“Girls Hold All the Power in the World”: Cultivating Sisterhood and a Counterspace to Support STEM Learning with Black Girls

Abstract

For far too long, schools have been violent places where Black girls are often adultified, overdisciplined, and overlooked. In school science and mathematics specifically, Black girls have been isolated, tokenized, and made to feel invisible. This qualitative study leveraged the Multidimensionality of Black Girls’ STEM Learning conceptual framework to explore the roles of two Black women middle school science and mathematics teachers on the STEM learning experiences of 12 Black girls who live in the U.S. Midwest and how the girls engage with culturally relevant lessons in an afterschool program—SISTERHOOD I AM STEM. Data sources included a demographic questionnaire, program artifacts, and semi-structured transformative dialogic interviews with student and teacher participants. Findings revealed the significance and benefits of single-gender STEM learning environments for Black girls who struggle to connect with school and the role of Black women teachers in creating safe spaces for STEM engagement. In addition, the afterschool STEM program served as a mechanism to promote self-visualization and confidence for Black girls in science with the HyFlex model fostering a communal experience for the girls and their families. This STEM learning space organized and facilitated by Black women educators resisted Black girls’ pathologization and cultivated their sense of belonging. It holds promise for developing the social bonds that are critically important to their persistence in the field and a new narrative where “Girls hold all the power in the world”.

1. Introduction

Creating safe spaces to cultivate Black girl joy is a burgeoning site of educational research as scholars work to reframe narratives of Black girlhood in ways that demonstrate their multi-dimensionality and strengths [1,2]. Importantly, this work has named the dearth of educational opportunities limiting Black girls’ potential and has identified ways to disrupt these patterns. Applying this approach is a critical development in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) education if we are to ensure Black girls’ equitable access to the field. Though their levels of educational attainment are increasing, Black girls disproportionately experience limited STEM engagement both in and out of school [3,4]. Given the rapid pace at which society is diversifying and the centrality of STEM careers to the global economy, it is imperative that equitable access to STEM across lines of race, class, and gender be achieved. While we do not ascribe to capitalism driving the purpose for inclusive and equitable STEM education, we acknowledge the real and tangible impacts of their exclusion as it limits diversity of thought and ability for upward social mobility.

The literature documents Black girls’ marginalization in STEM spaces. They are often absent from discourses of young scientific talent and have been identified as a group experiencing isolation, alienation, and tokenism in the field [5,6]. Their interests in the STEM disciplines decline with time as they disengage during the middle school years and take fewer science classes than their peers in high school and college [7]. These negative trends have been attributed to several factors inherent to the traditional STEM learning environment, which is a white male-dominated space [8]. Individuals with minoritized identities often find it difficult to develop a positive STEM self-concept because of the marginalizing impact of culturally incongruent STEM teaching and learning practices. Black girls may face this reality more acutely given that they are subject to additional distressing factors beyond STEM classrooms. For example, the disproportionate rate at which they experience punitive discipline and low expectations from teachers invites Black girls to socially, emotionally, and academically disengage from the primary space where STEM learning is available [9].

Taking these realities into account, designing STEM learning experiences that align with the racialized, gendered, and class-influenced ways that Black girls make sense of the world is imperative [10]. This way of teaching and learning should span educational contexts to include both the formal and informal spaces where Black girls develop their interests and talents. Doing so expands the critical social supports that positively affect their persistence in STEM—especially when those supports take the form of role models who share their racial or cultural backgrounds [7,10,11]. For these reasons, the purpose of this exploratory study was to observe how culturally relevant STEM learning, offered through the support and mentorship of Black women STEM teachers, supports Black girls’ STEM identity development. Specifically, we equipped STEM teachers with the skills and capacity to deliver high-quality, culturally relevant lessons in order to understand Black girls’ self-perceptions and experience with informal STEM learning.

To do this, we co-created an afterschool STEM program for middle-school girls in a Midwestern school district with Black women STEM teachers. Due to COVID-19, some girls chose to join in person while others connected virtually and completed the activities at home. Thus, we instituted a hybrid flexible (HyFlex) model of the program that combined face-to-face (F2F) and online learning in a synchronous format. The following research questions guided the study:

• What role do Black women STEM teachers play in the STEM learning experiences of Black girls?
• How do Black girls engage in and respond to a culturally relevant single-gender afterschool STEM program?

2. Conceptual Framework

The lens that we applied to this work explored Black girls’ learning beyond school spaces to unearth the complexities of their multiple identities across formal and informal contexts. The Multidimensionality of Black Girls’ STEM Learning: A Conceptual Framework was designed to explore the intersections of learning contexts and perceived identities (see Figure 1) [10]. It was employed in this study to analyze the program and research context—SISTERHOOD I AM STEM—as a counterspace. The program was designed for Black girls in collaboration with Black women STEM teachers and university faculty who also identify as Black women. We drew from conceptualizations of counterspace and critical race feminism to illuminate the complexities of Black girls navigating home and school structures and spaces. Counterspaces are sites where deficit notions of people of color can be challenged and where a positive racial climate can be established and maintained [12]. It is where students can be nurtured and validated, and their contributions viewed as important knowledge. We created an academic and social counterspace along racial and gender lines within a school context but also a place that reified their academic selves within their homes through this study.

