1. Introduction
Disparities in economic opportunities and earnings have driven cross-country labor migration (
Mishra et al., 2022), a trend further reinforced by advances in digital connectivity, migration networks, and transportation (
Ghodsi et al., 2024;
Munshi, 2003). The international migration of workers has increased over time, rising from approximately 173 million (2.8% of the global population) in 2000 to 281 million (3.6% of the global population) by 2020. OECD countries alone absorbed about 40% of these migrants, while other lower–middle-income countries, including Gulf nations, also attracted a significant share (
IOM, 2022;
World Bank, 2023b).
As international migration has flowed from low-income to high-income countries, remittance receipts have flowed in the opposite direction. In 2022 alone, global remittance receipts reached a record high of 831 billion USD, marking a 4.81% annual increase. Over three-quarters of this amount went to low- and middle-income countries. For many countries, the outflux of labor and the influx of remittances are crucial to livelihoods and development (
IOM, 2022;
World Bank, 2023b,
2024). Remittance receipts serve as the primary source of foreign exchange in developing countries. In the global context, the South Asian region remains a major recipient, receiving close to a quarter of global remittances (
World Bank, 2023a).
In this context, Nepal stands out as one of the most notable recipients of remittances. In 2022, remittances alone covered 56.6% of Nepal’s trade deficit and were a crucial component of the country’s balance of payments (
NRB/GoN, 2022). In terms of the remittance-to-GDP ratio, Nepal ranks ninth globally (
World Bank, 2023a), fifth among low- and middle-income countries, and first in South Asia (
World Bank, 2024). While the volume of remittance inflows may be relatively small due to the country’s population size and economy, the share of remittances in Nepal’s GDP remains remarkably high. For decades, remittances have consistently accounted for about a quarter of Nepal’s GDP (
NRB/GoN, 2022), making them an indispensable factor in development planning and policy-making in the country.
Research on the impact of remittances at both the household and country levels in South Asia reveals varied findings. For instance,
De and Ratha (
2012) found that remittances positively affect child education in Sri Lanka but do not significantly influence overall consumption expenditure. On the other hand,
Raihan et al. (
2022) conducted a disaggregated analysis in Bangladesh, concluding that remittances positively impact expenditures on housing, health, land, education, and investment.
At the household level in Nepal, remittances play a crucial role in financing healthcare, education, and other consumption expenses, becoming an essential component of development strategies.
Raut and Tanaka (
2018) found that the absence of a father—often the household head—negatively affects a child’s education, but remittances help compensate for this by contributing to capital formation. In contrast,
Bansak and Chezum (
2009) and
Bansak et al. (
2015) showed that households receiving remittances saw improved educational outcomes and increased human capital accumulation.
Additionally,
Mishra et al. (
2022) identified a positive relationship between household expenditure and remittances, particularly for food and education, while finding an inverse relationship with tobacco consumption. Remittances have also benefited left-behind family members, particularly women, improving their well-being (
Maharjan et al., 2012), increasing household healthcare usage (
Kapri & Jha, 2020), and enhancing the overall budgetary status (
Mishra et al., 2022). Furthermore, studies by
Shrestha (
2017),
Lokshin et al. (
2010), and
Wagle and Devkota (
2018) suggest that remittances have contributed to poverty reduction in Nepal. For example,
Shrestha (
2017) found that migration to Gulf countries and Malaysia alone helped reduce poverty by 40% between 2001 and 2011.
In terms of national economic impact,
Loser et al. (
2006) examine how remittance receipts, as international transfer payments, interact with a country’s fiscal, monetary, and balance-of-payments variables. As remittances increase, disposable income rises, which can influence the exchange rate mechanism, potentially leading to an inverse effect on the recipient country. This effect can manifest directly through increased demand for ’tradable’ goods such as exports and imports or shifts in relative prices (
Fullenkamp et al., 2008). In simpler terms, as remittances boost domestic demand, local prices and wages may rise, leading to an appreciation of the local currency. Consequently, this can put pressure on both external and internal sectors, often in an undesirable direction (
Thapa-Parajuli, 2013).
