War Is Fearful: The Recollection of War Memories Through Personal Naming Practices in Southeastern Nigeria

Abstract

The Nigeria–Biafra war (1967–1970) has been regarded as the first major civil war in post-colonial Africa, with an attendant and colossal loss of lives, property, and infrastructure. There are many representations of memories of the war in fiction, non-fiction, symbols, memoires, and post-war relics (usually found in museums) but the role of personal naming practices has been largely neglected in the literature and social narratives of the war history. This article, therefore, aims to investigate the performance of personal names as significant memorial sites that convey trajectories of post-traumatic experiences of the war and the desire for healing and reconciliation. The study adopts the theoretical lens of the socio-onomastic analytic framework, which explores the social contexts in which names are given and used. Drawing on ethnographic data sourced mainly from personal histories and semi-structured interviews with 30 participants in Nsukka (Enugu State) and Owerri (Imo State) in southeastern Nigeria, we argue that personal naming practices form essential elements of the war memory, which positively impact self-recovery and meaningful connection with the people. The study concludes that war-related names are based on name-givers’ lived experiences and life-altering situations that greeted the war and are useful in sharing and preserving collective memory of the war.

My family name was Ojukwu but it was changed to Damasus during the civil war to avoid being attacked by Nigerian Soldiers in Asaba, now Delta State—Stella Damasus, a popular Nollywood actress and singer.

(interview from Henry Ugbeh TV)

1. Introduction

Personal names reflect the social reality of everyday life. They may be used to illuminate significant historical events which are passed down from generation to generation. In this way, personal names can be used for the preservation of knowledge, the sharing of ideas and the documentation of experiences (Aboh et al. 2024). A personal name licenses its bearer as an authentic member of his or her family or society. This means that names are not only used in the construction of social and personal identity but are also markers of belonging. Broadly speaking, personal names are used to communicate a variety of information that reflects the name-giver’s social enterprise, subjectivity or lived experience (Aceto 2002; Betiang and Apejoye-Okezie 2024). This justifies the claim that a name is a social construction, and that its meaning or layer of signification is often situated in the particular cultural context in which it is given and used (Lombard 2015). Personal names are deeply imbued with varied socio-cultural significances, which may be philosophical, sociological, and psychological, or even indicate a differentiation of gender (Alford 1988; Pilcher 2017). They provide sufficient insights into a people’s cultural values and worldviews, and reinforce emotional connection, identity and distinction. Mhute (2016) maintains that names are loaded with varying meanings and representations; they are sites for reminders, criticisms and expectations.

There is a rich quantity of studies on personal names in the African cultural context, covering a plethora of disciplinary impulses and particularities and covering sociological (Agyekum 2006; Ansu-Kyeremeh 2000), anthropological (Akung and Abang 2019; Mensah 2024b), (socio)linguistic (Abubakari 2020; Boluwaduro 2019; Essien 2000), and psychological (Alexander et al. 2021) concerns. However, there has not been deep engagement between language, name and war in the extant literature, where personal names function as media for sharing experiences and recollecting memories in a conflict situation. This is especially so with reference to the Nigeria–Biafra civil war. The goal of the present study is to close this gap. The relationship between language, naming and war has caught the attention of scholars in diverse dimensions. Brinkman (2014) has established this connection in the context of the Angolan struggle for independence. According to their study, war-related names were used to address a range of issues like secrecy, power, identity, personal history and legitimacy. The names enabled soldiers to foster connection and create meaningful engagement with personnel. Connelly and Carlson (2020), in a related study, maintained that, during the First World War (FWW), many children were given first names corresponding to key battles, geographical locations and important military figures. The researchers examined the social and geographic patterns of this naming trend and concluded that such names reveal popular attitudes to the war and its impact on the family.

Similarly, Croft’s (2015) study highlights how naming and renaming have been deployed as strategies in war and conflict situations. The author argued that names were used as powerful rhetorical tools for both defence and offence. Soldiers fight under pseudonyms to hide their identity, protect their families, disambiguate people with the same real names, and have a clean break with the past. In this connection, such names become important weapons in a conflict situation. In Croatia, Jurajda and Kovac (2020) have described how people with name choices that correspond to previous war veterans and leaders in the Second World War (WW2) volunteered for service in the Croatian war of independence, 1991–1995. The authors argued that a willingness to fight and die in a war for national independence was perceived as a patriotic course, and an expression of nationalistic values which predicted both war behaviour and a right-wing voting pattern. Significantly, Matsyuk (2022) has equally explained how pseudonyms, nicknames and military call signs (for radio communication) have been deployed in the Ukrainian war as unofficial names, sources of military slang and markers of interpersonal communication. It is evident that such names have been used to reinforce power dynamics, strengthen ties and make inclusion and exclusion easier.

In the African context, most extant literature on naming, conflict and war have been situated in the event of the Zimbabwe liberation war, which was a struggle for independence. Makoni et al. (2010) focused their study on how names were assigned to combatants during the war. According to the authors, new names were bestowed on soldiers to reflect new realities and phases of life. War-related names illuminated narratives of hope and aspiration of the combatants. The authors concluded that these naming regimes have far-reaching implications for language planning, linguistic ideology and entextualisation. In a related study, Barnes and Pfukwa (2007) identified the use of slurs as names during the Zimbabwe liberation war and maintained that the names were reflections created by outsiders. Interestingly, Pfukwa and Barnes (2010) opined that the war provided a platform for changing or creating identities, which serve as contested spaces in conflict situations. The authors concluded that the renaming procedure creates fresh possibilities, attributes, and values and ultimately redefines the self. In Nigeria, Odebode (2010) has demonstrated how new names evolved as a result of different battles fought by the Yoruba in the pre-colonial era, which also marked the end of the Oyo empire. This account generally demonstrates that conflict situations often give rise to name adaptation, adoption and change, as we saw in the testimony of Stella Damasus after the title.

