3. Results
A total of 362 students initiated the survey. After excluding incomplete responses, the final sample comprising 348 students for the TCS measures; of these, 335 provided complete data for the behavioral change subscale and 334 for the habitual change subscale. Participants had a mean age of 24.0 years (SD = 6.0, range = 18–53 years, Mdn = 22, IQR = 21–24). The majority of participants were in their second and third years of undergraduate study, accounting for 31.0% (n = 108) and 37.6% (n = 131), respectively, while first-year undergraduate students represented 24.1% (n = 84) of the sample. Fourth and fifth-year graduate students comprised smaller proportions at 3.4% (n = 12) and 3.7% (n = 13), respectively. The sample demonstrated a pronounced gender imbalance, with females comprising 85.9% (n = 299) and males 14.1% (n = 49) of participants. This distribution is consistent with the demographic profile of nursing programs, where female students represent the vast majority of enrolments [
20,
21,
22]. While this accurately reflects the underlying population, the small male subgroup may limit the robustness of gender comparisons.
The vast majority of participants (92.2%, n = 321) had completed secondary school as their highest educational level, while 7.8% (n = 27) had completed college or university education. Participants were predominantly from urban areas, with 43.7% (n = 152) residing in locations with populations exceeding 50,000 people. Rural residents comprised 21.0% (n = 73), while those from medium-sized settlements (5000–50,000 people) and small settlements (<5000 people) represented 20.1% (n = 70) and 15.2% (n = 53), respectively.
Employment status was relatively evenly distributed, with 54.0% (n = 188) classified as student/unemployed and 46.0% (n = 160) employed. Income distribution showed that 43.1% (n = 150) earned less than 677 euros monthly, while 36.2% (n = 126) earned between 1001 and 2000 euros. Only 6.9% (n = 24) reported monthly income exceeding 2000 euros. The majority of participants were childless (87.6%, n = 305) and single (58.9%, n = 205), with 21.0% (n = 73) cohabiting with a partner and 11.5% (n = 40) legally married (
Table 1).
Analysis of individual TCS items revealed varying levels of terrorism-related catastrophizing thoughts among participants. The highest mean scores were observed for items addressing perceived helplessness, with “Little I can do to protect myself from terrorism” (M = 3.6, SD = 1.1, Mdn = 4.0) and “Feel powerful in keeping self-safe” (M = 3.5, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 3.0) receiving the strongest endorsement. Items related to future concerns also showed elevated scores, including “Worry terrorism will worsen with time” (M = 3.5, SD = 1.1, Mdn = 4.0) and “Feel helpless protecting myself” (M = 3.4, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 3.0).
Conversely, items measuring active preoccupation with terrorism demonstrated lower mean scores. “Frequently preoccupied with terrorism” received the lowest endorsement (M = 1.9, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 2.0), followed by “Often dwell on future terrorism” (M = 2.0, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 2.0). The item “Threat of terrorism does not enter my mind often” also showed relatively low scores (M = 2.4, SD = 1.1, Mdn = 2.0).
Examination of TCS subscales revealed that Helplessness demonstrated the highest mean score (M = 16.8, SD = 3.6, Mdn = 17.0), followed by Rumination (M = 11.7, SD = 4.0, Mdn = 12.0) and Magnification (M = 9.8, SD = 2.8, Mdn = 10.0). The total TCS score averaged 38.4 (SD = 8.0, Mdn = 38.0, IQR = 34.0–44.0), indicating moderate levels of terrorism catastrophizing across the sample. The distribution of scores appeared relatively normal, as suggested by the close proximity of mean and median values across most measures. Descriptive statistics for individual TCS items and subscales are presented in
Supplementary Table S2.
