1. Introduction
Since the first case of SARS-CoV-2 infection (COVID-19) was identified in December of 2019, it developed into a major pandemic causing significant morbidity and mortality. As of June 2025, more than 777 million cumulative cases of infection have been identified globally, leading to more than 7 million deaths [
1]. While the majority of patients diagnosed with COVID-19 experience short-term mild-to-moderate illness, which may require careful monitoring, an estimated 31–69% of individuals will experience prolonged symptoms after the initial recovery period for the disease [
2,
3]. This condition involving long-term effects is known as Long COVID and is also referred to as post-acute COVID-19 syndrome, long-haul COVID-19, post-COVID conditions [PCC], and chronic COVID [
4,
5]. Patients themselves coined the term “Long COVID” to represent their experiences and bring attention to the persistence and heterogeneity of symptoms. This term challenges common assumptions about COVID-19 prevalent in the early pandemic that often persisted despite patients’ lived experiences and testimonies, subsequently influencing how the condition has been conceptualized [
4,
6].
Uncertainty about the definition of Long COVID persists as various pathophysiological mechanisms are putative. No single, definitive accessible biomarker currently exists for diagnosis, and changes have emerged in the natural history of this condition due to reasons including the evolution of viruses, novel therapeutics, and vaccination [
7,
8]. Considering these factors, we adopt the broad definition of Long COVID provided by the National Academies of Sciences [
9], describing it as “…an infection-associated chronic condition (IACC) that occurs after SARS-CoV-2 infection and is present for at least 3 months as a continuous, relapsing and remitting, or progressive disease state that affects one or more organ systems.”
Common symptoms for Long COVID include fatigue, dyspnea or difficulty breathing, arthralgia or joint pain, cognitive impairment, anxiety, and depression [
10,
11]. Due to a constellation of physiological and psychological symptom combinations, one striking characteristic of Long COVID is functional impairment, which reduces individuals’ abilities to perform activities they could previously accomplish in their daily lives, including working [
7]. These impairments, particularly those impacting cognition and physical stamina, can hinder individuals’ capacities to meet workplace demands. Notably, Long COVID has been associated with employment disparities as a result of cognitive symptoms that interfere with daily functioning [
12,
13]. Individuals living with this condition have been found to be disparately impacted by illness-induced employment and work disparities, as they experience higher rates of unemployment and reduced likelihood of full-time employment [
12,
13,
14,
15]. For instance, a US nationwide survey found that 12.3% of individuals with Long COVID reported being unemployed, compared to 8.7% of those without the condition. Additionally, only 45.5% of those with Long COVID worked full-time, compared to 55.2% of those without the condition [
13]. Furthermore, qualitative research into patients’ experiences revealed in depth that functional impairment and changes in employment have led to work, income, and insurance-related stress that impact emotional well-being, resulting in feelings of loss regarding one’s self-identity, and fear of judgment in the workplace [
16].
Given the compounded negative impacts of Long COVID on work and daily routine, patients also reported increased levels of loneliness [
17]. In the early phases of the pandemic, this may have partly been due to public health efforts to reduce the spread of COVID-19 which emphasized self-isolation, social distancing, and self-quarantine. These measures may have had mental health implications that have not yet been sufficiently acknowledged. For example, research has found higher rates of depression, anxiety, and loneliness among individuals experiencing self-isolation compared to those who do not [
18]. These issues could be particularly pronounced among Long COVID patients who may have been disproportionately subjected to longer periods of isolation. Even after formal quarantine measures were relaxed due to the pandemic, social exclusion and isolation continued to limit the social support received by those with Long COVID, critically impacting their overall well-being [
17]. While social support from friends and family members has been shown to help individuals with Long COVID to return to daily activities and maintain psychological resilience [
17], less is known about how social support, or the lack thereof, impacts employment outcomes and well-being for this population.