From the aforementioned review, it can be seen that incidences of war often call to attention the need for a new identity that fits the requirement(s) of the war. The present study, however, interrogates war names from the account of war combatants and some affected civilian populations as a process of memory recollection. More specifically, the study relies on the socio-onomastics theoretical lens to examine the reasons behind the bestowal of war-related personal names on (Igbo) children. It also describes the types of personal names given in the preservation of war memories, explores the perception of war-related names by their bearers, users and name-givers, and seeks to demonstrate how these names engender healing, reconstruction and peace. The aim is to highlight how memory can enhance the understanding of cultural practices like naming, and to provide a framework by which individuals can recall and draw upon past events to frame their understanding of the present. In this way, the study aims to spur additional scholarly attention to naming traditions within psychological science. It will increase the understanding of how societies can remember shared experiences through names in order to strengthen bonds and build a sense of identity and belonging. It will also deepen knowledge of indigenous processes of self-discovery, personal growth and fulfilment.

2. Literature Review

Shakespeare, in one of his seminal plays, Romeo and Juliet (Shakespeare 2008), remarked as follows: “What’s in a name? That which we call a rose by any other name would smell as sweet.” This expression was used by Shakespeare to establish that names are arbitrary referents without meaning. In other words, a name is irrelevant because it is only the quality of a thing or object that matters. Names, however, do not fall within this kind of stereotypical semantic classification in the African cultural setting. Names, especially personal names, carry layers of signification based on socio-cultural beliefs and worldviews. African names have enormous representation in African ways of life, and they have vast cultural scripts embedded in them that allow cultural insiders to decipher and comprehend cultural experiences. (Mensah et al. 2024).

Among the Akan people in Ghana, Agyekum (2006) maintains that personal names are used to act out identity and belonging and to conform to both performance and participation because they can dictate how a person behaves or participates in social activities. In this way, African names encode both performative and purposive functions. Batoma (2009) investigates how the Kabre people of Northern Togo unveil different layers of meaning embodied in personal names, such as their use in constructing ontological identity, expressing plurality of sociocultural identities and communicating indirectly. It is thought that the widespread use of allusive names is polemical. African names are also used in the expression of gender. Names are used to effectively classify individuals based on their gender as male or female, and to sustain a procedure of gender socialization and identification (Alford 1988; Alexander et al. 2021). This regime of names is often used to express gender-linked behaviour, and to conform to gender and social norms. Broadly speaking, African names contribute to the development of personal identities, and cultural and sociological factors influence the choice of names. The relationship between naming and psychology is sparse in the extant literature. There is little evidence in the body of existing literature linking naming and psychology. An analysis of Ibibio names that allude to emotions demonstrates how names have a subtle psychological effect on the name-bearer’s view of themselves and how naming is a common way to consider and understand emotions (Mensah et al. 2021).

Among the Ibibio, names are used to recall either pleasant or unpleasant emotional events. Negative emotion-linked names may or may not act as motivators to act in the opposite way that the value or feeling that the name conveys, while positive emotion-related names function as social commentary to guide goal-oriented behaviours in specific ways. African names also provide a window to understanding grammars of African languages (Essien 2000). Names constitute words, phrases and sentences that exist in a language, and knowing the structure of names can be a useful pedagogical resource to learning African languages.

The memory–name relationship is further examined in this study. The capacity to utilize the past for the benefit of the present is known as memory. By acting as a link to the past, it enables people to comprehend the present and make predictions about the future (Moses 2019). To put it another way, memory enables people to use their past experiences to lead and direct their present and future activities. The concept of memory has been deeply engaged by wide array of disciplinary domains, but for the purpose of the study, we explore it basically from the psychological and social perspectives. According to a psychological explanation, memory is a mental process through which a person represents, reconstructs, and recalls their prior experiences, ideas, and deeds. At the social level, memory is the result of group action through historical patterns and social narratives, and remembering is a communal activity. Only socially significant autobiographical events are capable of being retained in memory. In this context, reference to a name in a given event represents the mental image of the name-giver (Rubin and Umanath 2015). Images have referents that can logically determine the naming relation. Therefore, we seek to establish war as a determinant of the naming referent. Name-givers and users associate name with a memory image of war (its referent) to evoke a specific memory of the particular event, or what is remembered. Going by Rubin and Umanath’s (2015) memory relation schema, X is a memory of event Y, and X is associated with the name Y which explains a relationship between a name and memory.

The goal of the study is to examine the concept of collective memory as a repository of the Nigeria–Biafra war events using personal naming practices as effective means of the process of social recollection of the war experience. Children were given names as means of preserving memories of the war. In this context, memory is used to maintain and manage relationship with people (Vranic et al. 2018). The study sets out to increase knowledge of how memory can shape the essence of life through the lens of naming, and enable people to make sense of the world around them in order to rebuild identity and forge meaningful connections with others.