Critical race feminism (CRF) is grounded in critical legal studies and stands on the premise that women of color are not white women with pigmented skin as a secondary characteristic, but rather individuals who experience multiple forms of discrimination due to their race, gender, and class in an American society permeated by White supremacy [13]. Therefore, CRF as an interdisciplinary framework centers the intersectional experiences of race, gender, and other social categories. It provides a lens to examine the complex interplay of race, gender, and socioeconomic status—highlighting the systemic barriers they face. In this study, CRF was used to understand the unique challenges faced by Black girls in science education. In the context of education, CRF can be employed to examine the impact of resource inequity on Black girls from low socioeconomic backgrounds, including limited access to quality education, STEM programs, and extracurricular opportunities.

The Multidimensionality of Black Girls’ STEM Learning [10] is a conceptual framework that was designed to consider the educational spaces in which Black girls learn and explore aspects of their identities as they relate to the intersections of race, gender, and class. Much of the literature published about girls of color does not focus on Black girls. Instead, it primarily focuses on their plight in formal schools. This framework supports an expansion of the literature through its ability to consider counterspaces and places where Black girls exist beyond the classroom. It does this while simultaneously thinking about their multi-dimensional identities in these learning environments. The approach establishes transformative sites of resistance and informs our understandings of what it means to teach and learn within contexts that were designed by and in community with Black girls and women.

In addition to the conceptual framework employed in this study, culturally relevant pedagogy informed SISTERHOOD I AM STEM’s curriculum development. Culturally Relevant Pedagogy (CRP), as theorized by Gloria Ladson-Billings, is an educational framework that encourages teachers to consider the cultural backgrounds of their students to create more inclusive and effective learning environments. CRP is a powerful tool in promoting equity and social justice in education, particularly for Black girls. The three major tenets of CRP are that students should experience the following:

• Academic success: This refers to the primary goal of helping all students achieve academic excellence. Teachers who use CRP should focus on providing rigorous, engaging, and relevant content that meets the needs and interests of diverse learners.
• Cultural competence: Teachers should work to develop their understanding of different cultural backgrounds, recognizing the value of students’ home cultures and integrating them into the curriculum. This component emphasizes the importance of building students’ cultural pride and fostering a sense of belonging in the classroom.
• Sociopolitical consciousness: CRP encourages teachers to help students develop a critical understanding of the social and political issues affecting their communities. This component aims to empower students to become agents of change, addressing issues of social justice and equity.

By embracing CRP in this study, teachers created an inclusive and supportive learning environment for Black girls who often struggled to have positive experiences in formal schools. The literature attests to the imperative for establishing STEM programming that occurs in counterspaces, honors Black girls’ multi-dimensionality and strengths, and centers their socio-cultural and historical contributions to the field. We therefore co-created SISTERHOOD I AM STEM pragmatically in an effort to address paucity in the literature while simultaneously enriching and empowering an underserved student population.

3. Black Girls and STEM Educational Learning Experiences

The literature largely attributes Black women’s underrepresentation in STEM to a double bind occurring at the intersections of racism and sexism that impede their educational and professional advancement across STEM fields [14,15,16]. In particular, Black women and girls have shared unnecessarily adverse experiences influencing their persistence in STEM [16,17,18]. These studies demonstrate how interpersonal and structural barriers affect their STEM identities, interests, achievement, and social experiences, which ultimately promotes their disaffiliation from the field despite the promise they may hold for success [19,20].

Establishing strong STEM identities amongst girls is a priority in the imperative to diversify STEM careers. Providing girls with early STEM opportunities is a key strategy that has been used to support young girls in seeing themselves as scientists [21]. Though early engagement with STEM curricula and enrichment opportunities have been associated with success among Black women in STEM undergraduate majors, the literature documents that their racialized girlhood experiences in STEM have disrupted their STEM identity development [22,23]. For example, Black women have had to contend with managing their femininity, masculinity, and anger [24,25] and have minimized or hidden their subordinated identities in order to gain advantages in the field [23]. Importantly, they have also resisted these affronts by advocating against their invisibility [25]. Whether by enduring or resisting indignity, Black girls’ STEM educational experiences often place unnecessary burdens on their development.

Importantly, Black girls and young women maintain confidence that they can achieve in STEM fields. Studies have found that Black girls in middle and high school showed increased interest in science over time; and high school Black girls report higher expectations for success in science than boys [26,27]. Furthermore, Black undergraduate women in engineering held similar levels of confidence as their white male peers [28]. These findings demonstrate the great need for developing structural pathways to support Black girls’ persistence in STEM. Studies in higher education have shown how large class sizes, which are standard in STEM majors, are associated with declining interest in science fields [29]. If Black girls believe in their STEM abilities but are met with institutional structures that fail to provide supportive environments, it is reasonable to expect their under-representation within and disengagement from the field.

The literature also documents the critical role of socialization in Black girls’ STEM identity development. Black women in STEM careers have shared the central importance of family, teachers, peers, mentors, STEM role models of color, and minority networks in their persistence through STEM education [11,30,31]. For Black girls in middle school, project-based and hands-on learning in single-sex environments has enhanced their STEM identity development, confidence, and interests [21,32,33,34]. For these reasons, we endeavored to build a study that was as attentive to Black girls’ positive STEM identity development needs as it was committed to understanding their intergenerational and intra-racial STEM learning experiences.

