Continuing Trends in Popular Holocaust Fiction: Heather Morris and the Corporealization of Women’s Suffering
Abstract
:1. Background: Rose, Landsberg and Holocaust Kitsch
Sexual violence, therefore, has commonly served as a way to make the Holocaust less abstract by utilising the affective power of the raped woman. In contrast with the crimes of genocide, which seemed conceptually unreachable to audiences in 1943, sexual violence possessed an emotional and cultural resonance that the public was able to engage with more readily. This trope, as Rosenfeld’s statement asserts, has shown no sign of abating. The suffering female body continues to serve as a metonymic stand-in for the broader crimes of the Holocaust.4 With this in mind, therefore, Morris’s representation of Cilka’s sustained sexual assault at the hands of Lagerführer Schwarzhuber—and, following the release of Cilka’s Journey, also Anton Taube—represents a particularly sensationalist distortion of Holocaust fact. As Wanda Witeck-Malicka has argued, the chance of a long-term “semi-explicit” relationship between a Jewish prisoner and a member of the SS within the Auschwitz camp was essentially “non-existent” (Witeck-Malicka 2018, p. 12). By contrast, Helen J. Sinnreich asserts, sexual violence in Auschwitz is commonly understood to have been more opportunistic in nature: “Several survivors of Auschwitz… have testified that women were dragged from their barracks by guards and raped” (Sinnreich 2010, p. 111). As such, Morris’s conspicuously melodramatic framing of Cilka’s sexual suffering seems singularly unrepresentative of historical reality. Instead, it falls firmly within the common tropes enshrined in popular Holocaust culture. As Sarah Horowitz has argued, the horrors of the Holocaust are made comprehensible–and indeed, more resonant, for an audience unable to connect with the unreachable reality of death in the gas chamber—through Spielberg’s use of the sexualised suffering of Helen Hirsch. The sequence in which Amon Goth menaces a half-naked Helen, after having chanced upon her bathing, “titillates the viewer with the suggestion that Helen Hirsch, already marked for death, will be sexually violated as well before the genocide is completed” (Horowitz 1997, p. 127). The prospect of sexual violence, therefore, arguably adds an element of domesticating drama to the generally unreachable reality of death in the gas chamber. As Barry Langford notes, the gas chamber door represents the “threshold of unrepresentability” (Langford 1999, p. 32), beyond which fiction commonly does not pass. As such, works of popular culture must instead work to find a way to make the horror of industrial mass murder more immediately accessible to a general audience. Though I do not agree with the choice of the word “titillation”, as this implies an element of arousal when faced with Spielberg’s evocations of Holocaust death, I nevertheless agree that popular fiction aims to promote an explicitly bodily reaction in reference to Holocaust pain. This is frequently achieved, as Spielberg’s work demonstrates, through the image of the suffering woman.the trope helped to facilitate an understanding of what were in actuality unprecedented and inconceivable Nazi crimes of mass torture, enslavement, and genocide. Imagining this violence instead in the form of rape or sexual enslavement served to “domesticate” far more unfamiliar atrocities.(p. 64)
2. Heather Morris and the Inhabitable Body
He takes off his hat and throws it across the room. With his other hand he continues to hit his leg firmly with his swagger stick. With every whack Cilka flinches, expecting to be struck. He uses the stick to push up her shirt. Realising what is expected, with shaking hands Cilka undoes the top two buttons… She takes a step closer, still at arm’s length, and begins undoing the many buttons in his jacket. A whack across her back with the stick hurries her up… Kneeling down, she pulls his trousers down to his ankles but can’t get them over his boots.