3. Background to the Nigeria–Biafra Civil War

Nigeria has more than 250 ethnic groups (Udoh and Okon 2008). The nation appeared to be on the verge of greatness during British colonization. Former British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan spoke of the ‘wind of change’ blowing across Africa, which facilitated Nigeria’s independence from Britain on 1 October 1960. The 1960s have been dubbed the ‘years of Africa’ because many countries gained independence from colonial rule during this decade. However, the concept of independence carried different implications for various Nigerian nationalists, resulting in a time of regional competition, severe rivalry, ethnic nationalism, and fierce power struggles among inexperienced leaders striving for central control. The significant configuration of ethnic and regional identities, initially overlooked during the nationalist movements, became increasingly apparent after independence. The political elite exacerbated tensions by encouraging regionalism and ethnic divisions. The controversy of the 1962–1963 census intensified these issues. Census data were manipulated and falsified, undermining the credibility of the process. General elections were marred by electoral irregularities, with political parties resorting to deceit to prevent opposition candidates from being nominated, resulting in unopposed victories for their own members. Intimidation of political rivals and the occasional imprisonment of dissenters were common. These undemocratic actions led to crises such as the western regional crises of 1962, the Tiv uprising of 1965, the census disputes, the western regional election crises of 1964–1965, and the treason trials of 1963 that resulted in the imprisonment of Obafemi Awolowo (Babatope 1981, p. 17; Obi-Ani 2017). This political volatility culminated in a coup d’état on 15 January 1966.

The consequences of the coup marked a tragic period in Nigeria’s history, particularly after the full scale of the casualties came to light. Prominent political figures, including Sir Ahmadu Bello (the premier of the Northern Region), Alhaji Tafawa Balewa (the Prime Minister), and Chief S.L. Akintola (the premier of the Western Region); Chief Festus Okotie-Ebo, the federal finance minister from the Mid-Western Region, also perished in the coup. Notably, no leading politician from the Eastern Region was eliminated. Given Nigeria’s precarious situation at the time, the ethnic backgrounds of those consumed by the 15 January 1966 coup were sectional. The coup’s leaders were mainly from the Igbo ethnic group, leading many to suspect that they specifically targeted prominent politicians from other ethnic backgrounds. External media and commentators spread the idea of an Igbo plot to take control.

The calculated assassinations of senior military officers, especially from the Northern Region, further reinforced this belief. The killings of Brigadier Miamalari, Lt. Col. Largema, Col. Kur Mohammed, and Lt. Col. Pam—senior officers from the North—suggested a deliberate effort to weaken the influence of Northern officers in the army. Although officers from other regions also lost their lives, like Brigadier Ademulegun (a Yoruba from the Western Region) and Lt. Col. Unegbe (an Igbo from the Mid-Western Region), attention remained focused on the Northern losses. Northern sentiments claimed these fatalities were either accidental or a diversion to obscure planned attacks against them; furthermore, the escape of Maj. Gen. Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo and the Commander of the Nigerian Army heightened suspicions of an Igbo conspiracy to control the nation (Chidolue 2015; Gbulie 1981; Babangida 2025). Rumours circulated that the coup was a malicious scheme orchestrated by ambitious Igbo leaders to seize power in Nigeria (Madiebo 1980, p. 22).

A tense peace reigned in Enugu with schools, hospitals, and businesses remaining ineffective during the impasse. The atmosphere across the country was fraught with tension. The significant number of Igbo people residing in other parts of Nigeria meant that any crisis elsewhere was closely monitored in Enugu. Following the countercoup on 29 July 1966, Igbo individuals in the Northern Region became targets of lethal mobs. Enugu transformed into a haven as survivors sought refuge in the regional capital. As the situation deteriorated in 1966, Enugu became a focal point for those affected by the killings in the north. By May 1967, Enugu transitioned from a regional capital to the Republic of Biafra’s capital under Odumegwu Ojukwu’s leadership. Enugu and the adjacent Biafran areas faced significant devastation during this tumultuous time.

4. Theoretical Framework

We adopt the socio-onomastic theory to provide the theoretical lens to analyse war-related names among the Igbo. Socio-onomastics is a sub-field within the broad category of onomastics that is concerned with the study of personal names in a given society from broadly sociolinguistic and pragmatic perspectives. According to Ainiala and Östman (2017), the use of names in the construction of social identities is the subject of socio-onomastic theory. This theory is also concerned with the historical dimensions of names—how names illuminate historical accounts and experiences. Proponents of this theory contend that it investigates the use of names in everyday interaction, name variation both in linguistic structure and sociocultural functions, name avoidance and taboo, and the attitudes and perceptions people have about their names. Socio-onomastic theory interrogates the intersection of categories like gender, religion, occupation and social class in terms of naming. Stated differently, the theory examines the wide range of social and sociocultural settings in which names are given and utilized. According to Lombard (2015), socio-onomastic theory establishes the nature and significance of the meaning that names derive from their social and cultural settings. In general, the theory seeks to understand onomastic meaning in a way that is relevant to society and culture. This evidence reveals that naming, as a resource of everyday language use, constitutes an essential aspect of our sociological reality that represents cultural values, norms, emotions and assumptions.