4. Advancing STEM Opportunity in a Middle School Context

This study occurred with Black women STEM teachers and Black girls at a predominately Black and suburban middle school in the U.S. Midwest. Studies on the educational experiences of U.S. suburban Black girls tend to focus on the social and academic fall-out associated with their visible minoritization in white and wealthy schools [35]. Few studies, however, focus on predominantly Black suburban school experiences, with even fewer taking notice of STEM experiences in that setting. This study was unique in that its context allowed us to address the social dimensions associated with Black girls’ STEM learning while simultaneously using the research process to provide sustainable access to STEM. We worked collaboratively with the participating STEM teachers to provide culturally relevant, community-engaged, and project-based early STEM learning in a socially supportive setting for Black girls. Through the process, the study provided high-quality professional development to two STEM teachers over a 3-month period resulting in a program and curriculum called SISTERHOOD I AM STEM that addressed the specific STEM-related issues evident in their students’ everyday lives. Importantly, the training and support that the STEM teachers received could also be translated into their regular teaching practices—making it possible to share culturally relevant STEM learning beyond the study with Black girls and with all of the students they support.

4.1. The Participants

Typically, school districts use participation in special programs as a student incentive for improved behavior and/or attendance. This approach concentrates privilege among small groups of high achievers. With this in mind, we were intentional about working with our STEM teacher participants to identify girls for participation who were often overlooked for enrichment opportunities and were curious about learning more about STEM. To do this, the teachers recruited girls from among their colleagues’ classes who were chronically absent, over-disciplined, and/or underperforming in school. The lack of access to advanced courses and entrance in high-quality programs for Black girls who are adultified and often punished more harshly for subjective infractions are issues that cannot be ignored, as they perpetuate a cycle of underachievement and systemic barriers that restrict their growth and potential. Through this approach to purposive sampling, 12 seventh- and eighth-grade girls were invited to participate in SISTERHOOD I AM STEM. Eleven of the girls indicated an African-American racial identification, and one identified as Afro-Latina (See

Table 1. Demographics of Student and Teacher Participants.

Pseudonym	Role	Grade	Age	Ethnic Identity	Gender
Aniyah	Student	7th	12	African American	Cis-gender female
Carmen	Student	7th	12	African American	Cis-gender female
Charity	Student	7th	13	African American	Cis-gender female
Clarisse	Student	7th	12	African American	Cis-gender female
Danielle	Student	7th	12	African American	Cis-gender female
Renee	Student	7th	12	African American	Cis-gender female
Alayah	Student	8th	13	African American	Cis-gender female
Ebony	Student	8th	13	African American	Cis-gender female
Nicole	Student	8th	13	African American	Cis-gender female
Paige	Student	8th	14	African American	Cis-gender female
Shaniyah	Student	8th	14	African American	Cis-gender female
Tattiana	Student	8th	13	Afro Latina	Cis-gender female
Ms. Baker	Science Teacher	7th	n/a	African American	Cis-gender female
Ms. Robins	Math Teacher	8th	n/a	African American	Cis-gender female
Total		N = 14

).

The girls had limited STEM engagement experiences beyond those provided through the school’s curricula, which was based on an interchangeable quarterly schedule of science and social studies classes and daily mathematics classes. Nearly all of the girls had experience with teachers who made science exciting, but 33% also had teachers who made them dislike it. Most of the girls had never participated in STEM camps, programs, fairs, or clubs (See

Table 2. Perceptions of STEM Support Responses.

Have You Ever…				Yes	No
Attended a science camp or special science program?				16.67% n = 2	83.33% (n = 10)
Taken an extra science class in the summer (not a make-up class)?				0% (n = 0)	100% (n = 12)
Participated in a science fair?				8.33% (n = 1)	91.67% (n = 11)
Participated in a science club or team?				8.33% (n = 1)	91.67% (n = 11)
Received an award or special recognition for doing well in your science classes or other science-related activities (like a science fair, competition, etc.)				33.33% (n = 4)	66.67% (n = 8)
Worked on a science project or experiment in a university or professional lab?				33.33% (n = 4)	66.67% (n = 8)
Had a teacher who made it exciting to learn science?				91.67% (n = 11)	8.33% (n = 1)
Had a teacher who made you dislike learning science?				33.33% (n = 4)	66.67% (n = 8)
	Strongly Agree	Somewhat Agree	Disagree Somewhat	Strongly Disagree	Does not Apply
My teachers, guidance counselor, and/or other adults at school encourage me to take science classes.	8.33% (n = 1)	41.67% (n = 5)	8.33% (n = 1)	8.33% (n = 1)	33.33% (n = 4)
I don’t like to do things I can’t master quickly.	8.33% (n = 1)	25.00% (n = 3)	50.00% (n = 6)	16.67% (n = 2)
If people tell me I can’t do something, it makes me try.	41.67% (n = 5)	41.67% (n = 5)	0.00% (n = 0)	16.67% (n = 2)
I enjoy trying to understand difficult things.	27.27% (n = 3)	54.55% (n = 6)	9.09% (n = 1)	9.09% (n = 1)

). The study, then, served as a critical intervention for the girls who participated, as we worked to counter their limited STEM learning experiences. Still, the girls reported a positive self-concept about themselves, with 67% indicating that they enjoy challenges, 83% reporting that they try to disprove people who do not believe in them, and 82% sharing that they enjoy trying to understand difficult concepts.

