. Although existing research demonstrates the protective role of PBI for self-esteem, stress regulation, and social participation [20,40], qualitative studies exploring how embodied positivity develops remain scarce—particularly within the Greek context [54]. Internationally, most work relies on quantitative or broad thematic approaches, offering limited insight into women’s lived, subjective experiences [13,18,19]. This study therefore aims to examine how women experience, construct, and sustain PBI in everyday life, focusing on: (1) how they perceive and make sense of it; (2) which factors contribute to its development and reinforcement; and (3) what emotional, practical, and identity-related shifts accompany its embodiment. By addressing these dimensions, the study advances theoretical understanding and informs interventions that promote empowerment, resilience, and holistic mental health through positive bodily experience. This research offers a novel contribution by providing an in-depth phenomenological account of women’s embodied experiences of PBI within the Greek sociocultural context—a perspective largely absent from the current literature. The paper proceeds as follows: the next section outlines the methodological approach, followed by the presentation of key findings, theoretical integration, and conclusions.

2. Methodology

2.1. Research Design

To systematically explore the meanings underpinning individual experiences and guiding participants’ behavior [58], a qualitative research design was adopted. This approach facilitates an in-depth and holistic understanding of individuals’ lived realities through the collection of rich, nuanced data [59]. Specifically, the study was grounded in interpretative phenomenology, drawing on Heidegger’s hermeneutic philosophy, which views human experience as inseparable from its context and interpretation. Unlike descriptive phenomenology, which seeks to bracket the researcher’s assumptions, Heideggerian phenomenology acknowledges that interpretation is an inevitable and valuable part of understanding lived experience. Individuals are seen as being-in-the-world—that is, their experiences are shaped by social, cultural, and historical contexts, as well as by their personal meanings.
Within this framework, the research focused on how women make sense of their embodied experiences and how they construct meaning around body image in relation to their lifeworld. The approach is thus idiographic, emphasizing the depth and uniqueness of each participant’s account rather than seeking generalization. It is also interpretative, as understanding emerges through a dynamic interaction between participants’ meaning-making and the researchers’ reflective engagement with the data. Reflexivity was maintained throughout the process, with researchers critically examining how their own perspectives and assumptions influenced data collection and analysis. This interpretative, phenomenological stance allowed for a nuanced exploration of positive body image as a lived and contextualized experience, aligning theoretical orientation with methodological practice.

2.2. Participants

Ten women meeting the following inclusion criteria participated in the study: (1) being over 18 years of age and (2) having no current official diagnosis of a severe clinical disorder that could significantly affect body image experiences (e.g., eating disorders, psychosis). This exclusion was deliberate to focus the study on the development and maintenance of PBI in non-clinical populations, ensuring that insights reflect everyday experiences rather than the impact of clinical symptomatology. By excluding individuals with eating disorders, the study delineates a boundary between adaptive and pathological body image processes, allowing a clearer understanding of how PBI emerges in the general population. Participants, aged 18–62 years, were all residents of Greece and represented a variety of body types and body weights (see Table 1). Recruitment was conducted through convenience sampling which facilitated access to a heterogeneous group across ages, educational levels, and body sizes, consistent with IPA’s emphasis on depth and diversity of lived experience. Participants were approached directly and provided written informed consent prior to participation. The decision to recruit 10 participants aligns with IPA conventions, which emphasize small, purposive samples that allow for detailed, idiographic analysis [60]. While interviews lasted 15–30 min, they yielded rich, detailed accounts sufficient for interpretative analysis. Saturation was monitored throughout data collection: after the eighth interview, no new codes or themes emerged, and the final two interviews served to confirm and refine existing categories. The median transcript length was approximately 3200 words, reflecting substantial narrative depth for phenomenological inquiry. These considerations provide evidence that the sample size and interview duration were adequate to explore the complexity of participants’ lived experiences of PBI.

2.3. Data Collection

Ethical approval was obtained from the first author’s university Research Ethics Committee prior to recruitment. Potential participants were approached through convenience sampling and invited—both verbally and via a recruitment notice—to participate in the study by sharing their experiences of body image. Individuals who expressed interest and met the inclusion criteria were provided with an information sheet outlining the study aims, ethical safeguards, and the content of the interview guide. They were encouraged to contact the first author with any questions regarding procedures, ethics, or participation.
Anonymity was safeguarded through the assignment of individual participant codes, and participants were assured that no identifying information would appear in study materials. Participation was entirely voluntary, with the right to withdraw at any point during the interview, to decline to answer specific questions, or to request withdrawal of their data within two weeks of participation. Informed consent was obtained in writing for both participation and audio recording, once participants confirmed their understanding of the study and willingness to take part.
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, a widely used qualitative method in the social sciences that facilitates the exploration of individually constructed experiences [61,62]. The interviews were conducted online via Microsoft Teams between July and August 2025, lasted 15–30 min, and were preceded by the completion of a short demographic questionnaire. Interviews were conducted online to facilitate participation across different locations, ensuring convenience and comfort for the participants. An interview guide was developed, comprising ten open-ended questions that were closely aligned with the study aims. An interview guide was developed comprising ten open-ended questions aligned with the study aims. Questions encouraged participants to reflect on their current body image, compare it with past perceptions, and identify internal or external factors contributing to changes (e.g., activities, people, practices, age, or milestone events). Participants were also invited to share their conceptualization of positive body image, describe how this shift may have influenced their daily lives, and offer a message to women experiencing body image difficulties. All interviews were audio-recorded with participants’ consent and subsequently transcribed verbatim in Greek. Transcriptions were then translated into English for analysis and publication. To preserve meaning and nuance, a two-step translation process was employed: initial translation by the first author, followed by verification by the second author. Any discrepancies were discussed and resolved to ensure fidelity to participants’ accounts.
Following each interview, participants received a debriefing form outlining the use of their data, the two-week withdrawal period, and contact information for free support services should any distress arise. Each participant was warmly thanked for their contribution. Data confidentiality was maintained through the use of anonymized participant codes in all study files and transcripts. All materials were securely stored on an external hard drive protected with a security code and kept in a locked cabinet in the researcher’s professional office, as well as on the researcher’s personal computer secured with password and fingerprint authentication. Access to all data, consent forms, and interview materials was restricted solely to the research team.