Leslie and Skipper (1990) maintain that socio-onomastics deals with the sociological aspect of names, taking into perspective the way in which culture and tradition influence naming practices. This position shows that names are social constructs and have deep connection to culture. In other words, they can be utilized to express several meanings and functions in a particular cultural environment. Mensah et al. (2024) argues that socio-onomastic theory explains the deep personal, familial, and historical connection with names, and how names are used as linguistic resources to strengthen social bonds and fortify the rich tapestry of cultural heritage. Nicolaisen (2011, p. 156), however, defines socio-onomastics as “names as social and cultural phenomena, with special emphasis on onomastic variability.” This definition recognizes that socio-cultural motivations play an essential role in name bestowal, as names meet the communicative needs of their users. Significantly, the definition also acknowledges the varied body of knowledge that is embedded in names. Socio-onomastics has also been conceptualized as a theory that focuses on the typology and origin of names, how they are used in society, and how they contribute to the formation of attitudes and social identities (Fernández Juncal 2018). According to this line of thought, the theory has facilitated the evolution of a wide range of onomastic processes and procedures including layers of historical events.

Many contemporary onomastic studies have been anchored on the socio-onomastic framework as an explanatory tool to provide a nuanced analysis of naming phenomena, which is vital to the full understanding of names and naming in practical and theoretical terms. For the purpose of our study, a brief explanation of socio-onomastic-driven studies of personal names will be apt. Michael and Mensah (2025) have employed the socio-onomastic theory to examine personal names among the Nsirimo Igbo people of Nigeria. The theory reveals how names are drivers of social communication that define their bearers’ aspirations and well-being. Sabet and Zhang (2020) examined first name changing patterns in the social and ethnic contexts of Iran, and the attendant political and social impacts. The theory allowed access to a broader knowledge of the feelings, attitudes and ideas people have towards this naming trend. Mensah et al. (2024) have also weaved the theory into their analysis of the construction of people in the Ibibio naming tradition. The study concludes that people help to foster a sense of community, and provide a support network to community members, hence their deep representation in the onomastic system of the Ibibio. In a related study, Aboh et al. (2023) utilized the socio-onomastic theory to investigate the influence of Christianity in gendering personal names in Bette, southeastern Nigeria. The study reveals the intersection of naming and spirituality that has altered traditional naming practices of the Bette people. The present study relies on the versatility and flexibility of the socio-onomastic theory to offer an account and develop an analysis of the interplay between name, war and memory.

5. Methodology

This ethnographic research involved a nine-month process of data collection in Nsukka (Enugu State) and Owerri (Imo State), both in southeastern Nigeria. The choice of these research sites was facilitated by an already established community of practice where the use of personal names to recreate memories of the Nigeria–Biafra war is a prevalent cultural practice. Significantly, these areas also served as hotbeds of revolt and resistance during the Nigeria–Biafra war. Thirty research participants within the age bracket of 15 and 85 years were selected in both areas using the purposive sampling technique. They were 20 men and 10 women because, in the Igbo culture, naming is widely considered to be a male domain, usually exercised by fathers, grandfathers or elderly male members of the extended family. These participants were recruited based on their profound knowledge of war-related names, and their ability to offer nuanced interpretation of the meaning and social context of these names. A crucial inclusion criterion was the participants’ positions as name bearers, givers, users. The main instruments for gathering data for the study were field notes and a digital audio recorder. All research participants provided written informed permission. The consent forms were translated into Igbo for participants who could not read or write in English. Ethical approval was acquired from the Directorate of Research and Development, University of Calabar.

The primary elicitation methods used in the study were semi-structured interviews. This approach allowed the researchers to accommodate the participants’ convenience and schedules. Additionally, it enabled the researchers to modify their inquiries and recognize fresh data that might serve as catalyst for additional inquiry. In this context, the researchers had several encounters with people in each research setting, including meeting rooms, homes, fields, and streets. Interviews were conducted with participants in each area to learn more about their reasons, viewpoints, and attitudes with regard to personal names associated with war, their socio-onomastic significance and how these names have fulfilled their objectives with regard to recollecting memories about the war. Questions concerning the origin and sources of names were open-ended. Other inquiries focused on name selections and their individualized meanings. In this context, participants discussed the kind of circumstances that led to the bestowal of names associated with war.

Through field observations and local history, the researcher aimed to comprehend the mechanics of this naming system and the reasons why the Igbo people are more likely to use them than other people and cultures along the eastern flank in Nigeria. We also sought to understand the extent that this naming regime has become more or less used during the last one decade. Questions were asked so as to understand the perceptions of participants and their inner thoughts regarding the use or bestowal of names with significant considerations with regard to the memory of war. Importantly, questions were asked with regard to how war-related names engender healing, reinforce the desire for peace and reconciliation. Data were also obtained through individual records and personal histories. These were mainly from participants who actually witnessed the war. They narrated the events that led to the outbreak of the war, and the colossal loss of lives, property and infrastructure that were the immediate consequences of the war.

Given the lengthy history of this category of personal names in the study locations, a corpus of 75 names was gathered from the fieldwork exercises. Interviews with name bearers, givers, and users of names associated with conflict were recorded on audio for five hours in each area. Thematic analysis was used to translate and transcribe the data once it had been categorized into pertinent categorical frames. Thematic analysis allows patterns of meaning or themes to emerge from the qualitative data in order to facilitate easy interpretation and analysis (Clarke and Braun 2017). This provided the procedure for us to generate the categories of war-related names based on common threads. The descriptive pillar for the data analysis, interpretation, and discussion was provided by thematic analysis, whilst the theoretical framework restricted the scope of the pertinent data to only war-related human names.