The STEM teachers who supported our curriculum development, recruitment, and facilitation efforts identified as Black-American women who both held more than 15 years of teaching experience. Ms. Robins was an 8th-grade mathematics teacher, and Ms. Baker was a 7th-grade science teacher. Their school participated in a partnership to promote and integrate racial justice leadership theories in teacher and administrator practice. Part of that initiative educated teachers on the psycho-social barriers to healthful Black girl development and supported them with unpacking and identifying color-evasive beliefs and classroom practices. The teachers who participated in the present study were recruited after having received training in restorative practices and participating in a critical reading group that centered and discussed texts regarding anti-racism and intersectionality in education. We recruited the teachers in this way to ensure that they had a baseline awareness of the psycho-social teacher competencies that support Black girls’ thriving.

4.2. The SISTERHOOD I AM STEM Curriculum

Together with the teachers, we designed SISTERHOOD I AM STEM to cover concepts that reflected the girls’ interests and local community context. Over an 8-week period preceding our engagement with the girls, we collaborated with Ms. Robins and Ms. Baker to design units that centered the contributions and experiences of Black women in STEM, key STEM concepts that connected to their work, and practical applications of those concepts in students’ everyday lives. We were also intentional about co-creating these units in ways that elevated students’ voices and experiences. To accomplish this, the teachers asked students in their classes how STEM shows up in their everyday lives. Students shared the centrality of things like electricity, movement, beauty, food, health, and medicine and the role that science plays in these important aspects of daily life. This activity provided insights on the four main concept areas that served as the foundation of our unit plans: Energy, Force and Motion, Ecology, and Biology. We then developed seven labs to test experiments illustrating these concepts. To learn about energy, our scholars created paper circuits to learn about series and parallel circuits. We also explored the transformation between kinetic and potential energy by designing marble roller coasters and explored the thermal properties of energy by creating lip balm. Scholars learned about the relationships between speed, distance, time, and heat through these labs. To learn about force and motion, we facilitated an egg drop competition and explained the difference between contact and noncontact forces and the effects of friction and gravity on their devices. In biology, they extracted DNA from a strawberry to understand the location and function of DNA in cells. They also planted seeds to start their own gardens at home.

Each of these labs were explicitly connected to the hidden histories of Black people in STEM, especially Black women, and highlighted careers that drew upon the content and skills inherent to the topic. This approach shared lesser-known facts, like the establishment of the first Black amusement park—Parkland, which opened in Chicago, Illinois in 1923. Scholars also learned about several hidden figures in STEM like Katherine Johnson, Miriam Daniel Mann, Mae Jemison and their contributions to the exploration of space. The significant contributions of inventor Granville T. Woods and mechanical engineer Ursula Burns were also discussed as shining examples of STEM leaders in history whose stories are concealed. In the process, we introduced our scholars to careers in engineering, space exploration, genetics, and ecology. It should be noted that the formal school curriculum focuses on content standards and resources that do not provide space to learn about the contributions of people who look like them.

We originally designed the program to be offered in-person at the girls’ middle school during after-school hours. However, the COVID-19 pandemic necessitated that we pivot to provide the opportunities to also connect online as students were able to enroll in school either in-person or online. To accommodate the program to meet the school district’s HyFlex structuring, we prepared science kits containing the supplies to complete each week’s investigation and shipped them to each girls’ home, in addition to making sure kits were available for use in-person after school. The lab’s lesson and supplementary materials were also made accessible online via Google Classroom. We then met synchronously online for 2 h per week after school, with the STEM teachers facilitating the weekly lessons and demonstrating the labs and activities while some of the girls followed along in the classroom and others participated from home. After they completed their labs, the girls uploaded videos, photographs, and their reflections to an online learning management system.

5. Methodology

One post-program interview with each student and teacher participant, a demographic questionnaire, and artifacts from each lesson served as data sources to inform the study’s findings. The interviews were conducted through a transformative dialogic approach. Semi-structured transformative dialogic interviews encourage participants to speak of their experiences reflexively by paying as much attention to what happened to them as the meaning inherent to the happening [36]. Interviewing in this way works to foster critical consciousness, affirm healthy conceptualizations of identity, and realize new subjective possibilities [37,38]. This method was consistent with our desire to center the girls’ social, emotional, and intellectual needs as it focuses more on clarity and certainty about the information participants share. It also works to support empowered decision-making [39]. Our intention was to help the girls and teachers relay what happened to them in SISTERHOOD I AM STEM and its impact so that they could decide for themselves what direction, if any, they want to take regarding their future STEM engagements.

Such an approach is consistent with the ethical stance Josselson outlines when writing, “Researchers must eschew trying to enlist, overtly or covertly, participants to embody some political agenda they may carry into the project” [40]. For this reason, we did not use transformative interviewing in ways that expected or required the girls or teachers to go deeper in their STEM engagement. Instead, we used this method to acknowledge how Black girls are negatively impacted by the marginalizing factors inherent to traditional STEM education and to help them clarify whether and how they want to persevere in the field. In this way, transformative dialogic interviewing allowed us to imbue the research process with more benefits than harm.

Though we only conducted one, formal, semi-structured interview in this way, this method was infused throughout the program. During each afterschool lesson, teachers posed critical questions for individual and group self-reflection about the content under investigation and their personal experiences and feelings associated with it. We also observed and participated in each lab and met with the teachers weekly to reflect on the progression of the project, troubleshoot logistical challenges, and consider whether and how a safe space for STEM learning was being fostered. Following the program, we interviewed the teachers to learn how their participation in this project informed or influenced their formal STEM teaching.