2.4. Data Analysis

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was employed as the methodological approach, as it enables a detailed exploration of lived experience while attending to processes of perception and meaning [62]. IPA views research as a dynamic and interpretative process in which participants’ personal worlds are accessed indirectly through the researcher’s engagement with their accounts. The aim is to generate rich, personal narratives that capture both the content of the experience and its subjective significance [63]. A central principle of IPA is double hermeneutics: researchers seek to understand how participants make sense of their own experiences, engaging in a co-construction of meaning. This process requires sensitivity not only to participants’ explicit verbal accounts but also to the emotional tone, pauses, and subtler narrative cues embedded within their stories [62].
The choice of IPA was particularly suited to the aims of this study, as it allowed for an exploration of women’s experiences of positive body image that moved beyond the identification of contributing factors. Instead, it facilitated access to the deeper thoughts, feelings, and strategies underlying these perceptions. Its focus on subjective experience and identity construction [64] provided an effective framework for examining how participants negotiated the interplay between self-perception and external influences.
The analytic process was iterative and reflexive. Both authors engaged in repeated readings of the transcripts to ensure immersion in the data and produced detailed notes capturing descriptive observations as well as emerging conceptual insights. From these notes, themes were developed, clustered, and refined to capture the underlying meanings in participants’ accounts. No specialized qualitative software was used; analysis was conducted manually to allow flexible engagement with the material and deeper interpretative insight. Connections were then examined across cases to identify recurring patterns and to group related themes into higher-order categories. Decisions regarding the inclusion of themes were based on both their recurrence across participants and the richness of the supporting data. Throughout this process, the two authors discussed interpretations collaboratively, challenging and refining each other’s perspectives to enhance the depth and credibility of the analysis.
To enhance transparency and methodological clarity, the analytic procedure followed the key stages of IPA as outlined by Smith et al. [60]. First, both researchers engaged in repeated and detailed readings of each transcript, making initial descriptive, linguistic, and conceptual notes to ensure deep immersion in participants’ accounts. Second, emergent themes were generated from these notes, capturing essential meaning units and patterns within each individual transcript. Third, these themes were clustered together through a process of abstraction, grouping related ideas into higher-order conceptual categories. In this process, participant statements were first coded for meaningful units, then interpreted to capture the underlying psychological or experiential significance, and finally organized into conceptual categories that formed emergent themes and sub-themes. For example, a participant’s description of engaging in self-care or reflection would be interpreted as representing an underlying process, such as empowerment or reconciliation, which then contributed to a broader, higher-order theme. This procedure ensured a transparent and auditable chain from raw data to interpretative insights. Fourth, cross-case analysis was undertaken to identify convergences and divergences between participants’ experiences, ensuring that themes reflected both shared and unique aspects of meaning across cases.
Reflexive awareness was maintained at every stage, with attention given to how the researchers’ assumptions, professional backgrounds, and lived experiences might shape interpretation. Rather than attempting to suppress these influences, reflexivity was acknowledged and used as an interpretative resource in the co-construction of meaning with participants. In addition to reflexive journaling, analytic memos and regular supervisory discussions were employed to monitor how interpretative choices evolved and to ensure that theoretical sensitivity did not overshadow participants’ voices. When discrepancies or interpretative differences arose during coding, the two authors discussed and critically examined each perspective until consensus was reached, documenting the rationale for final decisions in analytic memos. To strengthen the trustworthiness of the study, several strategies were employed: prolonged engagement with the data through repeated readings, collaborative discussions between authors and with the research supervisor, and maintenance of an audit trail to document analytic decisions. Verbatim transcription and the consistent use of anonymized participant codes supported confirmability, while a thick description of the sample and research context enables readers to evaluate the transferability of findings. Although participant transcript validation was not possible, credibility was enhanced through detailed audit trails, cross-case comparisons, and transparent documentation of analytic reasoning.
The researchers’ positionality was also an integral consideration. Both authors were women from the same cultural context as participants, which may have facilitated rapport and encouraged openness during the interviews. At the same time, reflexive journaling and supervisory dialogue were used to critically examine personal assumptions, values, and potential biases that could influence interpretation. The first author, trained as a psychologist, brought a heightened sensitivity to participants’ emotional expression and embodied narratives, which supported empathic engagement but also required ongoing reflection to ensure that clinical perspectives did not overly pathologize or reinterpret participants’ lived experiences. The second author, working as an academic researcher, contributed an interpretative distance that helped contextualize participants’ meaning-making within broader theoretical frameworks but also required vigilance to avoid over-intellectualizing or abstracting their voices. Both authors’ own experiences of embodiment and professional practice inevitably shaped the interpretative lens through which data were viewed. Shared gendered and cultural experiences allowed for resonance and empathy with participants’ accounts of body perception, while differences in age and professional stance fostered constructive reflexivity during interpretation. Regular discussions specifically focused on reconciling interpretative differences and ensuring that both personal biases and disciplinary lenses were balanced. Through continued dialogue, journaling, and supervision, these positions were explicitly acknowledged and critically discussed as part of the interpretative process. This reflexive engagement was central to maintaining interpretative integrity and transparency, ensuring that empathy and theoretical framing were balanced with fidelity to participants’ lived experiences.