Michael Fiddler and Stacey Banwell argue that works of low-art—in this instance referring to films within the subgenres of exploitation and Nazisploitation—are characterised by “excesses of corporeality on screen as well as in spectatorial experience” (Fiddler and Banwell 2019, p. 150).5 Just as these films focus excessively on bodily suffering, with a particular emphasis on women’s sexualized pain, so too might Morris’s representations of violence be deemed almost excessively corporeal.6 Every second preceding Cilka’s rape is minutely choreographed. Instead of describing it with her characteristic vagueness, Morris truly inhabits the sequence. Just as Marlin Lax was able to form a felt connection to the Mauthausen camp through scenes of physical suffering, so too has Morris found a point of access to the Holocaust past through Cilka’s pain. She emphasises the materiality of the clothing and minutely details every gesture. While this is perhaps more explicit in The Tattooist, which takes additional pains to highlight the fact that Schwarzhuber’s “nostrils distend” (Morris 2018, p. 102) as he breathes heavily, both texts clearly physicalise this assault. They both emphasise the “whack” of the riding crop as a means to stress the undercurrent of brutality in Schwarzhuber’s sexual advances and the laborious specifics of undressing. In short, it is only within this kind of sequence—one that stresses the material reality of sexual threat—that Morris’s writing comes alive. In place of the faceless victims dying every day, hour or minute in unknowable parts of the camp, Morris may access this moment of horror and give it texture in the form detail. Her emphasis on buttons, belts, hats, boots, singlets and gestures is profoundly telling, as it reveals that this is the one space in which she can engage both cognitively and bodily. Morris, in effect, has created her own “prosthetic memory”. In contrast with Holocaust Impiety, which is concerned with psychological proximity to the victim, Landsberg’s theory is concerned with the viewer/reader’s felt proximity to a body in pain. She illustrates this with reference to the death of the hinge-maker in Schindler’s List: “Our closeness to him, our mimetically induced relationship to him–makes us feel vulnerable in bodily ways, which makes us cringe and wriggle in our seats” (Landsberg 2004, p. 126). Landsberg is referring to the camera’s literal nearness to the victim, the “overpresence” (p. 126) of his face on screen, which allows the viewer to focus on the minute details of his suffering. In a similar sense, therefore, the material reality of Cilka’s rape is conspicuously over-present, as we have been made unsettlingly familiar with the minute details of her assault. The second-by-second itemisation has a certain relentlessness that ensures that we are hyper-aware of both Cilka’s bodily vulnerability and Schwarzhuber’s actions. Morris, therefore, has positioned both the reader and herself in close proximity to the scene, explicitly fostering identification with Cilka on a purely physical level. As she is not characterised in The Tattooist, crucially, this is the only manner in which we can engage with her. She does not speak, and she is described simply as “a young woman unaware of her own beauty and seemingly untouched by the world around her” (Morris 2018, p. 89). As such, she exists simply as a body primed for prosthetic engagement. As Landsberg has argued, audiences tend to revolt when presented with bodies that are too unlike their own. As such, given her explicit reliance on the bodily, Morris needs a character who will remain either entirely unquantified or consistently uncomplicated in order to maintain her felt connection to the Shoah. This requirement, I contend, destroys any hope of complex character development, and therefore an informative engagement with the Holocaust past, in Cilka’s Journey. While Morris clearly wishes to enlighten the public as to the nature of wartime sexual assault, the mode in which she is writing—melodramatic Holocaust kitsch—effectively invalidates the attempt.Taking off his hat, he throws it across the room. With his other hand he continues to hit his leg firmly with his stick. With every whack Cilka flinches, expecting to be struck. He uses the stick to push up her shirt. Oh, Cilka thinks, so this is why. With shaking hands she undoes the top two buttons… Taking a step closer, still at arm’s length, she begins undoing the many buttons on his jacket. A whack across her back hurries her up… Slowly, Cilka begins undoing his belt and the buttons beneath it. Kneeling down, she pulls his boots from over his breeches.