Current Long COVID research has primarily focused on the medical aspects of this illness, such as improving our understanding of the pathophysiology of this condition and identifying effective strategies for diagnosis and treatment [
18,
19]. However, less consideration has been paid to factors that may buffer or mitigate the negative impacts of Long COVID and improve the well-being and quality of life among those experiencing illness-induced disparities across social, employment, and health domains. Social support has been found to consistently benefit well-being and quality of life by providing people with means to avoid or mitigate their exposure to stressors [
20]. For example, social support may influence cognitive processes and lead to individuals being less likely to perceive a situation as threatening [
21]. In addition, social support can lead to proactive coping where stressors can be anticipated in advance and lead to efforts to prevent or minimize them [
22]. In a context specific to Long COVID patients, social support has been shown to act as a buffer to worrying about COVID-19, as well as about psychological health [
23]. Social support-related factors have also led to improvements in sleep, depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, and irritability in COVID-19-positive patients [
24,
25].
While social support has been found to be protective against some of the negative effects on mental health that patients with Long COVID may experience, we know little about the specific sources of social support for these patients and the impacts of this support on their experiences in personal and workplace-specific settings. Patients attempting to manage Long COVID symptoms need support beyond medical care which may involve social support from their immediate social circles. Therefore, our study explored Long COVID patients’ perspectives about the types, sources, and perceived helpfulness of the social support they reportedly received. Understanding patients’ perspectives about social support can have important implications for improving their quality of life, informing the development of strategies to support ongoing care, and identifying factors that may reduce the employment challenges they face.
2. Social Support Framework
This study takes into consideration the way social support influences the experiences of patients with Long COVID in both their work and personal lives. We focus primarily on functional social support, which represents the particular functions that are provided or perceived to be available through social relationships [
26,
27,
28,
29]. The systems approach views social relationships as a network embedding each individual in the family and close relationships, the community, and the society [
27]. Consistent with this definition, social support can come from various sources, including family, friends, coworkers, and supervisors [
30].
There are five overarching dimensions through which individuals can provide social support: (1) tangible support, (2) emotional support, (3) informational support, (4) appraisal support, and (5) belonging support [
31,
32,
33].
Tangible support (or instrumental support) involves material aid, service, or practical help such as performing assigned work for others or assisting with physically demanding tasks [
31,
34].
Emotional support encompasses verbal or non-verbal communication to express empathy, trust, caring, hope, and love [
28,
31].
Informational support is defined as any advice, suggestions or facts provided during a time of stress that can help a person problem-solve and overcome a challenge [
31,
34].
Appraisal support, or esteem support, includes providing information, affirmation, and feedback that would help one cope with threats to self-esteem or self-evaluation [
32,
33]. Lastly,
belonging support (companionship support) represents a sense of belonging and includes having others to engage with in social activities [
31]. This five-dimension framework is an extension of the original theory of social support, which did not include belonging support [
28,
29]. Our study seeks to explore and describe Long COVID patients’ perspectives about their experiences, focused on their receipt of these forms of support. Accordingly, we address the following research questions:
- (1)
What types of social support do Long COVID patients receive and have access to that fit within the five social support dimensions (i.e., tangible support, emotional support, informational support, appraisal support, and belonging support)?
- (2)
What forms of social support are helpful or not helpful for Long COVID patients?
- (3)
What are the unmet social support needs of Long COVID patients in work and personal contexts?
4. Results
We interviewed 21 patients for the study (
Table 1) who had a mean age of 47.6 years (range: 19–68). Approximately three-quarters of our sample was female. Interviews lasted an average of 49.5 min (range: 16.97–84.48).
Participants shared their experiences with Long COVID, including how the condition impacted their work and personal lives. While some reported having received tangible, emotional, and informational social support from family, friends, and the workplace, negative appraisal support and barriers to seeking belonging support were also described. Our results highlight the unique challenges Long COVID patients face, which can undermine their self-esteem as well as how they identify both personally and professionally. Across interviews, we characterized five themes corresponding to the five dimensions of the Social Support Framework [
31,
32,
33] as well as sub-themes within each theme. A summary of these themes, subthemes, their descriptions, and representative quotations supporting these characterizations is presented in
Table 2.