Analysis of terrorism-related behavioral and habitual changes revealed generally low levels of modification across most domains, with participants reporting minimal alterations to their daily activities and lifestyle choices. Among behavioral changes, the most pronounced modification was observed in “Interacting with individuals of Middle Eastern or Arab descent” (M = 2.2, SD = 1.5, Mdn = 1.0), though this still represented relatively modest change on the 5-point scale. “Flying on commercial airplanes” showed the second-highest level of behavioral modification (M = 1.9, SD = 1.4, Mdn = 1.0), while other behavioral domains demonstrated minimal change, including “Using public transportation” (M = 1.5, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 1.0), “Going to public places” (M = 1.4, SD = 0.9, Mdn = 1.0), and “Voting in elections” (M = 1.4, SD = 1.0, Mdn = 1.0).
Regarding habitual changes, “News consumption habits” demonstrated the highest level of modification, followed by both “Vacationing preferences” and “Residential decisions”. Changes in “Working or attending school” showed the lowest modification. The Behavioral subscale yielded a mean score of 8.3 (SD = 4.0, Mdn = 7.0, IQR = 5.0–10.0) out of a possible 25, while the Habitual subscale averaged 7.5 (SD = 3.7, Mdn = 6.0, IQR = 4.0–10.0) out of 20. The Total Behavioral scale mean was 15.7 (SD = 6.7, Mdn = 14.0, IQR = 10.0–19.0) out of 45, indicating that participants generally maintained their pre-terrorism threat behaviors and habits with minimal modification. Notably, several behavioral items had a median of 1.0 with an IQR of 1.0–1.0 (e.g., ‘Using public transportation’, ‘Going to public places’, ‘Voting in elections’), indicating minimal absolute change for a large portion of the sample (
Table 2).
Reliability analysis demonstrated adequate to good internal consistency across all measured scales. The Terrorism Catastrophizing Scale (Total) exhibited good reliability (α = 0.827), with its subscales showing acceptable to good consistency: Magnification (α = 0.820), Rumination (α = 0.777), and Helplessness (α = 0.715). The behavioral change measures also demonstrated satisfactory reliability, with the Total Behavioral scale achieving good internal consistency (α = 0.810). The Habitual subscale showed good reliability (α = 0.786), while the Behavioral subscale demonstrated acceptable consistency (α = 0.718). All Cronbach’s alpha values exceeded the conventional threshold of 0.70 for acceptable reliability. These reliability coefficients support the internal consistency of the study instruments and suggest that the scales reliably measured their respective constructs within this sample. (
Table 3)
Normality testing revealed significant deviations from normal distribution across all study variables. Both the Kolmogorov–Smirnov test with Lilliefors correction and the Shapiro–Wilk test indicated non-normal distributions for all terrorism catastrophizing and behavioral change measures (all
p < 0.05). The TCS Total scale showed the least deviation from normality among catastrophizing measures (Shapiro–Wilk W = 0.990,
p = 0.015), while its subscales demonstrated more pronounced non-normality: Magnification (W = 0.958,
p < 0.001), Helplessness (W = 0.982,
p < 0.001), and Rumination (W = 0.974,
p < 0.001). Behavioral change measures exhibited the most substantial departures from normality, with the Behavioral subscale showing the greatest deviation (W = 0.809,
p < 0.001), followed by the Habitual subscale (W = 0.852,
p < 0.001) and Total Behavioral scale (W = 0.872,
p < 0.001). These findings necessitated the use of non-parametric statistical analyses for subsequent hypothesis testing. (
Supplementary Table S3)
Analysis of group differences revealed several significant associations between sociodemographic characteristics and study variables. Gender emerged as a significant predictor of terrorism catastrophizing, with females reporting significantly higher TCS Total scores (M = 38.9, SD = 7.9) compared to males (M = 35.0, SD = 7.9, p = 0.001). However, gender differences were not significant for behavioral changes (p = 0.856).