3. Results

The analysis yielded three superordinate themes, each capturing distinct yet interconnected aspects of participants’ experiences of cultivating a PBI. These were: (1) Catalysts of Realism and Self-Care, (2) From Rejection to Reconciliation, and (3) My Own PBI (see Table 2). Each theme is presented below with its subthemes, supported by illustrative extracts from participants’ narratives.

3.1. Catalysts of Realism and Self-Care

This theme captures the psychological and experiential processes through which participants redefined their relationships with their bodies. Across accounts, moments of change were experienced as embodied “turning points”—opportunities to reconstruct meaning, agency, and acceptance. Factors such as exercise, nutrition, psychotherapy, supportive relationships, illness, time, and maturity acted as vehicles for re-authoring bodily narratives, allowing participants to move from self-criticism toward reconciliation and care. These catalysts were not simply external influences, but interpretative junctures where participants negotiated between societal ideals and lived bodily experience.

3.1.1. Exercise and Nutrition as Embodied Agencies

For all participants, physical activity and a healthy lifestyle were described as yielding multiple benefits—practical, aesthetic, and psychological. Yet beneath these descriptions, exercise emerged as a symbolic act of reclaiming control and restoring trust in the body. Rather than an externally imposed routine, it became a medium through which participants could re-negotiate self-worth and experience embodied autonomy—restoring emotional balance through an active, lived relationship with the body.
For Erika, exercise and healthy nutrition were framed as practices of care, respect, and self-empowerment. The consistency of these practices reinforced psychological balance and a sense of self-sufficiency. Her narrative reveals how care for the body translated into care for the self—where movement embodied stability and self-respect. Strengthening and toning fostered acceptance and a meaningful connection that transcended appearance. Here, the body was experienced as a trustworthy companion rather than an adversary, signaling a shift from control to collaboration:
“Exercise and a healthy lifestyle definitely help… Even if I don’t exercise a lot or I don’t have the super-fit body of an athlete, I feel good simply by taking care of myself… I feel that I am taking care of myself, so I feel good about it.”
(Erika)
For Ivy, exercise—closely tied to her academic and professional expertise—was described as a means of recognizing holistic needs and deepening understanding of the body. Her account demonstrates how knowledge and lived experience are intertwined to produce an embodied sense of wisdom. The body became both a subject of study and a site of emotional attunement, transforming bodily awareness into an ongoing dialogue between mind and body:
“…with the knowledge I was gaining, both academically and experientially through my work, I understood when and why the body reacts, or when and why it has a particular need.”
(Ivy)
For Valia, exercise represented a turning point that redefined her perception of her body. Initially anchored in visible change, this transformation symbolized the possibility of renewal—the body proving its capacity for change, resilience, and worth. What began as an aesthetic motivation evolved into an existential affirmation: her body could change, and thus so could she.:
“Surely, as I said, the exercise that I started and the changes I saw—this was the first time it ever happened to me to actually see changes…”
(Valia)
This was particularly salient for Valia, whose relatively younger age and lower BMI may have made visible changes from exercise more noticeable and psychologically reinforcing. In contrast, older participants such as Veronica described bodily changes less in terms of aesthetics and more through a lens of health and functionality. Across participants, then, exercise became a lived metaphor for agency—a practice through which the self was reclaimed, and the body re-experienced as capable, responsive, and trustworthy.

3.1.2. Psychotherapy and Relationships as Relational Mirrors of Acceptance

Psychotherapy and supportive relationships were described not merely as sources of help, but as reflective spaces where self-image could be reinterpreted and validated. Through these relational encounters, participants re-constructed distorted meanings and developed more compassionate perspectives toward their bodies, illustrating how relational identity shapes embodied self-perception. For Erika, psychotherapy offered a space for awareness and reconciliation, enabling her to move from self-criticism to gratitude. Her account illuminates how therapeutic dialogue facilitated an interpretative reconstruction of bodily identity—replacing aesthetic evaluation with existential appreciation.
“Psychotherapy… the need to reconcile with what you have, to accept deterioration, to accept the ‘flaw.’ To accept that these are the physical characteristics you have, this is the body you have. And to feel gratitude for everything you have.”
(Erika)
Supportive relationships were likewise identified as a crucial factor in overturning negative meanings and enhancing self-esteem. They offered participants alternative perspectives to counter self-doubt, while simultaneously encouraging self-care and more positive self-talk. Within the context of trusted family and friendships, participants felt safe, accepted, and valued. These relationships not only provided comfort but also played an active role in the construction of bodily identity, serving as a medium through which shame was transformed into reconciliation:
“…the people who were close to me helped me… by telling me ‘you’re fine’, ‘you’re okay, ain’t nothing about you that isn’t beautiful’… and when I told them what troubled me about my body, they would always say, ‘you’re beautiful, you see it wrong.’”
(Sandy)
In these relational spaces, meaning was co-constructed—self-acceptance became possible because it was first witnessed and affirmed by others.