4.1. Tangible Support
Participants self-reported receiving helpful tangible support from four sources, which emerged as distinct subthemes in our analysis: (1) family, (2) friends, (3) the workplace, and (4) neighbors. Several participants shared challenges with physically demanding daily activities. Family was described as the source that provided regular aid to frequently help participants with tasks such as lifting things, managing household responsibilities, and driving. Tangible support from a spouse was reported as particularly important, as one participant explained, “My husband, it’s been very practical. I mean, he cooks, he cleans, he does laundry, he takes care of, you know, the yard, he goes to work every day. I mean, literally, it’s, if I mean, he has taken over 80% of the chores that I used to do” (P07). Participants also received similar tangible support from friends. Such support was reportedly less frequent and more oriented toward smaller tasks when compared to the tangible support received from family members. As one participant shared, “There were times where they’ve [my friends] come over and like helped me do tasks that are just a little physically overwhelming for me. Like putting stuff up in the attic, or anything that requires like more stamina that I just don’t have” (P18).
Some participants described tangible support provided by their employer, including allowing flexibility in work location and hours, which enabled them to manage their Long COVID symptoms and well-being while maintaining productivity. One participant reflected, “When they [my company] went back to the office, I was allowed with the doctor’s note to say, I have to work at home. They also were able to allow me to block off my calendar towards the end of the day where my brain fog was the worst” (P03). The tangible support received extended beyond our participants’ immediate social circles. Some shared instances where they received spontaneous assistance with caring for their family or property from their neighbors. This also included receiving neighbors’ assistance with farm work on which their livelihoods depended. For example, one participant described, “The neighbor across the road, she came over with her daughters to help my mom set up all the pens to get ready for lambing. Her husband came over and helped get the issue–I had some issues on a skid steer that went bad. He fixed all that” (P13).
While participants acknowledged how important it was to receive tangible support, they also noted concern about being a burden. One participant shared that while her husband had been very supportive, it was not easy for him: “… it’s also a lot of added pressure and a lot of added burden. A lot, a lot of extra on his plate that didn’t used to be there. And he’s not young, he’s 65. You know, he’s not a young man, so it’s not easy for him” (P07).
4.2. Emotional Support
The Long COVID patients we interviewed reported receiving positive emotional support from the following: (1) friends, (2) family, and (3) the workplace, which constituted the three subthemes of our analysis. Participants reported that their friends had provided considerable emotional support, such as when friends checked in on their well-being or were flexible and understanding about changes in social activity arrangements. As one participant noted, “They’re understanding. Like if I have to last minute cancel something, I ran out of energy or I have a headache that I’ve been dealing with all day” (P02).
Emotional support from family was manifested through verbal encouragement as well as understanding about difficulties with emotional control due to Long COVID symptoms. For example, one participant commented, “She [my wife] has urged me along the way and encouraged me and has been very understanding. Like when I’ve lost my temper with her, that kind of thing, because I couldn’t keep up with a thought process. And, you know, so incredibly encouraging” (P16).
In several instances, participants described emotional support they received from the workplace. Some employers were highlighted for fostering a trusting and safe environment, while also showing understanding about the fatigue and cognitive impairments experienced by employees living with Long COVID symptoms. One participant explained, “He [my boss] has not been intrusive, but he has created an environment where I feel safe enough that I can let him know, hey, this is what’s going on with me, here are the struggles that I’m currently having” (P01).
When emotional support was lacking or perceived to be negative, Long COVID patients attributed this to family, friends, and/or coworkers having unrealistic expectations of them and lacking insight about the experience of having Long COVID. In some cases, participants reported that social support waned over time. One participant shared, “No one thought 15 months out I would still be the same. So, like I said, I had tons and tons of support in the beginning for a good six months. That is long. I was receiving cards. People would come over and put messages on the doors. It was just very supportive. And now it’s just I feel kind of forgotten” (P11). Similarly, emotional support from the workforce was reported to decrease overtime for some participants. As one interviewee reflected, “When I was working with HR [human resources] regarding my leave, they were very much like, oh, how are you feeling? But ever since I’ve returned to work, I’ve needed to change things around. Like when I first was returning, I told you I had all those, like I was seeing all the specialists. And I would have easily five to six appointments a week. But when I was returning, I was like, hey, for the next couple weeks since these are pre-existing appointments, can I change around my schedule? Is it ok if I take extended lunches? And they were like, absolutely not. Business can’t support that” (P02).