The place of residence demonstrated significant associations with behavioral changes (p = 0.010) but not with terrorism catastrophizing (p = 0.075). Participants from small settlements (<5000 people) and medium-sized settlements (5000–50,000 people) reported the highest behavioral change scores (M = 17.4, SD = 8.0 and M = 17.1, SD = 6.9, respectively), while urban residents (>50,000 people) showed the lowest scores (M = 14.5, SD = 5.8).
Employment status significantly influenced behavioral changes (
p < 0.001), with employed participants reporting higher behavioral modification scores compared to student/unemployed individuals. However, this category included diverse forms of employment, and information on job type or working hours was not collected. This heterogeneity limits interpretation and should be addressed in future research, particularly by distinguishing between healthcare and non-healthcare employment. Similarly, average monthly income showed significant associations with behavioral changes (
p = 0.010), with middle-income earners (1001–2000 euros) demonstrating the highest behavioral change scores. No significant differences were observed for year of study, educational level, having children, or marital status for either terrorism catastrophizing or behavioral changes (all
p > 0.05). (
Table 4)
Correlation analysis revealed a significant positive relationship between terrorism catastrophizing and behavioral changes (rs = 0.27,
p < 0.001), indicating that individuals with higher levels of terrorism-related catastrophic thinking were more likely to modify their behaviors and habits. Age showed weak, non-significant correlations with both TCS Total scores (rs = −0.06,
p = 0.309) and Behavioral Scale scores (rs = 0.06,
p = 0.275), suggesting that terrorism-related responses were relatively consistent across age groups within this sample. (
Table 5)
Bootstrapped regression analysis for the Magnification subscale revealed that employment status and monthly income were the only significant predictors among the sociodemographic variables examined. Employed participants demonstrated significantly higher magnification scores compared to student/unemployed individuals (B = 1.235, 95% CI [−0.09, 2.41],
p = 0.033). Regarding income, participants earning more than €2000 monthly showed significantly lower magnification scores relative to those earning less than €677 (B = −1.410, 95% CI [−2.76, 0.12],
p = 0.049). No statistically significant difference was observed for the €1001–2000 income group (B = −1.227, 95% CI [−2.48, 0.10],
p = 0.061), though the direction of the effect suggested a potential negative relationship between higher income levels and terrorism magnification. Gender showed a non-significant trend (B = 0.744, 95% CI [−0.09, 1.71],
p = 0.114), with females demonstrating numerically higher magnification scores than males. All other sociodemographic variables, including age, year of study, educational level, residence, having children, and marital status, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). (
Supplementary Table S4)
The Helplessness subscale regression model identified gender and residence as significant predictors. Female participants reported significantly higher helplessness scores compared to males (B = 1.973, 95% CI [0.90, 2.96],
p < 0.001), representing the strongest predictor in the model. Among residence categories, participants from medium-sized settlements (5000–50,000 people) showed significantly higher helplessness scores relative to rural residents (B = 1.865, 95% CI [0.50, 3.19],
p = 0.006). Small settlement residents reported higher helplessness (B = 0.747, 95% CI [−0.59, 2.06],
p = 0.263), while urban residents showed no significant difference from rural participants. All other variables, including age, year of study, educational level, employment status, income, having children, and marital status, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). (
Supplementary Table S5)
For the Rumination subscale, both gender and employment status emerged as significant predictors. Female participants exhibited significantly higher rumination scores than males (B = 1.269, 95% CI [0.04, 2.54],
p = 0.033). Employed individuals demonstrated significantly elevated rumination scores compared to student/unemployed participants (B = 2.549, 95% CI [0.37, 4.42],
p = 0.014), representing the strongest predictor in this model. Small settlement residence was associated with higher rumination scores, but without reaching statistical significance (B = 1.227, 95% CI [−0.03, 2.50],
p = 0.060). All remaining sociodemographic variables, including age, year of study, educational level, other residence categories, income, having children, and marital status, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). (
Supplementary Table S6)