Qualitative coding was used in a three-round analytical process to arrive at themes in the data [41]. We used Dedoose computer-assisted qualitative data analysis software to do this. In the first round of coding, we used descriptive coding to provide an initial summary of the girls’ and teachers’ SISTERHOOD I AM STEM experiences. In the second round, we used pattern coding to categorize the initial codes. This process refined our 216 initial descriptive codes into 5 main categories: Marginalization of Science, Impact of COVID on Program Implementation, Benefits of the Program, Perceptions of Science, and Role of Teachers. In the third round of coding, we used analytical memo writing to compare categories. We did this to identify content that existed across categories that was similar in nature. This process identified three major themes that addressed our interest in the significance of STEM teachers’ roles in Black girls’ STEM learning and how the girls engaged in and responded to the SISTERHOOD I AM STEM program: (1) The significance of the single-gender environment and Black women teachers in cultivating safe spaces for STEM learning; (2) The HyFlex model fostering a communal experience for the girls and their families; and (3) the STEM program promoting self-visualization and confidence for Black girls in science.

6. Findings

6.1. The Significance of the Single-Gender Environment and Black Women Teachers Cultivating Safe Spaces for STEM Learning

The single-gender learning environment facilitated by Black women STEM teachers fostered sisterhood, intergenerational relationships, and a safe space for learning and social development. This theme is more extensive than the other two because we elevate the voices of the students and teachers and hope to draw attention to what it means to learn in an environment with Black girls while also learning in community with Black women teachers.

The program supported the girls’ social development, as evidenced by Danielle saying:

I think I have anxiety… [I’m worried about] how they will judge me to see how I look. [Other students] might say, “oh, she’s too fat,” or “oh, she was ugly,” but I had the courage to just turn my camera on sometimes [during SISTERHOOD] and it was just okay.

Some of the girls joined online from home and carried a fear of showing their background when turning on their videos. At times, their hair may not have been done or they may have been in pajamas or house clothes. Danielle shared that while she had feelings of anxiety, she decided to turn on her camera and engage despite her anxieties as the group became a safe space. Aniyah supported this notion of having a safe single-gender environment to explore STEM ideas and discussed not having to worry about how she would be perceived by students from other genders who tease or, as the girls named it, cause drama. She said:

At first [SISTERHOOD] was kind of scary cause I didn’t know the girls. They was in a higher grade, like [another girl] was in a higher grade. Until I got to know the girls, then I got comfortable. [It was different from my regular science classes] Because some boys are childish and some don’t listen, but also some girls are childish and other girls don’t listen. [In SISTERHOOD] they wasn’t childish and they wasn’t no drama girls. [Drama girls] get you in trouble. They get you suspended. And you can get in fights and stuff and get in arguments. Because it’s certain things they say, you can try and not pay attention, but if they get to the point where you want them to stop, you’re going to [have to] say something and you’re going to get in trouble…[Drama girls] used to do it all the time in class and the teacher would have to stop teaching us so she can get them, and it stops our learning. [But, in SISTERHOOD] It was fun. No drama, no arguing, none of that. It was just all girls having fun.

Clarisse added:

I liked [the program] because it was no boys in there. Because some boys they, when they’re being all rowdy, they judge people because sometimes we don’t know what to do and they’ll be making jokes about us. That’s how it is at [this school].

Clarisse’s statement shows the lack of protection at school and the need for a space where Black girls are not judged and can be themselves. Renee agreed with this sentiment and added: “Boys just really like to play around. [So, being in a group with all girls helped me concentrate a little bit more]”. Alayah also described SISTERHOOD I AM STEM as a special space because it freed her from the difficulties that can occur in co-ed classes. She said:

I think that it was special that it was all girls on one group. And that it was part of something. It was something different. Like different from other stuff. It was like, this is all girls. Just learning about one thing together. [It was special because], you know, it doesn’t happen a lot. Not a lot at school, just having girls, well not a lot of girls, in one group together just learning interesting stuff. I ain’t never seen anything like it. Alright, but I’m not trying to shade the boys, but I feel like they’re more childish than girls. [They’re] Not taking most things seriously as other people or taking it as seriously as you want. I don’t think it affects [what I do in class] but they just add more difficulty.

The single-gender learning environment created conditions upon which a socially supportive learning environment could be cultivated. Operating the program in this manner eased the girls’ anxieties about learning in a co-ed environment and fostered their willingness to take risks and be seen. STEM learning within a single-gender learning environment also promoted socialization that moved beyond a sole focus on STEM achievement. The girls in SISTERHOOD I AM STEM became friends and used their bonds to support one another in acquiring STEM skills and concepts.

The teachers’ role in the girls’ STEM learning was central to the positive climate undergirding the girls’ social experiences in the program. The support that the girls showed amongst themselves was an extension of what they received from Ms. Robins and Ms. Baker. For example, Paige said:

The teachers [in the program] are cool, I really liked them because they helped me with a bunch of different things, especially [Ms. Baker]. She helped me when I was doing the projects, when I couldn’t get something right, she helped me with it. She helped me get through it, step-by-step. It’s different. My regular science teacher, she’ll give us the assignments and be like, if we need any questions, just ask her. With [Ms. Baker], with the projects I needed different things, and she got me through it step-by-step.

Shaniyah discussed how Ms. Robins assisted her with learning the math components of each lab. She expressed her appreciation because Ms. Robins was patient, took the time to notice her students, and handled them with care.