3. Corporeality and Morality in Cilka’s Journey
A commendable piece of fiction, therefore, would surely account for the moral complexity of Cilka’s position. It may attempt, using other anterior sources as a point of inspiration, to represent the emotional reality of wartime sexual compromise with a degree of impiety. The historical note that accompanies Cilka’s Journey, provided by Owen Mathews, explicitly references the “essential selfishness of human suffering” (Morris 2019, p. 421). An informative recounting of the event, therefore, would aim to present a picture of Cilka that is equally contradictory—interspersing her rational selfishness, which may be repellent to modern audiences, with specific instances of compassion. This, after all, would align with previous presentations of other subsets of privileged prisoners within the camp. The Sonderkommando, for instance, are described by Miklós Nyiszli as regularly performing charitable actions without partiality: “The Sonderkommando was an elite group; its advantages and privileges have already been noted… Fully aware of this unbalanced situation, the Sonderkommando distributed food and clothing to their less fortunate comrades whenever they could” (Nyiszli [1960] 2012, p. 50). These examples of charity stand as a conceptual counterpoint to their participation in the extermination process—from the undressing and pacifying of prisoners prior to their gassing to the eventual disposal of their bodies. While these actions induced an unquestionable level of psychic pain—Nyiszli notes that they had a “general tendency towards “nervous disorder”, given the “tremendous strain” of processing “thousands of corpses” (p. 45) on a daily basis—the fact remains that the Sonderkommando were still driven by an innately human desire to survive. By contrast, Cilka is not presented with this level of depth. Instead, Morris paints her as possessing a faultless, uncontaminated, unyielding decency. When faced with the bodies of the dead in Auschwitz, for instance, she is not callous but strangely reverent:It is naïve, absurd and historically false to believe that an infernal system such as National Socialism was, sanctifies its victims: on the contrary, it degrades them, it makes them similar to itself, and this all the more when they are available, blank, and lack a political or moral armature.
This exaggerated display of compassion contrasts starkly with the view of the body portrayed by those who lived to write survivor texts. Holocaust survivor Sara Nomberg-Przytyk, for instance, has previously discussed the treatment of bodies within Auschwitz, noting:One of them has died and is lying on a top bunk. Cilka climbs up to her, and as gently as she can, lowers her down into the arms of two waiting women… Cilka climbs down and helps properly place her across their spindly arms, then adjusts the woman’s meagre clothing to give her a degree of dignity in death.
The dead of Auschwitz, therefore, were not treated with reverential care but, rather, were cast out into the mud “dishonoured” and “unmourned” by their fellow internees. By emphasising Cilka’s concern for the modesty of the corpse, Morris is reiterating to the reader that she is still approachable and inhabitable. Were she to complicate Cilka’s presentation, by showing her learned callousness or her Auschwitz-specific morality, it would block our attempts to bodily identify with her suffering.Every morning the sztunowa pulled dead women out of the beds. She immediately stripped them naked, dragged them through the whole block, and heaved them into the mud… I was frightened that tomorrow they would be dragging me through the block, a nameless dishonoured corpse, unmourned by anyone.
Morris, therefore, has resolved her inner quandary regarding the discovery that Cilka “did bad things in order to survive” and “screamed at the condemned women” by choosing to portray all of her more dubious behaviours as purely performative. Cilka has not, according to this portrayal, ever acted out of malice or been inculcated into the brutality of the camp. Her every violent action is instead couched in noble intentions.8 This is, once again, radically different from the documented reality of the morality of the privileged—both within the concentrationary system and the ghettos. Nyiszli, for instance, also speaks disdainfully of the passivity of those being undressed by the Sonderkommando, noting: “their dignity rebelled; but, with the resignation particular to their race… they slowly began to undress” (Nyiszli [1960] 2012, p. 28). Nyiszli, in using the word “their”, implicitly scorns the group’s lack of resistance and signals his desire to class himself as a separate kind of Jewish victim. Similarly, Calel Perechodnik describes the inherent selfishness of those operating within the Jewish ghetto police: “They take over the