The overall TCS Total score regression analysis revealed gender as the sole significant predictor among all sociodemographic variables examined. Female participants demonstrated significantly higher total terrorism catastrophizing scores compared to males (B = 3.986, 95% CI [1.649, 6.529],
p < 0.001). Several variables showed higher scores in small settlement residence (B = 2.443, 95% CI [−0.339, 5.580],
p = 0.069), medium-sized settlement residence (B = 2.580, 95% CI [−0.391, 6.210],
p = 0.092), and employment status (B = 3.240, 95% CI [−0.424, 6.855],
p = 0.077). All other predictors, including age, year of study, educational level, urban residence, income categories, having children, and marital status variables, were non-significant (all
p > 0.05). The consistent pattern across all TCS measures indicates that gender represents the most robust demographic predictor of terrorism catastrophizing in this sample. (
Supplementary Table S7)
Bootstrapped regression analysis for the Behavioral subscale identified employment status as the only significant predictor among sociodemographic variables. Employed participants demonstrated significantly higher behavioral change scores compared to student/unemployed individuals (B = 1.929, 95% CI [0.202, 3.564],
p = 0.025). Urban residence was associated with lower behavioral change scores (B = −0.962, 95% CI [−2.076, 0.018],
p = 0.097). Having children also approached significance (B = −1.504, 95% CI [−3.435, 0.011],
p = 0.100), indicating that parents could potentially exhibit fewer behavioral changes than those without children, although this conclusion would require further exploration. All other sociodemographic variables, including age, year of study, gender, educational level, other residence categories, income levels, and marital status variables, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). (
Supplementary Table S8)
For the Habitual subscale, urban residence emerged as the sole significant predictor. Participants residing in urban areas (>50,000 people) reported significantly lower habitual change scores compared to rural residents (B = −1.50, 95% CI [−2.57, −0.52],
p = 0.011). Employment status was not statistically significant (B = 1.24, 95% CI [−0.18, 2.62],
p = 0.070), though the direction of the effect suggested that employed individuals may potentially be more likely to modify their habitual patterns due to terrorism concerns. All remaining variables, including age, year of study, gender, educational level, other residence categories, income levels, having children, and marital status, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). (
Supplementary Table S9)
The Total Behavioral scale regression model revealed two significant predictors: employment status and urban residence. Employed participants exhibited significantly higher total behavioral change scores than student/unemployed individuals (B = 3.18, 95% CI [0.11, 6.02],
p = 0.028). Conversely, urban residents demonstrated significantly lower behavioral modification scores compared to rural residents (B = −2.46, 95% CI [−4.26, −0.79],
p = 0.010). Being in a romantic relationship was not statistically significant (B = −1.79, 95% CI [−4.00, 0.60],
p = 0.148), though the direction of the effect suggested that individuals in a relationship may possibly engage in fewer terrorism-related behavioral changes. All other sociodemographic variables, including age, year of study, gender, educational level, other residence categories, income levels, having children, and other marital status categories, were non-significant predictors (all
p > 0.05). These findings suggest that employment status and residential context are key factors modifying terrorism-related behavioral adaptations, with employed individuals showing greater behavioral sensitivity to terrorism concerns while urban residents demonstrate less behavioral modification overall. (
Supplementary Table S10)
4. Discussion
This study examined terrorism catastrophizing in a cohort of Croatian nursing students—a group seldom studied in relation to terrorism-related cognitive processes. The mean TCS score of 38.4 (SD 8.0) reflected a moderate degree of catastrophizing. These findings are comparable to those observed in population samples outside active conflict zones [
7,
8]. Across the three cognitive subscales, helplessness emerged as the most prominent dimension, followed by rumination and magnification. A similar profile has been reported in higher-risk countries, where greater perceived threat was associated with greater distress, although in some cases, it coexisted with signs of adaptation or resilience [
9,
10,
23]. While heightened helplessness is often associated with maladaptive coping, in some contexts it may represent a functional cognitive distancing strategy—an acknowledgment that the threat cannot be mitigated through individual action, which in turn can reduce unnecessary personal strain. This interpretation, however, would need further study.