6. Results

In the following analysis, we engage the identified thematic categories in war-related names among the Igbo people. Each category is analysed and discussed in greater detail practically from the nuanced accounts and perspectives of research participants.

7. Discussion

7.1. Names That Depict the Consequences of War

The participants broadly classified the Nigeria–Biafra war as “civil conflict” or “militarized dispute” that saw the breakdown of social networks and the impact of violence on the entire country and its population. They recounted the loss of life, destruction of the environment, properties and infrastructures as well as the displacement of people. The warring parties suffered economic, political and social consequences of the war. As a result of this direct violence that was meted on the victims of the war, certain names were given to children to express general distaste for the war. Such names therefore function as reference points for self-reflection by the name-giver. Examples of this category of names are demonstrated in

Table 1. Names that depict the consequences of the war.

Name	Gloss
Ághàdìnjò	War is bad
Ógùadiḿmà	War is not good
Ógùdiókè	War is difficult
Ózóemènà	Let it never happen again
Ógùdiégwù	War is fearful
Úwàndìnjò	The world is fearful
Író	Enemy
Íróegbù	May my enemy not kill me
Ámàdiánaèzè	No one knows the enemy to avoid

.

The names in Table 1 reflect the consequences and negative impact of the war on the people and on development more broadly. Participants recounted the gory details of the war, and its effects on health and survival. According to the participants, there was untold hardship that accompanied the war, people were physically harmed and injured, and many others suffered psychological trauma of different degrees. The participants maintained that cultural properties and heritages were looted, destroyed and confiscated, and forced migration of people and communities was the order of the day. Names like Ághàdìnjò, ‘War is bad;’ Ógùadiḿmà, ‘War is not good;’ Ógùdiókè, ‘War is difficult;’ and Ózóemènà, ‘Let it never happen again’ were therefore given to condemn the ugly spectacle of war in all its ramifications. One participant justified the choice of these names as follows:

There is no justification for any choice of war. For those of us that witnessed the painful reign of the war, it was a heinous experience and a terrible horror of the past we would not wish our children to pass through. So these names are reminiscent of the war experience to unveil how intrinsically evil the war had been. The names are strong warnings against the terrifying event of the war.

(Nwansi, Male 74)

From the account of this participant, the names are used to re-echo the danger of war. People were threatened, paralysed and killed in numbers as a consequence of the war. The participants argued that the names are meant to reinforce a sense of identity, confirm a traumatic history and shape a better future—a future that will embrace non-violent means of resolving conflicts. The name Ógùdiégwù, ‘War is fearful’ also speaks to the horrific imprints of a war in which people lived in a state of constant fear. A participant (Uche, Male 66) remarked that “during the war, fear was palpable, arising from inherent dangers and uncertainty. Such a name represents a graphic image of negative emotions that gripped people during the war.” This position reveals that fear and terror were useful accompaniments of the war that raged people and their environment. The name, therefore, was used to demonstrate the prevalence of fear especially among the civilian population and to reveal the deep-seated psychological effect of the war.

Names like Író, ‘Enemy;’ Íróegbù, ‘May my enemy not kill me;’ and Ámàdiánaèzè, ‘No one knows the enemy to avoid’ were bestowed on children to showcase the role of enemies like combatants, members of the armed forces, informants or other individuals who did not directly participate in the war. These are usually the other party to the conflict or hostility. During the Nigeria–Biafra war in southeast Nigeria, Nigerian Army troops were direct enemies who unleashed terror on harmless civilian population in Igboland. Participants identified the enemy as the main strategic thinker, and the character of the enemy was lethargic during the war. The names recapture the role of brutal enemies. Speaking on the choice of this category of names, a participant submitted the following:

As a result of the apprehension during the war, everybody was an enemy, even the closest person to you. People were volunteering information to combatants against those they did not like to get them easily eliminated. They may say one was hiding Biafran soldiers or weapons in his house, and the person would be killed. So these names are used to highlight the wicked role of the enemy during the war, and to warn the present generation to be circumspect with their so-called friends because they may be the real enemies.

(Amalu, Male 65)

The evidence of this participant reveals the heinous role played by people to make others suffer atrocities, thus directly connecting the concept of the enemy to conflict and negativity. The names are therefore used to denounce the enemy and the cruel historical experience they visited on innocent people. The class of names in Table 1 broadly depicts the repercussions of the war and their attendant health, social, political and economic implications. This has been deeply engaged with in the extant literature, and corroborates the findings of Hunt and Robbins (2001), Murthy and Lakshminarayana (2006), Thompson (2008), Bocquillon et al. (2024) and Vesco et al. (2025). From the perspective of socio-onomastic theory, names are invented based on events or activities that unfold in a society. This shows that naming is not a rigid practice but can be activated by happenstance. This is a pointer to the creativity and fluidity of the naming process (Fernández Juncal 2018).

7.2. Names That Recollect War Memory

Names were also deployed to recollect the complex experience of the war. In this way, they allowed access to the recovered memory of people who participated in the war and some of the roles they played. Participants argued that the names in this category were mainly a reflection of the personal experiences of some key actors during the war and which are of symbolic importance to the commemoration of its memory. For the participants, the names provided cues on how to remember the war and how to interpret events after the war. Some of the names in this category are illustrated in

Table 2. Names that represent recollection of war memories.