I actually love [Ms. Robins] because she’s like really funny and she helps me do my work, even though I really don’t even feel like it. It’s really awesome how she handles kids and works with them. She describes things easier. Yeah, she’s actually one of my favorite teachers. The other teachers, they don’t really help…They really don’t even help. They just describe it in a way that they were told to and they just continue on with the work. I mean, my science teacher helps a little, but yes.

Ms. Baker discussed what serving as a facilitator in the program meant to her. She indicated that many of the girls did not have an opportunity to meaningfully engage in science because their elementary experiences primarily focused on literacy and numeracy. This meant that by middle school, many Black girls were not confident in their science abilities and were apprehensive to engage and take risks. Therefore, having opportunities out-of-school that are low stakes and welcoming are important. She shared,

My impression was they were new, just new, just learning. They passed science, but most of the girls have not had science consistently. They don’t get it consistently in elementary. And so, I feel like facilitating as a facilitator for the program and just seeing their reaction to doing the various activities that we did, their foundations. If they have stronger foundations, then their confidence levels will be higher. They wouldn’t be as apprehensive about responding or sharing their knowledge because at the stage that they were with us, it’s like when you’re new, you’re in the new stages of learning something and you’re apprehensive about responding or giving your opinion or whatever because you’re unsure of the knowledge that you’re gaining.

Ms. Baker continued to note the significance of microaffirmations and using the language of science so that as the girls’ transition from middle- into high-school, they will be comfortable pursuing advanced science courses and other STEM opportunities available to them.

And so, with them as I facilitated, [I wanted them to say] “I know it!” I’m not a gambler, but it’s their confidence levels because they have not had science and they don’t have the foundation, a strong foundation, [so] they doubt themselves. As opposed to saying, “I’m smart, I have the potential to do, and I have certain skills that I can use to acquire this knowledge.” And so, I think [the] lack of technical programs and STEM content that they should be getting at lower grades, it’s affecting them. It is. It’s affecting them to where they are not going to pursue. They’re not going to go to high school. They’re not going to take the hard chemistry class. They’re not going to want to take the physics class because the foundation and their confidence has not been built up at this level for them to know, “okay, I know I got this”. And they won’t, they don’t pursue the opportunities.

These approaches to STEM learning and orientations to student engagement cultivated a safe space that empowered the girls to make themselves visible in the STEM space, to build supportive relationships with other students and teachers, and to practice their identities as engaged STEM learners. This was made possible through the example of Black women STEM teachers who utilized the informal learning context in ways that supported the girls’ STEM abilities.

6.2. The HyFlex Model Fostering a Communal Experience for the Girls and Their Families

The HyFlex model of SISTERHOOD I AM STEM blurred the boundaries between home and school and fostered a communal experience where the girls’ families and home lives were welcomed and integrated into the STEM learning experience. Charity discussed how she was able to do the STEM activities at home and engage her little sister who was equally excited to participate.

My little sister. She’s in the second grade. And she was so excited to do this stuff with me and I was like, girl chill…She did the plants with me. The plant is actually still outside still. [She did] the first project we did, or I think that was the first one. The marbles. Yeah, that was the first one. She did that one, the lip balm, and the plant one.

The activities did not just generate interest and excitement amongst the girls, but they were positioned to have their families share in this excitement. Like Charity’s little sister, Carmen’s little sister engaged and participate in the HyFlex STEM space:

I’ve got a little sister, and she’s three. Every time I’m doing a program, she like, “Can I help you? Can I help you?” And when the teachers be talking, she’d be thinking the mic is on and she be trying to answer questions and everything.

The HyFlex model allowed some of the girls to do science at home with their families while still maintaining community with their teachers and peers. Beyond sibling engagement, Nicole discussed how her mother also observed her doing the activities and utilizing the program’s resources. They learned alongside her, and it became a family endeavor.

My mom and my sister…By them watching me doing all the experiments and all the activities, and learning from it, and watching the videos and reading the articles. They learned some fun stuff. I don’t know exactly what, but I just know they did.

The girls leveraged other technology to build community outside of the synchronous lessons. They connected with each other via Facetime to discuss the STEM activities, share what they made, and talk about this shared experience. Alayah said:

Some of the classes I was on FaceTime with [Ebony] and we would just talk about the program, like the lipbalm [experiment] we was on FaceTime and the DNA extract. I liked that one.

The HyFlex nature of the program positioned the girls to connect with their families around their learning, which enhanced their enjoyment of the program. They shared that they enjoyed the it so much that they hoped for deeper and continued engagement. They shared that the program seemed to end quickly and that they wished it could be longer. Clarisse said:

Well, it felt like [the program] went fast. I thought it was going to be way longer than it was. It was like it was faster than I expected. I even noticed how much stuff we was doing. Like every week I didn’t even notice it…when I looked in the box…it looked like it was so much more stuff, but then when I heard them say it’s two more meetings, I’m like, “two or three meetings?” Dang, I thought we just started the program.

The relationships fostered among the SISTERHOOD I AM STEM participants, the culturally relevant nature of the program, and the ability to connect the process to the comforts of home worked in ways that made the girls’ STEM learning a pleasurable experience that they hoped to sustain.