Remittances are vital for development and economic growth in developing countries (
Cazachevici et al., 2020;
World Bank, 2024), stimulating economic activity by increasing both consumption and investment. However, although remittance income boosts household consumption, it does not necessarily channel to productive investments, especially in the case of Nepal (
Thapa-Parajuli, 2013). Additionally, remittances can lead to the Dutch disease effect, where an inflow of foreign currency causes an appreciation of the local currency, potentially harming the country’s export sector. They may also foster policy laxity among decision-makers, discouraging improvements in the investment climate (
Sapkota, 2013). There remains much to explore about the scale and quality of international migration, remittance receipts, and their economic implications for developing countries in general, and for Nepal in particular.
Classical political economy, drawing on the seminal works of Smith, Mill, and Marx, critically examines sustainable development through a historical perspective, interdisciplinary approaches, and social class analysis (
Manioudis & Meramveliotakis, 2022). While these theories may be regarded as historically rooted, they continue to offer valuable methodological insights for contemporary development research. However, the predominant framework for current development interventions is the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which are united under the broader framework of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). These goals address the fundamental challenges humanity must confront, not only to achieve sustainable development but to ensure survival on Earth (
Klarin, 2018). Although the SDG framework does not explicitly incorporate international remittances, they appear to intersect with several SDGs, influencing global development outcomes in complex and interconnected ways.
While not explicitly included in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), remittances play a significant role in supporting the achievement of several of these goals. Initially, they were not envisioned as primary drivers for SDG attainment. However, empirical evidence highlights their substantial contributions to poverty reduction (SDG 1) (
Malecki, 2021), alleviating hunger (SDG 2) (
Subramaniam et al., 2021), promoting health and well-being (SDG 3) (
Nasrin et al., 2024), and enhancing education quality (SDG 4) in Nepal (
Bansak et al., 2015). Additionally, remittances contribute to gender equality (SDG 5) (
Nasrin et al., 2024), foster economic growth (SDG 8) (
Yerrabati, 2024), reduce inequality (SDG 10) (
Azizi, 2019), support climate response efforts (SDG 13) (
Azizi, 2019), and strengthen global partnerships (SDG 17) (
Akanle et al., 2022).
In Nepal, there are contrasting arguments regarding the impact of remittances. This debate spans two key dimensions: the livelihood approach versus the macroeconomic approach, and productive versus unproductive expenditure. From a microeconomic perspective, predominantly aligned with the livelihood approach, remittances are praised for significantly improving household access to food, health, education, and physical and human capital formation (
Mishra et al., 2022). However, even proponents of this perspective acknowledge the social costs of remittances, such as family separations and related challenges (
Raut & Tanaka, 2018). From a macroeconomic point of view, remittances are valued as the main source of foreign exchange (
Sapkota, 2013). However, concerns such as the Dutch disease effect (manifested through exchange rate appreciation), demand-side inflation, the “easy money syndrome”, and the emergence of “ghost towns” highlight potential adverse consequences (
Thapa-Parajuli, 2013).
Amid these debates, there remains a clear research gap regarding whether rural Nepali households are utilizing their remittance income in a sustainable and effective manner. This study aims to address this gap by estimating consumption elasticities at a disaggregated level for rural Nepal, focusing on categories such as food, non-food items, health, education, alcohol, ritual-related expenses, and total consumption. This nuanced approach seeks to provide evidence on how remittances influence household consumption patterns and their implications for long-term sustainability. Moreover, the dataset used in this study was collected during a challenging period for Nepal’s economy, encompassing the post-earthquake years and a critical political transition. During this time, Nepal promulgated a new constitution, and the first elected governments were formed. The primary objective of the survey was to capture the vulnerability of rural Nepal, making it particularly relevant for examining the socioeconomic dynamics influenced by remittances.