3.1.3. Illness, Time, and Maturation as Embodied Ruptures and Realizations

Participants described turning points that led to a re-interpretation of their relationship with the body, emerging through experiences of physical illness, the passage of time, or internal processes of maturation. These moments acted as catalysts, offering opportunities for liberation from the body-image “trap” and prompting reflection on distorted self-perceptions or socially imposed stereotypes. Experiences of pain or temporal change appeared to elicit a deeper existential perspective, redirecting attention toward health, functionality, and acceptance of the body’s natural transformations. Experiences of illness, aging, and personal maturation served as existential interruptions that compelled participants to re-evaluate their relationship with their bodies. These “ruptures” destabilized previously internalized ideals, replacing them with more grounded, compassionate perspectives—a process of re-embodiment where the body becomes a site of meaning rather than evaluation.
Physical illness was particularly salient as a point of existential rupture. Peny reflected on her body through a new lens, where thinness was no longer an ideal but a byproduct of pain. Despite conforming to conventional standards, her body did not bring joy. This experience served as a catalyst for acceptance, allowing her to value health and functionality over appearance. The body became a space to be cared for rather than corrected, marking a profound reordering of priorities from surface aesthetics to embodied essence:
“It was a health issue I went through… there came a point when I lost weight again, because I was in a lot of pain… ‘I prefer having excess weight, as long as I am not in pain.’”
(Peny)
Her illness transformed the body from a site of aesthetic judgment into a site of gratitude—the experience of suffering reframed embodiment as survival and care. This midlife perspective contrasts with Veronica, who framed aging itself as a call to realism and self-acceptance, underscoring how maturity and illness intersect differently across the life course.
Valia similarly described an internal shift, emphasizing her body’s resilience as a source of appreciation. Embodied hardship transformed feelings of indifference or contempt into reconnection, fostering a more compassionate relationship with the body. The body was experienced as a partner rather than an object of criticism, with gratitude emerging from shared endurance. Time thus acted as a teacher, guiding participants from striving toward acceptance:
“I didn’t expect that my body would endure certain things… as I say it now, I realize it even more, so I came to appreciate it.”
(Valia)
For Ellie, maturation involved a cognitive awakening: recognizing socially imposed ideals and deconstructing the notion of the “perfect” body. This awareness facilitated liberation from unrealistic standards, signaling the beginning of a new chapter in her relationship with the body:
“…when you begin to realize the stereotypes that exist, you also understand what is wrong… that the ‘ideal’ does not exist.”
(Ellie)
Ellie emphasized the influence of social media and societal ideals, which is consistent with her younger age and life stage. Unlike older participants, whose reflections were grounded in health and maturity, Ellie’s awareness of stereotypes was closely tied to peer comparison and external pressures.
Age and experiential growth similarly influenced Erika, who described an increased awareness of natural bodily changes. She interpreted these changes as a call to realism and self-acceptance, differentiating between societal expectations and her own bodily experience:
“…the factor of maturity helped me realize realism—that it is not realistic to expect a body to look the same as it did at 20, or to compare it to a 20-year-old body.”
(Erika)
Veronica framed maturation as an opportunity to move beyond external appearance, embracing the body as a living organism deserving of care. This shift emphasized the integration of emotional responsibility, self-care, and embodied acceptance:
“…you realize that what you carry needs you, so you must preserve it… It’s not only about external appearance, it’s not about saying ‘I have a beautiful body,’ but ‘I have a strong and beautiful body.’”
(Veronica)
Across narratives, illness and time functioned as interpretative thresholds—moments when external ideals lost their authority, and personal meaning took precedence.

3.1.4. “For Me”: Authenticity and Inner Autonomy

This subtheme reflects participants’ emergent sense of authenticity and self-defined care, where body positivity was reframed as an expression of inner freedom and personal meaning rather than conformity. Through reflective engagement, participants shifted from external validation to internal coherence, viewing self-care as an act of choice, value alignment, and respect. Caring for their bodies thus became a symbol of agency—a lived enactment of self-worth and intentionality.
Ivy’s narrative illustrated an internalized philosophy of harmony and discipline, where the body’s equilibrium mirrored psychological stability. Her words suggest that caring for her body fulfilled an ethical and existential need for balance, order, and self-determination. Her body thus functioned as both a canvas and compass—reflecting her moral belief in self-regulation as well-being.:
“I believe this is how we should look, namely having the normal body weight.”
(Ivy)
Veronica also positioned bodily preservation as a deliberate act of aesthetic and emotional stewardship. Her desire to maintain her image “as beautiful” revealed an embodied sense of continuity and self-respect, rather than vanity. Beauty here was not compliance but self-affirmation—a means of honoring the self through visible care:
“…for me personally, well, I liked my image being more beautiful. That, that is what I tried not to spoil.”
(Veronica)
Ellie’s emphasis on health and self-sufficiency reflected a deeper recognition of self-acceptance as liberation. Her declaration that she no longer cared what others thought marked a decisive boundary between self and social gaze—a reclaiming of bodily ownership. Her positivity arose from existential self-sufficiency: she was “enough,” and her body was an expression of that completeness:
“In all phases of my life, I was satisfied, so from now on, I do not care what anyone else has to say. I will focus on my health, and that is what matters most to me.”
(Ellie)

3.2. From Rejection to Reconciliation

This overarching theme traces the emotional, behavioral, and existential evolution through which participants redefined their bodily relationships. It captures the lived process of moving from self-rejection—characterized by shame and alienation—toward reconciliation, grounded in understanding, compassion, and re-embodiment. The shift unfolded across emotional, behavioral, and reflective levels, culminating in a reconfigured sense of bodily meaning that transcended surface appearance.