Name	Gloss
Díkèogù	War hero
Òchìághà	Leader of troops
Dìmógù	Master of fight
Dìmgbà	Master in wrestling
Òdìmégwù	Fearless
Agha kwesiri ekwesi	Justified battle
Òbùmselógù	Am I the creator of war?
Íkè ilu ógù	Not by one’s strength
Íkèógù	Power to fight

.

The names in Table 2 spotlight the roles and subjective experiences of war combatants who have shaped individual and collective memories of the war. A name like Díkèogù, ‘War hero,’ is a traumatic memory of resilience, and a coping strategy for the narratives of the past. One participant (Owoh, Male 72) maintained that he named his first son Díkèogù, ‘War hero,’ as a feature of the memorization of the war which he fought as a combatant on the side of Biafra. He explained the meaning of the name in his own words thus:

The name depicts courageous ideals and behaviour, and represents how I risked my life to defend the Biafran secessionist agenda. I was able to command the troops and show leadership in extreme situations, absorbed the enemy firepower, trained young fighters in operational use of artillery, weapons and tactics. The name is meant to keep memory of the war alive. It’s just for commemorative purpose.

(Madueke, Male 82)

The account of this participant shows that memory of the war has been preserved in names. The names provide a reflection of commemoration and interpretation of events and historical facts that now define individual identity. The names Òchìághà, ‘Leader of troops;’ Dìmógù, ‘Master of fight;’ and Dìmgbà, ‘Master of wrestling,’ also convey similar narratives of the role some participants played in the course of the war. Beyond the involvement of these actors in the war, the names are also used to recover memories of the abuse of children and women, and the perpetration of war crimes which were prevalent during the war, as they were witnessed by some participants. Some participants recollected that, given their involvement in the war, they encountered extreme experience of loss as many combatants died in the line of duty, and they use these names to transmit the memory of such ugly spectacles to the present generation.

A name like Òdìmégwù, ‘Fearless,’ connotes bravery and unwavering ability to inspire troops in battle. The participants believe that fearlessness is an essential attribute of a war fighter because such a herculean task is not for the faint hearted. Fearless characters are role models who often give preference to others first. The name is therefore used to reminisce about the brave roles of some actors during the war. A name like Agha kwesiri ekwesi, ‘Justified battle,’ is an ideological stance by some participants who believed that the Biafra secessionist struggle was a justified one given what they termed “gross injustice and marginalization of the Igbo people after Nigeria’s independence.” The participants believed that the name is a reinforcement of this ideology among the hardliners of Biafra agitation.

One participant explained this point further, as follows:

The Igbo people have not regretted staging the war of 1967–1970. Good enough, it is our children who are now championing the agitation. It, was and still, is a worthy cause, and a justified battle. We name our children so to construct heroic and historical memory of what the war symbolized for the Igbo person.

(Chidi, Male 70)

This participant believed that the choice of the war was deserving of the efforts and difficulty involved despite the eventual surrendering of the Biafran forces. He maintained that the root cause of the war is yet to be sufficiently addressed by the federal structure and establishment in Nigeria, which is responsible for the offshoot of pockets of persistent agitation and advocacy for the independence of Biafra. The name Òbùmselógù, ‘Am I the creator of war,’ was a reaction from a particular traditional ruler, or Ézè, during the war, who received many petitions about the wanton loss of lives and properties, and who was criticized for his inability to redeem his people from their unfortunate situation. Participants opined that the name re-echoes the ethical imperatives of the war and projects a collective memory that presents a bleak picture of man’s inhumanity to man. The names, Íkè ilu ógù, ‘Not by one’s strength,’ and Íkèógù, ‘Power to fight,’ were bestowed to recollect subjective beliefs and stances people held about war tactics and strategies. The former name, according to participants, implies that the battlefield requires offensive and defensive strategies, skills and tactics to gain advantage over the enemy over the mere exertion of physical stature and power. The latter names emphasize combat power, which entails a wide range of capabilities. The names in Table 2 broadly recount that war traumas are impossible to forget. This justifies the claim by Nguyen (2016, p. 4) that “all wars are fought twice, the first time on the battlefield and the second time in memory.’ From the socio-onomastic account, we have seen the intersection of names with memory; how naming can influence the way past experiences and actions can be remembered. In this way, naming enhances recall, recognition and memory.

7.3. Names That Promote Peace

Another regime of war-related names in our dataset was those which denounce war and tend to promote and celebrate peace. Participants maintained that peace has become an essential need of a people who have been ravaged by war and violent conflict, and the names in this category are meant to promote peace in all of its dimensions. Participant submitted that the war had threatened their community and exacerbated tension and conflict, something which has not benefitted anybody. Hence, there is a compelling need to preach peace, promote prosperity and eliminate mistrust and difference. Participants believed that the pursuit of peace is a better alternative to war or conflict violence. Peace will enable people to live with dignity and security, and bring growth and prosperity to their society. The names in this category are demonstrated in

Table 3. Names that strengthen the desire for peace.

Name	Gloss
Údóbùndù	Peace is life
Údódìrì	Let there be peace
Údókà	Peace is supreme
Údóamákà	Peace is beautiful
Údónényèndù	Peace gives life
Ógùébiélà	War has ended
Chìgbógù	God’s intervention in war
Émèníkè	Don’t be hardened

.