4.3. Informational Support
Our study participants reported receiving informational support from: (1) credible sources, and (2) support groups, which served as the two subthemes. Trusted news websites and medical/peer-reviewed journals were reported to have provided up-to-date medical information about COVID-19 and medications. As one participant commented, “I trust the New York Times, but just recognizing that there’s a lot of misinformation out there too. So, I think just making sure or giving patients the opportunity to get plugged into reputable, good sources of information about COVID and post COVID” (P01).
In addition to medical and health-related information from specialized sources, participants also expressed the need to learn about other patients’ lived experiences with Long COVID through support groups. While less formal, this type of informational support reportedly provided real-time insights, a greater variety of perspectives, and highly personalized information that could help study participants navigate Long COVID. One participant explained, “I belong to like three of them [support groups]. And there, you know, just to bounce ideas, you know, to hear about what’s helping some people, what’s not helping some people, different things that they’re trying. And, you know, post links to different studies that are being done. But just, you know, kind of a good way to just keep up with things” (P07). Study participants also noted the potential downsides of support groups such as the emotional toll of hearing others repeatedly discuss their symptoms. As one participant reflected, “I do have to be careful because, honestly, they can be really depressing, you know, because everyone there is in a bad way” (P07).
4.4. Appraisal Support
Two subthemes emerged within the appraisal support dimension, both characterized by negatively framed evaluations related to one’s performance in the following: (1) personal life and (2) the workplace. Unhelpful negative appraisals include instances of patients being explicitly or implicitly labeled as overreacting, lazy, or unreasonable due to others’ lack of understanding about the symptoms and chronic nature of Long COVID. These appraisals suggest that individuals with Long COVID face challenges to their self-esteem both personally and professionally. Several participants commented on the hurt, frustration, and helplessness they felt when being negatively appraised by those from their close social circles. One participant explained, “I have a lot of friends who, you know, tell me that too, tell me just, just get out of bed and go for walk. Damn, just do something! And you know, you can hear that tone in their voice. They’re just kind of contempt” (P07). Another reflected, “They forget I’m in pain and I have these other symptoms. They see me on the oxygen, but the rest of it’s invisible. And there’s part of me that’s like, maybe I should complain more and remind them that I’m still sick. And I’m like, well that’s just stupid. So even your own family, they don’t see all the stuff” (P02).
In addition to receiving negative appraisals in their personal lives, Long COVID patients also noted having these experiences in the workplace, which potentially impacted their self-evaluation as professionals and even their job security. Although many employers initially agreed to provide work accommodations for Long COVID patients, some participants reported that these agreements were later retracted or blatantly ignored in practice. In these instances, employees with Long COVID were verbally or non-verbally appraised as underperforming and unreasonable for requesting continued support. One participant reflected, “Initially, my boss was very supportive and when I came back, he was very supportive. When it came to performance review time, I do feel like he kind of screwed me over on that by listing my work as below, like as not meeting standards in any way, stating that it’s because of COVID” (P14).
4.5. Belonging Support
Two themes emerged within the belonging support dimension: (1) positive belonging support through validating feedback and (2) barriers to seeking belonging support. Participants reported receiving belonging support from both their support groups and professional networks. One participant described how the validating feedback made them feel like part of a larger community of Long COVID patients: “But there [Long COVID groups] are things that makes me feel like I’m not crazy. Because there are so many of us out here” (P11).
At the same time, some Long COVID patients noted barriers that hindered them from seeking such support, such as their lack of desire to participate in social situations. One participant shared their experience: “I guess that because I’m not in society, I guess it’s hard to have a stigma you know, because I’m not out there, interacting with society. Really, I’m home ninety percent of the time” (P07). Furthermore, the physical and mental fatigue caused by Long COVID may have made it difficult for some participants to even contemplate socializing. One participant noted, “Even when they opened back up, I have no desire to go to a restaurant, to go to any social. I have not been to a wedding, a funeral, or a birthday party for my family since having COVID. And I lost one really good friend to COVID, and I didn’t even go to her funeral. I just don’t want to be around a lot of people” (P21).