In the Croatian context, where the risk is currently low but the memory of armed conflict remains, the prominence of helplessness may indicate that historical trauma—even when decades old—may possibly sustain vulnerability to perceived uncontrollable dangers [
8].
Gender-related differences were also noticeable in our study, with female students scoring higher on all TCS dimensions. This finding is consistent with prior research showing that women tend to report greater fear of terrorism and higher perceived risk than men [
24]. For example, a 2009 survey in the U.S. found that women, in addition to being more afraid of terrorism, also engaged in more information-seeking and avoidance behaviors [
24]. Beyond the specific domain of terrorism, this is also congruent with similar studies [
25]. Explanations for this disparity often reference differences in threat perception, coping strategies, and culturally shaped social roles. Within nursing education, evidence on gender and stress is mixed. For instance, Senturk and Dogan observed greater stress in female nursing students in Turkey [
14], while others report no significant gender differences [
26,
27]. This suggests that gender-targeted approaches might be warranted in addressing terrorism fears. In line with methodological recommendations, such differences should be interpreted with regard to both their statistical significance and their practical relevance, while further investigation is needed to understand any protective factors in male students.
Employment status also proved significant. Students who were employed alongside their study reported higher scores on magnification and rumination subscales, as well as more frequent behavioral changes in response to terrorism threat. One possible interpretation is that employment—especially in healthcare or public-facing positions—may increase exposure to conversations and experiences related to societal risk, which could reinforce threat-related cognitive schemas. Another possibility is that the added workload and chronic stress associated with such employment [
28,
29] may deplete psychological resources, thereby increasing general vulnerability to unhelpful and possibly maladaptive cognitive responses [
15]. While our data cannot pinpoint the exact mechanism, the association between employment and elevated catastrophizing suggests that extra support may be needed for nursing students who are employed during their studies.
An unexpected finding involved the place of residence. Urban students reported fewer habitual and overall behavioral changes in response to the terrorism threat, a contrast to patterns in some European studies, where residents of major cities often consider themselves more likely targets and thus might be expected to show greater vigilance or worry [
18]. In the Croatian context, one possible explanation is that living in a city may normalize a certain level of security alertness, due to routine safety measures and public awareness campaigns, which could paradoxically lead urban students to feel more secure, thus not altering their behavior as much. This remains a tentative hypothesis requiring further empirical examination. By contrast, students in smaller communities—who may feel more removed from any possible terror event—might perceive any terrorism news as a more extraordinary threat to their local stability, which could prompt disproportionate adjustments (e.g., avoiding travel or public gatherings even if the risk is remote). It is also possible that urban students may have greater trust in institutional protection (police, security services) given the visible presence of such infrastructure in cities, although these explanations remain speculative and warrant further investigation.
We also found that income level was inversely related to one aspect of catastrophizing: students from higher-income households scored significantly lower on the magnification subscale. In practical terms, those with more financial security were less likely to exaggerate the likelihood or impact of a potential terrorism event. This aligns with the idea that economic and personal resources can buffer individuals against threat perceptions [
15]. Those with greater economic resources may feel better equipped to manage potential consequences, which could reduce the intensity of catastrophic thoughts.
Importantly, we observed that terrorism catastrophizing was moderately correlated with self-reported behavioral changes. Students who scored higher on the TCS were more likely to have changed their daily habits (e.g., avoiding certain activities or places) due to terrorism concerns. This underscores the functional relevance of catastrophic cognitions: it is not merely an abstract mindset, but one that can translate into concrete avoidance behaviors. This finding is also consistent with cognitive–behavioral models of anxiety disorders, which posit that exaggerated threat appraisals prompt avoidance behaviors and hypervigilance [
30].