Participants said that mediation, dialogue and participation can create conditions necessary to restructure the society. The enthronement of peace will rebuild trust and relationships. A name like Údóbùndù, ‘Peace is life;’ Údókà, ‘Peace is supreme;’ Údóamákà, ‘Peace is beautiful;’ and Údónényèndù, ‘Peace gives life,’ reiterate the fact that peace is not merely the absence of war but can be conceptualized as life itself or the most beautiful or important virtue in life. According to a participant (Nkechi, Female 56), “It’s only when the land is peaceful that its inhabitants can flourish.” This means that it is only in a peaceful atmosphere that humans can spread love, maintain economic growth, and ensure social stability and development. The names also drive home the point that peace is the ultimate desire of human beings who wish to live their lives more abundantly.

A participant talked about the need to sustain peace in their community through the prism of these names, as follows:

Peaceful negotiation is a noble vision for those of us that witnessed the war. These names are used to improve education and raise awareness about sustainable peace which is a panacea for planning towards a sustainable future. The names are like early warning which are meant to reduce the impact of conflicts and hostilities. Every society strives in a peaceful environment.

(Nneka, Female 66)

The position of this participant reveals that a focus on the path of peace is sacrosanct for the well-being of a society and its people. This is because a peaceful atmosphere will create the conditions necessary to sustain the development of society.

The name Údódìrì, ‘Let there be peace,’ is a potential warning to conflicting parties to reconcile their differences and give peace a chance. One participant argued that this early warning embedded in the name can help to de-escalate tension and injustice. They maintained that peace is a life goal for all generations that help to sustain co-operation, tolerance and inner freedom. The name, Ógùébiélà, ‘War has ended,’ was used to celebrate the end of the war and all forms of hostility against war victims. The end of the war allowed people to live in harmony without fear of violence or harm. According to participants, the name is a subtle reminder of the stormy moments of the war, especially for those who were still engaged in looting and other war crimes even after the war. The name therefore acts as an appeal for the respect of human dignity and a call to action to embrace peace as well as the reconstruction and reconciliation processes to enable them to rebuild their society.

Significantly, the name, Chìgbógù, ‘God’s intervention in war,’ captured the narratives of people who attributed their survival during the war to God’s divine grace and protection. Participants stated that they experienced inner peace and harmony in a turbulent battlefield, and that this could only be God’s blessing and mercy. The name, Émèníkè, ‘Don’t be hardened,’ was used as an admonition to every actor in the war to accept the instrument of peace at the end of the war in order to resolve conflicts and promote peace. The name enjoins people to accept the terms of the reconciliation by both conflicting parties in the interest of peace and harmony. Broadly speaking, the name is meant to stabilize the process of sustaining peace after the war and to prevent the resumption of hostilities (Hartzell et al. 2001; Mattes and Savun 2009). A socio-onomastic reading of the names in this category reveals that naming can be used to engender peace and create awareness about harmony and co-operation in society. It also shows that names can be used to promote certain virtues and condemn others.

7.4. Names That Function as Consolatory Scripts

An important social category of war-related names among the Igbo in our dataset includes names that are used as marks of consolation of war victims. Such names function as a support network for people who have suffered loss in the war, mainly in the form of bereavement. Mensah (2024a) argues that such a class of names “plays a symbolic role to ameliorate the anguish of the name-giver.” Many people suffered untold hardship or loss of life of their dear ones during the war, and needed to comfort themselves or be consoled by others, hence the choice of the names in

Table 4. Names that console war victims.

Name	Gloss
Óbiájúlù	My heart is consoled
Óbèsiè	My heart is strong
Óbiálò	My heart is at rest
Ógùerí	Let war not consume (me)
Ágáheríghì	War did not consume (me)
Kàndíbé	My comforter
Kàsìémò	Comfort me
Ógwùgwò	Healing

.

The participants acknowledged that the names in Table 4 are laden with memory and hope. The names are actually narratives from people who encountered terrible human loss and excruciating pain during the war. Participants argued that the war was a dreadful blow to civilized values and the human dignity that people share and value, one which resulted in much death and destruction. The names are expressions of empathy and the sharing of grief and are sources of a support structure to the bereaved. Names like Óbiájúlù, ‘My heart is consoled;’ Óbèsiè, ‘My heart is strong;’ and Óbiálò, ‘My heart is at rest,’ are self-directed condolences that are meant to take away worries, fear, and anxiety after the dust of the war had settled. A participant shared his perspective on the motivation for this type of names that emerged after the war, as follows:

Any war, no matter how well-conceived is a threat to mankind. During the war in question, we lived in the shadow of terror and profound distress, and there were many victims of this human cruelty. People used these names not merely as a reflection of the war memory but to sympathize with and support themselves emotionally.

(Eke, Male 70)

This participant believed that our shared humanity was overshadowed by the war. According to him, many people who were ravaged by the war needed to find consolation and a support system. While some people found strength in faith and community, others were in dire need of verbal reassurances. The needed their feelings to be acknowledged, and their emotions validated in order for them to feel better. The bestowal of names like Ógùerí, ‘Let war not consume me,’ and Ágáheríghì, ‘War did not consume me,’ were used to express the expectation of people during and after the war. Participants believed that, although death is a tragic occurrence, the shock of unexpected death could be dreadful to one’s consciousness. Participants detailed the fact that many people had “lost their hearts” during the war and needed some kind of reassurance that can offer hope for the future, as is communicated in the names. Names like Kàndíbé, ‘My comforter;’ Kàsìémò, ‘Comfort me;’ and Ógwùgwò, ‘Healing,’ were used to express the desire for condolences and recovery for the loss incurred during the war. These were actors or victims who were deeply grieved over the tragic events of the war. Participants maintained that such people were given community support through physical presence and actions as symbols of solidarity. The finding here corroborates the claim of Lalande (2014) that war and suffering are intrinsically intertwined, and that victims of warfare should be rehabilitated and offered solace and support to balance their lives’ equilibrium. The socio-onomastic theoretical lens reveals here that names can communicate a wide-range of information and subjectivities about a past event. Names are utilized to provide succour, hope and resilience in difficult times, and to project a positive future that is pregnant with meaning.