3.2.1. Emotional Trajectories: From Inner Conflict to Compassion

Participants’ emotional journeys were marked by oscillations between critique and care, reflecting the tension between societal ideals and embodied reality. Reconciliation involved emotional maturation—a softening of internal dialogue and an integration of loss, acceptance, and self-compassion. For Erika, the journey toward positive body perception involved a transition from anxiety to calmness. Her harsh inner critic softened; she still noticed “flaws” and the marks of aging, but her gaze had become gentler. She experienced a subtle grief for the loss of youth and beauty, yet this grief functioned as an act of compassion and reconciliation rather than restriction. Anxiety and shame gave way to comfort and a quiet companionship with her body. Her narrative framed acceptance of physical aging as a form of maturation, representing a bridge between her past and present self, and fostering psychological well-being and inner peace. Her acceptance of wrinkles and sagging was not resignation, but an act of intimacy—grief transformed into gratitude:
“Even though it doesn’t look the same, I feel that I love it just the same, and I feel more comfortable in it… I would say less anxiety, less stress, and less self-criticism. Of course, there are moments of disappointment if I see sagging, cellulite, or a wrinkle, but it is not extreme enough to ruin my mood… So yes, I would say the levels of anxiety have changed, the shame has changed.”
(Erika)
Victoria described a gradual strengthening of positive feelings toward her body through a process that combined vulnerability and resilience. She experienced her body as a “teammate” in a relationship of mutual cooperation and support, sharing both victories and setbacks. When her body entered a phase of vulnerability, doubt and disappointment arose; accepting this vulnerability motivated her to continue providing care. The ability to restore her body to a satisfactory state reflected her persistence, capability, and reciprocal engagement with her body. This process highlights positivity as sustaining and reinforcing emotional well-being, marking a transition from disappointment to reconciliation through acceptance and active care, ultimately fostering hope and strength. Her account reveals reconciliation as a relational process: care becomes mutual, effort reciprocated:
“More self-confidence, optimism, and more positive thinking, that even though I went through what I went through, I managed, at a relatively advanced age, to get to a satisfactory degree, to a satisfactory stage, my old body back.”
(Victoria)
Victoria framed her reconciliation process in terms of regaining her “old body,” a narrative that resonates with her midlife stage and relatively low BMI. This contrasts with women in higher BMI categories, such as Joanna, who emphasized acceptance and stability rather than a return to previous physical states. Together, these trajectories portray reconciliation not as a linear cure but as emotional evolution—where vulnerability and self-compassion coexist in a dynamic balance.

3.2.2. Behavioral Shifts: Enacting Reconciliation

Participants experienced a behavioral transition from self-doubt regarding their appearance to reconciliation, manifested through everyday activities, positive self-talk, and acceptance from their social environment. This shift in perspective was accompanied by a change in attitude toward their bodies: the more they appreciated their bodies, the more they engaged in care practices.
Ellie described a transformation from harsh self-criticism to positive self-talk, moving from focusing on perceived “flaws” to recognizing her strengths. Exposure to social media ideals had previously reinforced attention to imperfections, prompting comparisons and self-devaluation. However, by looking beyond these external standards, she acknowledged her beauty and intrinsic worth. This transition fostered respect and holistic acceptance of her body, rather than viewing it as a collection of imperfections:
“I used to say, ‘Oh, how I look like, why, why, come on, suck your stomach a little’… but there was always the image of what I saw on social media. The ideal. That was always there, and I spoke to myself this way. I didn’t see that ‘You are normal, you are very beautiful.’”
(Ellie)
In contrast, Valia emphasized bodily practices over cognitive reappraisal. The transformation was both practical and internal: her posture and movements improved, while she developed a deeper desire to understand and connect with her body. Engagement in self-care practices not only enhanced her appearance but also strengthened her emotional connection to her body, creating a reciprocal, embodied relationship. Her narrative symbolizes reconciliation as lived reciprocity—a circular dance of giving and receiving:
“The way I walk has changed, the way I sit; those are the more practical things. In daily life, maybe the body care… the more I take care of it, the more I like it, and the more I like it, the more I take care of it.”
(Valia)
Sandy experienced reconciliation with her body on both personal and social levels. She accepted her uniqueness and rejected the stereotypes that had previously prompted concealment and inner conflict. This acceptance enabled her to engage confidently in social contexts, fostering a sense of equality and inclusion. Her narrative highlights the role of broader social change in promoting body diversity and illustrates how personal reconciliation can reinforce self-worth and inspire advocacy for others:
“I feel that I am accepted, let me say, today with my Body. It is something that I like. I believe that in this society we live in, everyone can have a different body type and be accepted, essentially, whether in a job, a group of friends, or somewhere else. Whereas I believe that in the old days it wasn’t so easy.”
(Sandy)
For Sandy, the theme of social acceptance and body diversity was particularly pronounced. Her relatively younger age, combined with a higher BMI, positioned her to navigate both external stigma and internal reconciliation, which she reframed through advocacy for inclusivity.

3.2.3. Beyond the Mirror

Participants described a shift from focusing primarily on external appearance to developing a more holistic relationship with their bodies. Reconciliation involved recognizing multiple dimensions of embodiment; the body was no longer experienced as “just a body.” Some participants emphasized inner function and presence, while others highlighted connection and relational engagement with their body, reflecting an expanded perspective beyond the mirror. For Erika, the shift from rejection to reconciliation extended beyond aesthetics. Coming to terms with her body involved recognizing it as an integrated whole, worthy of love and care. This transformation fostered a more authentic relationship with herself, as the body was no longer merely a figure to meet beauty standards but a holistic space where personal values and desires could take central importance:
“…I started to see myself as a whole… Because we are not only two nice legs or a nice face, but we are much more.”
(Erika)
Valia described reconciliation as cultivating a deeper emotional connection with her body, extending beyond its superficial image. She sought to understand, appreciate, and invest in her body, engaging with it as a living organism with qualities and functions deserving of care. This process emphasized acceptance, tenderness, and closeness, framing the body as an “other” with which she could build an intimate, positive relationship. Reconciliation here is conceptualized as an inner dialogue and an emotional bridge toward self-knowledge:
“To work things out a bit with myself, to like myself, to appreciate myself.”
(Valia)
For Veronica, the reconciled body was primarily experienced in practical and functional terms, serving as a multi-purpose tool for health and daily living. The mirror image became secondary, as functionality and well-being assumed central importance. While aesthetic considerations were not dismissed, beauty was interpreted as a reflection of bodily health rather than an end in itself. This perspective positions positive body image as a form of embodied autonomy rather than an aesthetic achievement:
“I would put the image second. Because now, as the years go by, appearance does not matter so much to a person… Having cellulite is not a health issue, but swollen legs, which I need to walk or exercise, demonstrate a health issue… If not healthy, what do I need appearance for?”
(Veronica)

3.3. My Own PBI

PBI emerged as a deeply personal, multidimensional construct, representing participants’ unique ways of being-in-their-bodies. It encompassed health, functionality, appearance, and holistic self-acceptance—each dimension reflecting different existential priorities and life stages. Rather than a singular trait, PBI was a narrative achievement—a story participants told themselves about wholeness.