5. Discussion
Our study illuminates the types of social support Long COVID patients perceived they had received in their work and personal lives, in alignment with all five dimensions of the Social Support Framework [
32,
33]. While emotional, tangible, and informational support were generally described in positive terms, Long COVID patients also reported receiving negative appraisal support, which potentially impacted their self-esteem both personally and professionally. Experiences characterized within the belonging support dimension were mixed, with some participants expressing a sense of connectedness through receiving feedback that validated their identity as working professionals or as individuals living with a chronic illness, which is not readily apparent. Consistent with previous literature, individuals with high levels of social support are more likely to receive emotional validation, understanding of their situation, and tangible assistance in coping with their experiences. However, other participants emphasized feelings of alienation they attributed to having Long COVID. More specifically, given the nature of this invisible chronic illness, members of some patients’ social networks lacked understanding about their unique experiences. This made it difficult for Long COVID patients to seek out certain forms of social support, such as belonging support. While high levels of social support have been found to reduce feelings of alienation, alienation among this group was found to be a barrier to Long COVID patients receiving forms of social support. Notably, this experience of “otherness” has been described in the broader literature on chronic illness, as patients leading restricted lives often become consumed by the physical and psychological burdens of their condition [
36,
37,
38,
39].
Our study also provided insight into the social support needs of Long COVID patients and shed light on the types of social support that they reportedly found helpful. A tangible social support need consistently described by employed participants was flexibility in work arrangements. Emotional support has also been shown to play a critical role in the well-being and distress of Long COVID patients [
40] and our study characterized different types of emotional support, such as check-ins, verbal encouragement, and expressions of understanding, that were reportedly helpful in supporting their emotional well-being as well as their coping with distress in times of hardship. Our study further delineated the different sources of emotional support, highlighting that Long COVID patients can receive helpful emotional support from the workplace in addition to from their family and friends. When employers foster a trusting and safe environment and show understanding about fatigue and the cognitive impairments commonly experienced by individuals with Long COVID, their employees faced with these challenges are better able to communicate their needs, which is an important factor for those with a chronic illness that may have invisible symptoms [
41].
It is important to note that given the prolonged nature of Long COVID, this may require understanding in the provision of these forms of social support over an extended period. Patients in our study reported instances of social support waning or declining over time. This pattern aligns with previous literature, which suggests that chronic stressors associated with long-term illnesses can lead to the withdrawal of social support [
42]. As support deteriorates and previously ailing individuals shift attitudes, patients with chronic illness may experience increased psychological distress. The existing literature also brings attention to the psychological impact of living with chronic illnesses, which has significant impacts on elements of self-esteem and self-image. Notably, negative social support is found to be a significant predictor of patients’ self-esteem over time [
43]. These increases in distress and reductions in self-esteem may, in turn, hinder patients’ abilities to integrate effectively into their social and work environments.
A growing body of the literature has explored how personnel in the workforce act as either support systems or obstacles for individuals who continue working despite experiencing Long COVID symptoms that impair their functioning [
15,
44,
45,
46,
47]. Our study adds to the literature by providing evidence of unhelpful appraisal support and identifying unmet needs in this dimension within the workplace. The appraisals perceived by our employed participants were overwhelmingly negative, including both verbal and nonverbal negative evaluations. Notably, participation in valued activities through employment is an important need for individuals with chronic illness and serves as a key reference point for building a sense of value, worth and capabilities; this is at odds with instances where employees reported being appraised at the workplace as unreasonable, underperforming, or incompetent through either negative performance reviews or rejection of work accommodation requests [
48]. Our similar findings underscore this issue for Long COVID patients who may receive negative appraisals that may diminish their self-esteem as professionals.
Another previous study of chronic illness found that fatigue and symptom burdens made these patients feel that they did not physically have the capacity to seek help [
44]. Expanding on this, findings from our study suggest that barriers to seeking support, especially in terms of belonging support, exist and may extend beyond physical limitations. Feelings of being alienated from society stemmed from the isolation associated with Long COVID and were reportedly compounded by reduced physical and mental energy, creating considerable obstacles for the patients to engage in social environments that might otherwise foster a sense of connection. This finding highlights a paradox: when connection may be most needed to counteract isolation and bolster diminished self-worth caused by negative appraisals, the very nature of Long COVID symptoms might prevent individuals from seeking or sustaining the relationships that could provide that support. Moreover, research has shown that the perception of being a burden can affect individuals with chronic illnesses by influencing their willingness to seek or accept social support [
49]. This self-perception may serve as an additional barrier as patients ignore or conceal their needs in an effort to avoid imposing on those in their close social circles, which potentially contributes to their feelings of isolation and unmet support.