7.5. Names That Celebrate Life

Life is believed to be the greatest gift to humanity. The value of life illuminates the importance of human existence; hence the Igbo construct personal names that acknowledge the value of post-war life. The participants argued that, when life is valued, fatalities are marginally reduced, and each person’s unique potential and accomplishments are recognized. Participants said that the past, which is the era of the war, was complete and that survivors of the war can reimagine a beautiful new phase of life, irrespective of the losses they may have suffered. Participants believed that these names signify healing and renewal after the horrific experience of the war. The names in this class are shown in

Table 5. Names that celebrate the value of life.

Name	Gloss
Ǹdùbùísí	Life is the greatest
Ǹdùbùézé	Life is king
Chìjìńdù	God holds life
Ǹdùbuàkú	Life is wealth
Ǹdùdíkè	Life is powerful
Ǹdùkà	Life is paramount
Ónwùkańjọ̀	Death is the worst

.

The names in Table 5 provide counter-narratives to the imperative of war. They communicate the message that nothing is more valuable than one’s life, and that the primary drive of life is the pursuit of meaning. According to Routledge and FioRito (2021), “meaning in life reflects the feeling that one’s existence has significance, purpose and coherence.” Participants asserted that these names are metaphorically framed to illuminate how significant life is. Names like Ǹdùbùézé, ‘Life is king,’ and Ǹdùbuàkú, ‘Life is wealth,’ show the priorities that are accorded to life outside the battlefield. This implies that life commands influence, power and freedom. It builds connections and relationships and elevates humanity to its best. A participant explained the choice of these names as follows:

From the constant struggle in the jungle (battlefield), some veterans were able to build a new life after the war where there is respect for societal norms, rules and regulations and a supportive environment that nurtures well-being and life outcomes. These are the imperatives of the new life these names are recalling.

(Nnamdi, Male 60)

From the narrative of this participant, life represents a state of recovery from injury, disability, loss of property or reunification with family members after a long period of displacement occasioned by the war. It also signalled a transition from a state of lawlessness to a state of orderliness. The so-called new life therefore creates a reality that may never be normal. Other names in this category, such as Ǹdùbùísí, ‘Life is greatest;’ Ǹdùdíkè, ‘Life is powerful;’ and Ǹdùkà, ‘Life is paramount,’ are also used to characterize survival in the battlefield and the adaptation to a better life after the war. In this connection, life is an idiom for freedom and the post-conflict rehabilitation which was undertaken after the war. Participants maintained that many people really appreciated the essence of life because they were able to find relief, achieve growth and forge a new life from the ruins of the war. The name Ónwùkańjọ̀, ‘Death is the worst,’ directly contradicts the beauty of life and conjures a sense of gloom that was downturned by conflict. The name conveys a memory of the war in which people were killed in action in their numbers. A participant (Emeka, Male 45) asserted that “death is irreplaceable and it renders people helpless and hopeless. There is no chance for redemption, and this is why it is considered the worst predicament.” The value of life in a post-traumatic situation is a position that has been corroborated by Modell and Haggerty (1991) who claimed that the social impact of war in society re-orders that society’s developmental priorities, exudes psychological and economic implications, and equips war actors with stories about their changing society. From our adopted theoretical account, names can influence how people interact with others in the world. It affects the choices people make about how to live and shapes perception and personality. Generally, names can also affect life choices and life outcomes.

8. Conclusions

In this study, we have examined how the Igbo people in southeastern Nigeria have deployed the resources of personal naming practices to recollect memory of the Nigeria–Biafra war in the 1970s. We identified five thematic tropes under which memories of the war were framed in personal names. These include memories of the consequences of the war, especially the massive destruction of life and property; the role certain individuals played during the war; the need for peace and reconciliation; a consolation and support system to war victims; and life after the war. Relying on the socio-onomastic theory, we have demonstrated the fluidity and creativity of names in capturing historical experiences as they unfolded. This state of affairs reveals the dynamics of the Igbo cultural values in using its naming tradition to mirror its history of conquest and evolving identities. We have shown how memory is used to promote the cultural practice of naming among the Igbo. People recall events of the civil war to frame their understanding of the present—to appreciate the desire for peace and reconciliation over any violent means of resolving conflict. The study found that memories of the civil war through the prism of personal names has considerably increased understanding and co-operation among the Igbo. It has further enhanced social bonds and strengthened identity and belonging. Significantly, it has unveiled knowledge about indigenous processes of recovery and growth at the personal and societal levels. Future research may unpack the role of naming in other national emergencies in Nigeria like cattle rustling, Boko Haram insurrection, kidnapping for ransom or farmer–herder conflicts. This is sequel to the assumption that naming affects and influences every human activity.