3.3.1. Health and Functionality

For several participants, bodily positivity stemmed from feeling capable, energetic, and autonomous. The body’s ability to function became a metaphor for vitality and purpose. Health was not only physical stability but an embodied affirmation of presence and possibility. Victoria’s reflections highlight this dualism between inner and outer strength—appearance became meaningful only when animated by vitality.
“To have a healthy body so I can exercise and be functional… To have a good image on the outside, I first need to have energy on the inside.”
(Victoria)
Her emphasis on energy underscores embodiment as lived agency rather than passive form. Older participants such as Veronica and Peny conceptualized positivity primarily through functionality and health, reflecting a generational reorientation toward practicality and self-preservation, while younger women like Alice still located PBI more within appearance and self-confidence. This divergence illustrates how temporality and developmental stage shape the phenomenology of body positivity.

3.3.2. Appearance and Perspective: Seeing and Being Seen

For others, PBI involved an integration of aesthetic satisfaction and self-acceptance. Appearance mattered, but only as a reflection of inner peace rather than comparison. The mirror became a site of recognition, not judgment. Sandy’s notion of being “okay with myself” reflected an internal equilibrium—self-image aligned with self-worth, producing calmness and the absence of inferiority.
“That I am okay with myself… that I am fine.”
(Sandy)
Her body thus functioned as a symbol of self-acceptance—not perfect, but sufficient, human, and whole. Joanna’s account emphasized joy and affirmation in the mirror. Her smile reflected embodied resonance—a felt congruence between what she saw and who she was:
“The image I see every day in the mirror… I just smile at what I see.”
(Joanna)
Her smile represents reconciliation crystallized into gesture—embodiment as serenity. Across participants, appearance became less about conformity and more about coherence—the visible expression of an inner sense of balance and belonging.

4. Discussion

This study explored how women construct and sustain PBI, identifying the catalysts, practices, and meanings associated with this experience in daily life. The findings highlight PBI as a dynamic and multidimensional construct that emerges through a process of reconciliation, self-awareness, and meaning-making, resonating with theoretical models of embodiment, self-determination, and sociocultural influences. Importantly, the analysis highlights two interconnected levels: the individual trajectory of PBI, reflecting personal experiences and values, and the sociocultural negotiation, shaped by societal ideals, social interactions, and cultural norms. In Greece, these processes are influenced by cultural scripts around femininity, youth, beauty, caregiving, and health. Such norms affect how women interpret bodily changes, view self-worth, and resist or internalize societal pressures.

4.1. Reframing the Body Through Experience

In this study, all participants emphasized that mindful self-care practices—particularly exercise and healthy eating—played a pivotal role in cultivating a PBI. At the individual level, these practices were interpreted as intentional acts of self-nurturing and embodied self-regulation, fostering reconciliation and functional appreciation of the body. This finding aligns with previous research linking physical activity to enhanced PBI and psychological well-being, including improved mood, reduced anxiety and depression, and greater self-esteem [65]. Benefits depended on the type of activity and intrinsic motivation [66]. Positive outcomes were tied more to vitality, fitness, and strength than appearance [65,67].
Social and cultural factors were equally important. Psychotherapy, supportive relationships, and cultural influences helped women challenge internalized ideals and co-construct PBI with others. Participants described these contexts as enabling the deconstruction of dysfunctional schemas and the cultivation of self-compassion, highlighting the relational dimension of PBI. This extends prior research by framing social support not merely as a buffer against negative body image but as an active, transformative site where autonomy and embodied self-worth are co-constructed [4,48]. Within Greece, these relational and cultural dimensions are particularly salient, as women navigate expectations for beauty, age-appropriate appearance, and family-centered roles, illustrating how societal norms interact with personal embodiment to shape PBI.
Catalytic experiences—illness, aging, or maturation—functioned as interpretative thresholds that reoriented participants’ attention from external evaluation toward functionality, holistic self-care, and existential meaning. These findings advance prior work on turning points in PBI by emphasizing their role in promoting embodied autonomy, consistent with stereotype embodiment theory and functionality appreciation frameworks [10,68,69]. Through these experiences, participants’ bodies became not only objects of care but also central agents in shaping identity and meaning, demonstrating how embodiment mediates both psychological and social processes.
The sub-theme “For Me” further underscores the internalization of self-care as an autonomous, value-driven process. This resonates with self-determination theory, demonstrating that PBI is not merely reactive to external standards but actively constructed through intrinsic motivation, personal values, and existential reflection [7,9,70,71,72]. In combination with relational and experiential catalysts, these processes illustrate how PBI emerges through the interplay of embodied experience, autonomy, and relational scaffolding, extending the theoretical understanding of PBI beyond surface-level appearance or behavior.