6.3. Supporting Black Girls’ SELF-Visualization and STEM Confidence through SISTERHOOD I AM STEM

The final theme revealed the potential that HyFlex informal STEM programming holds to promote Black girls’ self-visualization in STEM. We learned that SISTERHOOD I AM STEM supported the girls’ confidence in their science abilities. The girls who participated in this study had limited STEM engagement experiences prior to the program because they did not participate in STEM camps, fairs, or clubs. In fact, many reported being discouraged by teachers and other adult figures and, therefore, were not connected to science. Despite these realities, the girls reported a positive self-concept, an enjoyment from learning difficult concepts, and intrinsic motivation to disprove individuals who did not believe in them.

For example, the researcher asked: “So, what are some of the things that you thought about since the program ended?” Aniyah responded: “That I can do anything if I just stick my heart and mind to it and just have the courage and girls hold all the power in the world”. This statement summarizes the significance of creating counterspaces in STEM where Black girls are affirmed. Aniyah’s formal school experiences were less than ideal, but she still believed that she had what it takes to be successful. In other words, her sentiments show her faith in herself as one who is greater than the circumstances she faces. Her words also express the hope that Black girls can see themselves succeed in STEM and other fields when culturally responsive opportunities and counterspaces are available. Ebony echoed this sentiment and talked about the program’s impact on her classes in school. She said:

I think that science was really cool and that it’s just amazing how things actually work and seem, and it’s just like our world, basically. I think [I like science] much better [now]. The power that women can hold and the things that we can do is just amazing. And just don’t like give up on what you’re trying to do. This, I forgot her name, this astronaut woman, how she became the first [Black] woman to go to outer space. Yes, I was like, wow. The power she can hold is just amazing. I think that that meant for me, it encouraged me to know that I can do anything that I just put my mind and my heart to. And anything is possible. [The program] encouraged me to do more work and try to get A’s and B’s. And I actually got a little bit better [in school]. I just have two classes I have to work on. I don’t know. I just feel like I have all the powers to just put my mind to it and really focus on my work. And like, I don’t even know how to describe it. It just gave me courage.

Participation in the program encouraged the girls to visualize themselves as academic achievers, scientists, or contributors to science in the future. They shared that they were planning new avenues to extend their science learning, particularly through getting good grades, focusing on improving their school-based behaviors, and exercising courage to try new things.

These outcomes suggest that the counterspace created through SISTERHOOD I AM STEM holds potential to help Black girls reframe their self-perceptions and visualize themselves as Black women making important societal contributions through STEM. Tattiana said:

[Science is] something I really like doing. So, if I have all the equipment then yeah, I’ll definitely be able to do it. [I’ve been thinking] that maybe later on in my life I could do the same things I did in the program and know more about it. The extracting DNA from a strawberry. Yeah, I did think about being that type of scientist.

The intentionality of the researchers and STEM teachers in designing lessons, sharing contributions of Black women, and then exploring possible career paths really resonated with the girls. They saw the connections between the STEM investigations they were supported through with possible career paths, thus enabling them to envision possibilities for their futures.

I feel better about science. I learned more about engineering things. The only thing that really changed [after the program] is that I thought about it–being an engineer might be a good thing for me. Because you’re learning different things. You’re creating new things, you could make new things better. [Things] That already exist, but better. [The program] helped me a lot. I know it helped me a lot. It definitely got me more into science…Yeah it helped me with my career ideas. What I want to be when I grow up.

The overarching purpose was not to encourage Black girls to pursue the STEM fields but rather giving them access to an enrichment opportunity to meaningfully engage in STEM and see how these disciplines surface in their everyday lives. We hoped to foster a sense of self and for the girls to conceptualize STEM as a vehicle for social change and personal development.

A byproduct of centering the girls, their identities, interests, and needs is that they not only expressed increased confidence in STEM but also an interest in considering STEM career pathways.

7. Discussion

Findings from this study corroborate the well-established claim that under-represented students in STEM benefit from affinity spaces where they are free to explore themselves and their interests without the gaze of white supremacy [42]. This study adds to the literature by demonstrating a specific approach to supporting Black girls who have experienced inequitable STEM access.

We assert that single-gender and culturally relevant STEM environments provide a solid foundation upon which positive social experiences can be nurtured and sustained for Black girls. Importantly, these environments should move Black women and girls from margin to center by making their innovations in STEM explicit, demonstrating connections between STEM concepts and Black girls’ everyday lives, and encouraging collaboration and bonding. Establishing bonds through these approaches is central to Black women and girls’ capacities to face, overcome, and heal from the systemic barriers they face [43]. Efforts to counter the alienation and tokenization Black girls experience in the field should, therefore, work in ways that cultivate their belonging. We hold that these kinds of social experiences have the potential for rupturing institutional practices that uphold dominating logic in STEM curricula and build esteem for Black girls to persist in the field.

This study also demonstrates the important role that Black women STEM teachers play in cultivating Black girls’ STEM learning. The contemporary teacher workforce is predominately white at all levels of schooling [44]. This reality is even more acute in the STEM fields, where white men are largely responsible for cultivating future scientists [45,46]. This reality makes cultural mismatch a significant concern in the effort to diversify STEM fields, as ways of being among Black girls can be misunderstood by their non-Black and/or male teachers.

Importantly, the Black women STEM teachers who participated in this study corroborate the literature attesting to the critical role Black women play in modeling the dispositions normative to STEM learning [11,30,31]. We add that the teachers also served as vital social agents who nurtured the sense of belonging that the girls in SISTERHOOD I AM STEM experienced. They made the program welcoming, ensured that STEM learning was fun, and provided unconditional positive regard for the girls’ efforts. Perhaps most critically, they did these things from a place of conscious awareness of how Black girls’ racialized gender is performed and often used against them to stereotype them into disengaged learners.