apartments of strangers after telling the people to get out, ordering them to leave all of their possessions behind. They themselves hoard in these apartments extensive wealth. They drink, rob and fulfil the orders of the Germans” (Perechodnik [1993] 1996, p. 17). There is no nobility or selflessness in this presentation but, rather, the simple, acquisitive greed of those looking to survive. The privileged, once again, seek to distinguish themselves from those doomed to die—who are automatically devalued as humans. As Perechodnik highlights, the morality of the ghetto is defined by unitary self-interest, which leaves no room for equivocations regarding everyone outwith one’s own family unit: “Here everyone is condemned to death. But no one knows that. What won’t a Jew do to live an hour longer?” (p. 39). The ghetto police Lieutenant (Kronenberg), he notes, did not give up his own wife during an action and yet told his subordinates to “provide theirs” (p. 39) for transportation. This perfectly illustrates the general lack of human regard felt for all those beyond oneself within the ghetto system. While moral exceptions certainly existed, Perechodnik illustrates that the particular morality of the ghetto effectively precluded compassion. People would do anything to ensure their own survival, irrespective of the cost to others. This morally complex portrayal of people driven by an animalistic instinct “for self-preservation” (p. 74) therefore possesses a human authenticity that is singularly lacking from Morris’s depiction. Perechodnik, as a member of the Jewish police who consigned his fellow Jews to their deaths, is speaking from a position of genuine knowing. Moreover, as Perechodnik’s text represented one of the “confessional diaries” recovered after the events of the Holocaust—texts that were written in the fall of 1943, at a point in time at which any Jewish individual “still alive” in the “Jew-Zone” represented a “statistical error” (Roskies and Diamant 2012, p. 69)—it possesses a degree of honesty and insight that is rare even among the subgenre of ghetto diaries. Those still alive at that point in time commonly had a “terrible secret to confess” (p. 69), having survived at the expense of their fellow Jews. While, theoretically, anterior sources do therefore exist that could have provided the necessary moral detail to impiously represent wartime sexual compromise, Morris remains trapped within the confines of Holocaust kitsch. Given her commitment to popular fiction and prosthetic memory, she can only provide a morally reductive portrait of Cilka as a secular saint.The last woman is struggling to walk… Cilka sees the nearest SS officer pull his swagger stick from its holder on his belt and advance on the woman. Cilka gets to her first, screaming at her as she slips her arm around the woman, half-dragging her towards the truck. The SS officer puts his stick away.
While her intent may seem noble—to ignore the specific suffering of women throughout the Holocaust is to foundationally limit our understanding of the event—I contend that Morris has singularly failed to convey the broader reality of sexual violence during the Shoah. She has not brought greater attention to the crimes of rape and sexual abuse but has merely perpetuated a morally reductive understanding of sexual violence. Popular culture often struggles to avoid an element of reflexive judgement when framing instances of wartime sexual assault, as there is an enduring assumption that suicide is “the acceptable face of women’s agency” (Gedalof 1999, p. 35) when faced with the prospect of rape. Though this is perhaps more overt in Israeli Holocaust fiction, which has previously framed wartime rape as a form of contamination that comes to infect subsequent generations, Morris’s conspicuously moral framing of Cilka’s assault also suggests that this tendency exists within Anglo-American popular culture.9 As Morris’s novels strive to create a felt connection with the Holocaust past—by generating instances of sexual violence that can be engaged with on a prosthetic level—they cannot portray their featured characters with a degree of moral complexity. This, as Landsberg previously asserted, would block the reader’s attempts to inhabit Cilka’s body. Cilka must be portrayed, like Oskar Schindler, as a reductively decent character, as this provides the means to inhabit her subject position. This desire to shape Cilka into an ideal figure for prosthetic engagement is evident not merely in Morris’s frequent attempts to exonerate her of any perceived wrongdoing, but also in her desire to frame her rape as a form of self-sacrifice.Time is up. It is time these crimes of rape and sexual abuse were called out for what they were. Crimes often denied as they were not part of ‘official Nazi policy’… To deny it happened is to stick your head in the sand.