Our findings highlight not only the types of helpful social support Long COVID patients report receiving but also those unhelpful and unmet social support needs they experience, especially in the workplace. Furthermore, they point to clear opportunities for caregivers and employers to intervene and provide the types of social support that are currently lacking for individuals with chronic illnesses, who are challenged in navigating their personal and professional lives. Those who are chronically ill as a group experience work disparities in terms of the likelihood of unemployment and access to full-time work [
50]. Individuals with Long COVID represent an emerging population facing similar work-related disparities. Consistent with the previous literature [
51], our findings show that these disparities often manifest in inconsistent or absent workplace accommodations and a lack of recognition of patients’ chronic symptoms. Creating a trusting environment is essential for employees’ well-being [
52], and our findings emphasize that such an environment can also help Long COVID patients feel safe expressing their need for support in the workplace. Efforts should aim to foster inclusion and support the return to work and retention of Long COVID patients. Employers can play a vital role by initiating open communication with affected employees to determine reasonable leave durations, return-to-work performance goals, and flexible accommodations. Strategies to facilitate such communications may include awareness training measures addressed to employers and managers to enhance understanding of the chronic and often disabling nature of Long COVID [
44].
Our findings provide support for the use of the Social Support Framework in exploring the way social support influences the experiences of Long COVID patients. This framework, previously applied to a range of chronic illnesses such as type 2 diabetes [
53], rheumatoid arthritis [
54], and congenital heart disease [
55], has been shown to be effective. While our use of the framework confirmed its relevance and extended its application to a new and underexplored population, the findings of this study also provide evidence to support the extension of this framework. For example, the emergence of negative appraisal support and barriers to belonging support highlight dimensions of social support that are not fully captured in the current model. These findings point to the value of considering the quality of support (e.g., when appraisal becomes judgmental rather than affirming) and the conditions under which support becomes inaccessible due to physical and mental fatigue associated with a chronic illness. In doing so, our study offers insights that may contribute to the theoretical expansion of the Social Support Framework to better account for the complexities of chronic illness experiences such as those observed among patients with Long COVID.
6. Limitations
Our study has several limitations. First, our data were drawn from patients at a single specialized clinic. This limits our ability to capture the experiences of the broader community, particularly those who may not have access to care or do not have the physical and/or mental energy to seek such care. Even within our study population, however, we found that some participants reported experiencing symptom burdens so overwhelming that their symptoms occasionally prevented them from seeking social support. Second, the majority of our sample experienced severe Long COVID symptoms for more than one year, which could have had a greater impact on their function in personal and professional lives. As a result, our findings may not apply to individuals with milder or shorter-term forms of Long COVID. Third, we did not systematically assess participants’ specific symptoms or pre-existing health conditions, which limited our ability to explore how symptom burden might influence both the types and amounts of social support received. Fourth, while the amount of our incentive was not exorbitant given the time required to participate in the study, there is a potential for self-selection bias. For example, the perspectives of patients who agreed to participate may differ from those who declined, potentially based on their illness burden, healthcare experiences, or satisfaction with care. Fifth, while broad generalizability is not the primary aim of our qualitative study, the findings may offer transferable insights into similar social contexts. Additionally, our demographic data collection was limited to age and gender, which prevented us from performing a more in-depth analysis of how other social determinants (e.g., race, socioeconomic status, and occupation) may shape differences in the types of social support received. We acknowledge that investigating differences across a broader range of sociodemographic characteristics is a valid direction for future research. Lastly, our study captured participants’ perspectives at a single point in time when the understanding of Long COVID was rapidly evolving. As public awareness and medical knowledge of the condition continue to grow, perceptions of social support may shift accordingly.