In our context, a nursing student with high catastrophizing might, for example, avoid attending large public events or feel anxious about using public transport—behaviors that could have downstream effects on their social life and even clinical training (if they avoid certain hospital rotations or community health assignments perceived as risky). Given that our participants are future healthcare providers, sustained patterns of avoidance or anxiety could potentially impact their professional readiness—for instance, willingness to work in emergency departments or respond to mass casualty incidents could be compromised if terrorism-related anxiety is high. This highlights a need to address catastrophic thinking not only for students’ personal well-being but also for the robustness of the healthcare workforce in crisis situations.
From a nursing education perspective, our findings have several implications. One is that it may be beneficial to integrate training into nursing curricula that fosters adaptive threat appraisal and coping skills among nursing students. Ensuring that future nurses maintain a balanced view of risks is critical, given their role in emergency response and public health messaging. Educational curricula could incorporate evidence-based stress management techniques and resilience-building interventions to help students handle anxiety about low-probability, high-impact events like terrorism. Additionally, introducing media literacy modules may empower students to critically evaluate news reports and avoid sensationalism-induced panic [
31].
On a broader level, the results underscore the importance of responsible risk communication in the public sphere. Excessive media exposure and alarmist reporting on terrorism have been linked to heightened anxiety in populations [
32]. Public health and government communication strategies should therefore aim to reduce sensationalism without downplaying real risks. Providing clear, factual, and reassuring information can lower the likelihood of disproportionate fear responses across the student population and the public at large. Studies during the COVID-19 pandemic showed that constant consumption of upsetting news contributed to mental distress, suggesting a similar dynamic may occur with terrorism news [
33]. Thus, balanced messaging—for example, highlighting successful counter-terrorism measures or the low absolute risk in a given area—could mitigate unwarranted anxiety.
Taken together, these findings point to actionable steps: incorporating terrorism-related stress management and critical media appraisal content into nursing education and framing public messages to avoid inadvertent fear escalation. Such efforts acknowledge that psychological resilience against terror threats is not just an individual trait, but something that can be strengthened through education and prudent communication. Given evidence that continuous alarmist media can amplify public anxiety [
32] even creating a self-perpetuating “cycle of distress” after collective trauma [
34]—building cognitive resilience is as important as improving physical security.
Future research could address several priorities. Comparative studies between post-conflict and high-risk regions may help clarify the influence of historical trauma on terrorism catastrophizing. Longitudinal designs would be valuable for determining whether elevated catastrophizing predicts occupational outcomes in nursing graduates. Experimental trials could test the efficacy of cognitive–behavioral or psychoeducational interventions in reducing unhelpful cognitive patterns and related behaviors. Finally, examining how terrorism catastrophizing interacts with other forms of threat appraisal—such as pandemic-related fear—could inform integrated preparedness training for healthcare students in an era of multiple, overlapping global risks.
Study Strengths and Limitations
This study is, to our knowledge, the first to examine terrorism catastrophizing among nursing students in Croatia, addressing a notable gap in the literature on terrorism-related cognitive processes in post-conflict, low-risk European contexts. Methodologically, the application of bootstrapped regression analyses strengthened statistical inferences by mitigating the impact of potential non-normality in the data.
However, several limitations should be acknowledged. While the Croatian version of the TCS demonstrated good internal consistency in this study, its construct validity was examined in a separate study on a larger sample, which is being published independently. The cross-sectional design precludes any inference about causality between sociodemographic factors and terrorism catastrophizing, and longitudinal data would be needed to establish temporal relationships. Although the sample was sizeable, it was limited to nursing students from a single country, restricting generalizability to other healthcare disciplines or cultural contexts. Effect sizes were not calculated for group comparisons, and the interpretation of differences is therefore based on statistical significance rather than magnitude. The mixed-mode survey approach and the use of snowball sampling may have introduced biases, such as differences in response style, social desirability effects, or overrepresentation of more socially connected students. Finally, as the study was conducted in a low-risk, post-conflict setting, findings may not extrapolate to high-risk regions or populations with direct exposure to terrorism.