4. Conclusions
Funding
Conflicts of Interest
References
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1 | The Booklist asserts that the precise figure is, in fact, 1,006,897 (Mansfield 2019). |
2 | Sourced from: https://www.nytimes.com/books/best-sellers/2019/12/15/. |
3 | Despite having an estimated budget of $5,000,000, the cumulative worldwide gross of Nelson’s film only amounted to $621,592. Both domestically and internationally, therefore, it can be construed as a commercial failure with a limited impact in terms of its societal reach. It has not, it may be argued, entered the broader popular consciousness. Figures sourced from: https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0252480/. |
4 | The Pawnbroker (both Edward Lewis Wallant’s novel and Sidney Lumet’s film) pivots around a central scene of sexual violence. Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List focuses explicitly on the sexual vulnerability of Helen Hirsch. Peter Mathiessen’s In Paradise also injects an element of sexualised menace into scenes of death in the gas chamber. In terms of European texts, Jerzy Kozinski’s The Painted Bird and Pascal Croci’s Auschwitz also conceptualise Holocaust pain through the image of the sexually victimised female body. |
5 | It should be noted that the featured phrase “excesses of corporeality on screen as well as in spectatorial experience” is actually sourced from Mark Betz. In the original source, however, Betz does not use it exclusively in the context of low-art but, instead, suggests that it also typifies the genre-bending “New Extremist” (Betz 2013, p. 505) cinema that began emerging in the 1990s and has continued into the present. These generally European (often French) and Eastern-European films are defined by their particularly lurid depictions of sex and violence. |
6 | Fiddler and Banwell note that, as a genre, Nazispolitation films tend to view “Nazism’s horrors” through an “eroticised lens” (Fiddler and Banwell 2019, p. 145). While Sergio Garrone’s SS Lager 5: L’inferno Delle Donne (1976) physicalises the suffering of women through scenes of medical experimentation, forced prostitution and rape, Don Edmond’s Ilsa: She-wolf of the SS (1975) broadly limits itself to scenes of sexualised medical experimentation. Both, it may be said, place excessive emphasis on the physicalisation of women’s suffering. To this general trend, we may also add SS Experiment Camp (1976), Love Camp 7 (1969) and The Gestapo’s Last Orgy (1977). |
7 | Privileged prisoners are those within the camp system who came to occupy positions that afforded either a degree of protection or power. The “top of the pecking order” (Cesarani 2016, p. 657) within the camp hierarchy, as David Cesarani notes, was the kapo. Placed in charge of “sections of the camps, blocks and commandos”, these men and women enjoyed a relatively “cushioned existence” (p. 657) within the camp setting. The Sonderkommando, given their superior access to food and supplies, would also fall under this umbrella term. |
8 | Further evidence of this can also be found in an earlier sequence in which Cilka apologetically states the following to four women: “They would have stuck their rifles in your belly and dragged you back here if I didn’t say something first” (Morris 2019, p.135). Tellingly, the four women then “nod”, “understanding” (p. 135) that Cilka’s inner desire is to avoid any undue pain for her charges. Her seeming cruelty, they realise, is calculated to minimise their suffering. |
9 | As Sandra Meiri has noted, early Holocaust-themed Israeli cinema (1947–1960) commonly portrayed female survivors as former forced prostitutes who then eventually become “unfit mothers and/or mental patients” (Meiri 2015, p. 445). After this point, the emphasis shifted away from the female survivor towards their psycho-sexual impact on subsequent generations. The fictional emphasis then took the form of a taint of sexual corruption passed on from survivors to the subsequent generations, who had grown up “living in the shadow of women’s trauma” (p. 453). This shadow profoundly warps and corrupts the sexual impulses of all future generations leading to a series of sexual aberrations. Evidence of this latter trend can be found in Burning Mooki (2008), Intimate Grammar (2010) and the Israeli-American coproduction Death in Love (2008). |
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Dickson, D. Continuing Trends in Popular Holocaust Fiction: Heather Morris and the Corporealization of Women’s Suffering. Genealogy 2020, 4, 6. https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010006
Dickson D. Continuing Trends in Popular Holocaust Fiction: Heather Morris and the Corporealization of Women’s Suffering. Genealogy. 2020; 4(1):6. https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010006
Chicago/Turabian StyleDickson, David. 2020. "Continuing Trends in Popular Holocaust Fiction: Heather Morris and the Corporealization of Women’s Suffering" Genealogy 4, no. 1: 6. https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010006
APA StyleDickson, D. (2020). Continuing Trends in Popular Holocaust Fiction: Heather Morris and the Corporealization of Women’s Suffering. Genealogy, 4(1), 6. https://doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010006