Single-gender STEM learning environments led by Black women that resist Black girls’ pathologization and cultivate their belonging hold promise for developing the social bonds that are critically important to their persistence in the field. The approach creates conditions where Black girls can have relief from the social constraints that promote their disassociation from the field and shows how meaningful relationship-building can be integrated into STEM programming in ways that promote academic success in formal and informal spaces alike. The girls’ response to the SISTERHOOD I AM STEM experience also provides a counternarrative to the individualist paradigms normatively upheld in STEM curricula. White supremacy culture permeates all institutions but is particularly acute in the STEM learning world [47]. Systems reflect, respond, and adapt to their majority constituencies, which means that behaviors and beliefs normative to white culture permeate how STEM learning occurs given that the field is in majority represented by white people. Standards in the field mirror white supremacist organizational culture, particularly through its emphasis on individualism [48]. Individualism privileges personal autonomy, disregards social group membership, promotes competition, and advances meritocracy [49,50,51]. These beliefs and behaviors come into conflict with many ways of being for Black and Brown people and serve to fracture our identities as we mask ourselves to protect white rights to comfort [52].

Countering these logics, SISTERHOOD I AM STEM fostered a communal experience where the girls’ families and home lives were welcomed and integrated into course content. Siblings and parents were invited to join in STEM learning, and the girls voluntarily shared their experiences and labs with extended family members. These acts demonstrate how the program served as a counterspace to the white male-dominated traditional STEM learning environment. Rather than segregating the girls’ learning from their cultural context, STEM was woven into the context of their everyday realities. This intention was supported by moving the program to a HyFlex model and making it accessible online, as was necessitated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Where our original hope was to merely invite the girls’ families into the STEM learning space, the online format physically and intellectually solidified these commitments. It opened the program to the girls’ sisters and cousins at all school levels as well as their mothers and grandmothers, while spontaneously centering them as STEM learning leaders within their families.

This study further demonstrates how integrating students’ lives with curricular content and the actual communities that nurture their understanding and sense of self counter the dominating logic that requires Black girls to hide who they are in STEM spaces [53]. The deep and abiding knowing that comes from familial and community support cultivates self-visualization as an empowered subject. These workings were evident in the girls’ experiences with SISTERHOOD I AM STEM as the girls grew in self-perception as STEM learners. The multiple personal connections made by the program through culturally relevant curriculum and intergenerational engagement supported their awareness of themselves as full of STEM potential. Though understanding the girls’ family members’ experience of the project was beyond the scope of this study, we imagine that demystifying STEM spaces to Black girls’ extended communal networks may also strengthen the types of support that their caregivers can provide.

8. Conclusions and Implications

By fostering counterspaces and implementing CRF-informed interventions, we can establish more inclusive and equitable educational landscapes for Black girls in STEM and beyond. Counterspaces are essential for Black girls’ empowerment and success (particularly in science and mathematics learning environments) to provide affirmation, support, and opportunities for intellectual growth. Education is a critical tool for personal and societal growth, and by investing in the success of Black girls, we are investing in the future of our communities. Empowering these young women with the tools and resources to succeed academically will not only uplift them individually but also contribute to dismantling systemic barriers that have held them back for far too long. We present a few implications for research, practice, and policy below.

8.1. Implications for Research

Longitudinal Studies need to be conducted to better understand factors influencing middle school Black girls’ interests, engagement, and success in STEM over time. We also need to conduct more intersectional research focusing on the unique experiences of middle school Black girls, Black women STEM teachers, and the relationships formed in this space. Research should inform best practices and interventions to support the engagement and development of Black girls in STEM.

8.2. Implications for Practice

Educators in both formal and informal STEM learning spaces should implement culturally informed teaching strategies that consider the diverse experiences of Black girls (especially in middle school). This approach can make STEM subjects more relatable, engaging, and relevant to their lives, thus encouraging their interest in these fields. Although the single-gender setting used in this study may not be replicable in all contexts, educators can design STEM curricula to include the contributions and achievements of Black women in STEM to help Black girls develop a sense of pride and belonging in the field. Educators should also be trained to recognize and counteract any implicit biases or stereotypes they may hold, ensuring a fair and inclusive learning environment for all students. In establishing a safe and supportive learning environment, Black girls should feel comfortable asking questions, sharing ideas, and expressing their interests in STEM—similarly to those who participated in this study.

8.3. Implications for Policy

Education policymakers should ensure equitable funding and access to resources for schools serving Black children, enabling them to provide quality STEM education and opportunities. Economic policies should also be implemented to recruit and retain more Black women educators in STEM, providing role models and mentors for middle school Black girls. We should also support the development and implementation of early intervention programs that provide Black girls with the resources and support needed to excel.

We call upon educators, school district administrators, policymakers at the federal, state, and local levels, and community members to take the necessary steps to address the schooling experiences of Black girls. This includes promoting education equity in formal schools, advocating for policies that increase access to advanced courses and high-quality programs, and challenging the racial and gender biases that contribute to the over-disciplining of Black girls. By acknowledging and addressing these issues, we are creating a better future for our Black girls—one in which they can thrive academically, socially, and emotionally—and be prepared to thrive in STEM fields.