4.2. Negotiating Harmony with the Body

This theme captures the transition from self-criticism to self-acceptance, illustrating the dynamic and dialectical nature of PBI. Participants’ narratives show that reconciliation involves both emotional and behavioral reconfigurations: the body is re-experienced as relational and agentive rather than merely evaluative. Self-compassion, positive self-talk, and intentional bodily practices such as exercise, posture, and grooming exemplify the embodiment of PBI, reflecting the integration of cognitive, affective, and somatic dimensions [32,73]. Older participants emphasized functionality and vitality over aesthetics, highlighting how PBI intersects with age and life stage. This supports and extends prior research on body neutrality and functionality appreciation by demonstrating that positivity is enacted through sufficiency, relational care, and embodiment rather than conformity to ideals [24,30,40,68].
Another consistent finding was the decentering of appearance as the main determinant of worth. Although some participants still valued aesthetics, most—particularly older women—emphasized health, vitality, and functionality as central to their positive body image. This mirrors literature linking functionality appreciation to psychological well-being beyond appearance satisfaction [30,40,68]. In this shift, body neutrality [24] became relevant: positivity was not experienced as pride in conforming to ideals but as sufficiency, adequacy, and relational care for the body. Participants’ accounts echo interventions focused on functionality, which have been shown to improve body image and encourage sustainable health behaviors [19].
Women also described moments of relief from societal pressures for “perfection” in appearance, which enabled greater appreciation of the body’s functionality and a more authentic connection to it as it is. This reorientation reduced self-objectification and appearance anxiety while fostering self-compassion and well-being [4,48]. Healthy self-care behaviors—such as exercise pursued for vitality and enjoyment rather than appearance—were cited as outcomes of this self-acceptance [74]. These experiences demonstrate how Greek cultural ideals around beauty and aging may initially constrain self-perception but can be renegotiated through embodied practices and relational support.
Interestingly, several participants described their bodies as companions with whom they could hold an emotional dialogue. This subjectification of the body represents a shift from external objectification toward relational embodiment, consistent with feminist phenomenology and Piran’s Developmental Theory of Embodiment [71]. The body was increasingly understood as an experiential whole—an expression of personal existence and identity, rather than an object of criticism. Finally, although not widely emphasized, some women noted positive influences of social media. Platforms promoting diversity and movements such as body positivity and body neutrality were described as contributing to individual acceptance as well as to broader social change by challenging stigma and exclusion associated with not fitting the “ideal” body. In this way, cultural movements were seen as creating space for alternative narratives of embodiment, grounded in acceptance, functionality, and diversity [22,26,34,47]. These reflections highlight how reconciliation with the body is not only a personal process but also embedded within shifting social discourses that open possibilities for collective change.

4.3. Personal Meanings of PBI

Participants defined PBI in multidimensional terms—encompassing functionality, aesthetic satisfaction, and holistic self-acceptance. At the individual level, PBI reflects personal meaning-making, autonomy, and lived experience; at the sociocultural level, it involves negotiating ideals, relational feedback, and social norms. This demonstrates that PBI is contextually situated and developmentally sensitive, supporting models that integrate health, self-esteem, and embodiment [4,6]. While younger women often linked appearance to self-worth, older participants emphasized maturity, realism, and bodily adequacy, illustrating how PBI is shaped by both internal values and life stage. Importantly, the Greek context shapes both levels: cultural narratives around femininity, beauty, and aging influence the social negotiation of PBI, while personal trajectories reflect how women internalize, resist, or reinterpret these scripts to achieve self-acceptance. This differentiation clarifies how PBI is simultaneously an internal developmental trajectory and a social negotiation, highlighting that positive body perception emerges through ongoing dialogue between self, body, and cultural context. This age gradient reflects research showing that older women often shift from aesthetic to functional evaluation of the body [75], though not without ambivalence, as societal ideals of youth and beauty continue to exert pressure.

4.4. Implications and Contributions

This study contributes to the growing field of PBI research in several ways. First, participants described specific experiences—such as illness, age-related changes, or engagement in psychotherapy—that served as turning points, prompting a shift from appearance-focused evaluations toward functional appreciation and self-care. These findings demonstrate that positive body image does not develop in isolation but is often catalyzed by meaningful life events. Second, the analysis revealed that participants’ positive body image was not characterized by the absence of negative emotions. Instead, women reported actively negotiating feelings of self-criticism, anxiety, or shame, integrating them within broader processes of self-compassion, acceptance, and relational support. This illustrates that PBI is a dynamic, developmental, and relational process rather than a static state of satisfaction. Third, participants highlighted the influence of cultural and age-related factors on their body perception. For example, younger women emphasized appearance-related self-worth, whereas older participants focused on functionality, health, and resilience. These narratives show that PBI is shaped by both societal expectations and personal priorities, emphasizing the importance of culturally and developmentally sensitive approaches. In doing so, this research extends predominantly quantitative and Anglo-centric studies by offering rich, qualitative insights from a Greek context, addressing a gap in the literature. The findings also suggest practical applications for interventions that foster functional appreciation, self-compassion, and resilience, tailored to age and sociocultural context.

4.5. Strengths and Limitations

The study’s strengths lie in its qualitative design, which allowed women to articulate their embodied experiences in their own terms, and in its inclusion of participants across a broad age range (18–62 years). This diversity in age, educational background, BMI, and life circumstances enriched the data and enabled comparisons across different life stages. The in-depth accounts provide valuable insights into the subtle, everyday practices and reflections that sustain PBI, aspects that are often overlooked in quantitative research. However, several limitations should be acknowledged. The sample size was small (ten women), which is consistent with IPA conventions emphasizing depth over breadth, but it limits statistical generalizability to the wider population. These findings should therefore be interpreted as providing rich, contextualized insights rather than representative data; experiences may differ in other groups, such as men, non-binary individuals, or women in specific populations (e.g., elite athletes). Additionally, all participants were recruited from a single cultural context (Greece), which may constrain transferability to other sociocultural settings. Moreover, the study did not incorporate methodological triangulation (e.g., diaries, observations, or longitudinal follow-up), which could have enhanced the robustness and temporal depth of the findings.
Future research should address these limitations in multiple ways. First, studies could incorporate men and individuals of other gender identities to better understand how gendered norms and expectations shape body image. Cross-cultural comparisons would further illuminate the ways in which sociocultural values, ideals, and stigma influence the formation of PBI. Methodologically, mixed-methods approaches combining qualitative and quantitative data would strengthen validity and allow for both depth and generalizability. Another fruitful direction would be the evaluation of targeted interventions. For example, physical activity programs emphasizing functionality, psychoeducational practices fostering self-compassion, and interventions grounded in the frameworks of body positivity and body neutrality—including exposure to positive and diverse media content—could be systematically tested for their effectiveness in strengthening PBI across age groups and sociocultural subgroups. Collaborations with physical activity specialists would further enrich such interventions by ensuring that movement-based components are both psychologically and physiologically informed. Personality traits that may predispose individuals toward body acceptance or self-criticism could also be explored, shedding light on the internal resources that motivate women to reconcile with their bodies. Finally, future studies could examine the dynamic relationship between embodiment, psychological well-being, and functionality—particularly under conditions of illness, aging, or reduced mobility, where body image becomes especially consequential for quality of life. In addition, further research is needed to explore how these embodied and psychosocial factors translate into long-term outcomes such as quality of life and mental health, moving beyond the mere reduction in body dissatisfaction.

5. Conclusions

This study highlights that positive body image is a dynamic, multidimensional process shaped by personal values, relational experiences, and sociocultural context. Women cultivate PBI through reconciliation with internalized ideals, self-compassion, and a shift toward valuing functionality and vitality over appearance. These processes underscore the importance of interventions that integrate embodiment, autonomy, and relational support. Specifically, psychotherapy can integrate insights on embodiment and reconciliation to help clients reframe self-criticism and cultivate self-compassion; community programs can create supportive spaces for shared experiences and social modeling of positive body practices; and body functionality approaches can design exercise and lifestyle interventions that emphasize strength, vitality, and bodily agency rather than appearance. These strategies translate the qualitative insights of this study into actionable approaches for promoting holistic well-being and sustainable PBI across one’s lifespan.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, K.A.; methodology, K.A. and P.T.; formal analysis, K.A. and P.T.; investigation, K.A.; writing—original draft preparation, K.A. and P.T.; writing—review and editing, K.A. and P.T. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and approved by the Collaborative Research Ethics Committee (CREC) of Metropolitan College (protocol code CREC 555/2025 and date of approval 7 February 2025).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study.

Data Availability Statement

Data can be made available upon reasonable request.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank all the women who participated in the study.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflicts of interest.

Abbreviations

The following abbreviations are used in this manuscript:
BIBody Image
PBIPositive Body Image
SDTSelf-Determination Theory
IPAInterpretative Phenomenological Analysis

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Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants.
Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants.
ParticipantGenderAge (Years)BMIMarital StatusEducational Level
AliceF1826.1SingleHigh School Diploma
PenyF5234.2DivorcedMaster’s degree
IvyF5124.8SingleMaster’s degree
JoannaF4030MarriedVocational Training
VictoriaF4421MarriedVocational Training
SandyF2630.3SingleVocational Training
EllieF1918.3SingleHigh School Diploma
ValiaF3819.8SingleBachelor’s degree
ErikaF4418.7SingleMaster’s degree
VeronicaF6226.3MarriedHigh School Diploma
Table 2. Summary of Findings.
Table 2. Summary of Findings.
Superordinate ThemeSub-ThemeDescription
1. Catalysts of Realism and Self-Care1.1 Exercise and Nutrition as Embodied AgenciesExercise and healthy eating as acts of care, empowerment, and respect; body as a reflection of health.
1.2 Psychotherapy and Relationships as Relational Mirrors of AcceptanceTherapy and close relationships foster awareness, acceptance, gratitude, and provide emotional safety.
1.3 Illness, Time, and Maturation as Embodied Ruptures and RealizationsIllness, aging, and maturation shift focus from appearance to health, functionality, and acceptance.
1.4 “For Me”: Authenticity and Inner AutonomySelf-care driven by autonomy, authenticity, and personal values rather than external standards.
2. From Rejection to Reconciliation2.1 Emotional Trajectories: From Inner Conflict to CompassionMovement from anxiety, shame, and self-criticism toward calm, self-compassion, and acceptance of natural changes.
2.2 Behavioral Shifts: Enacting ReconciliationTransition from self-doubt to reconciliation via positive self-talk, daily care practices, and social acceptance.
2.3 Beyond the MirrorBody experienced beyond appearance, integrating functionality, relational connection, and holistic self-perception.
3. My Own PBI3.1 Health & FunctionalityPBI reflects strength, vitality, resilience, and capacity for daily life; appearance is secondary.
3.2 Appearance and Perspective: Seeing and Being SeenPBI includes aesthetic satisfaction or holistic acceptance, grounded in balanced self-perception and confidence.
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Adamidou, K.; Tragantzopoulou, P. “Seeing Myself as a Whole”: An IPA Study Exploring Positive Body Image Through Greek Women’s Embodied Experiences. Women 2025, 5, 45. https://doi.org/10.3390/women5040045

AMA Style

Adamidou K, Tragantzopoulou P. “Seeing Myself as a Whole”: An IPA Study Exploring Positive Body Image Through Greek Women’s Embodied Experiences. Women. 2025; 5(4):45. https://doi.org/10.3390/women5040045

Chicago/Turabian Style

Adamidou, Konstantina, and Panagiota Tragantzopoulou. 2025. "“Seeing Myself as a Whole”: An IPA Study Exploring Positive Body Image Through Greek Women’s Embodied Experiences" Women 5, no. 4: 45. https://doi.org/10.3390/women5040045

APA Style

Adamidou, K., & Tragantzopoulou, P. (2025). “Seeing Myself as a Whole”: An IPA Study Exploring Positive Body Image Through Greek Women’s Embodied Experiences. Women, 5(4), 45. https://doi.org/10.3390/women5040045

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