Despite some concerns about the macroeconomic impacts of remittances, they have increasingly become a vital livelihood source for various economies, including Nepal. At the household level, there is an ongoing debate regarding the sustainability of remittance-funded consumption. However, the livelihood improvement potential of remittances cannot be ignored. This paper examines the relationship between remittance receipts and the consumption patterns of rural Nepali households during challenging times. By tracing consumption expenditures, this study seeks to shed light on the positive contribution of remittances to improving household welfare in rural Nepal. Our findings reveal that foreign remittances positively and significantly impact total consumption, food consumption, and non-food consumption in rural Nepal. Additionally, remittances significantly influence education and health expenditures, with the effect on education being more pronounced than that on health.
Interestingly, remittances do not significantly affect the consumption of unproductive ritual expenditures (temptation commodities that have low or no income elasticity to consumption) in Nepal. Contrary to common claims, rural households allocate minimal remittance income to rituals and other non-essential expenses such as alcohol and tobacco. Instead, remittance income positively affects household capital formation and food spending, while having a lesser impact on unproductive expenses. These findings challenge some existing research that takes a more negative view in this regard.
Section 2 of this paper discusses the estimation strategy and the nature of the data.
Section 3 presents the results and discussion, and
Section 4 concludes the study. References and annexes are provided at the end, as usual.
3. Results and Discussion
3.1. Remittance and Households Consumption
We estimated 2SLS regressions on total household consumption expenditure, considering foreign remittances, household size, land ownership, the number of dependents over 70 years old, wage income, other durable assets (excluding land), and the education level of the household head. The foreign migration network variable is instrumented to foreign remittance. Additionally, access to roads, local markets, the nearest bank, health posts, and secondary schools were included as explanatory variables, as these factors also influence household expenditure in Nepal. We also recognize the district, year, male-headed households, and household head’s marital status to control their fixed effects on household consumption. Lastly, we also control household shocks, where the variable takes one when at least one shocks like death of the family member, fire, flood, critical disease of the family member and others are present, and zero otherwise.
We initially estimated a regression equation for total consumption using variables such as remittances, household size, land ownership, the proportion of dependent elderly family members, wage income, household assets, and the education level of the household head. These factors directly influence household consumption levels. Details on the variables’ measurement and scaling can be found in
Appendix A. Additionally, we controlled for access to local amenities (roads, market centers, banks, health posts, and secondary schools), which can impact household consumption expenditure in rural Nepal. The results of this first regression are presented in
Table 3. The coefficients for the control variables are available in the
Table A2,
Table A3,
Table A4,
Table A5,
Table A6,
Table A7,
Table A8 and
Table A9 in
Appendix A. We report the coefficients of our interest variables only.
We controlled for district fixed effects with alternative specification, and the summary of the coefficients is given in the second regression of
Table 3. Additionally, we successively controlled for year, gender of the household head, marital status of the household head, and the prevalence of household shocks. Regressions with these controls are summarized successively in Models (3) through (6) in the same Table. Among these controls, household shocks are particularly noteworthy, which capture events such as the death of a family member, critical illness of dependents, and natural disasters like fires or floods. The household is considered to have experienced a shock if it faced at least one of these events, and shock-free otherwise (details on measurement and scalling of the variables are given in
Table A1 in
Appendix A).
The coefficients of determination, which are at an acceptable level in all the models, both overall and within, remain consistent across Models (1) through (6) for our sufficiently large sample (
n = 16,944) observations. We claim that we estimated the best available IV regression estimates, as we control for five key access-related variables in all models, along with an additional five fixed effects step by step. We summarized the coefficients without these ten control coefficients to produce
Table 3 and
Table 4 and present the full information in
Table A2 and
Table A3 in
Appendix A.
The coefficient of our primary interest, the remittance, is consistently positive and statistically significant even at the 1% level of significance across all six specifications. This indicates that remittance receipt significantly and positively influences total household consumption in rural Nepal, holding other factors constant. The remittance elasticity (0.046) coefficient is 15% larger than wage income elasticity (0.007), indicating the level of influence of remittance on household total consumption. Similarly, household size also positively affects total household consumption expenditure. A large-sized household not only demands more consumption but also has the potential to generate more resources, thus increasing total consumption. A similar relationship is observed for household land size and other household assets, where wealthier households can afford and might have spent more, resulting in higher consumption levels. As expected, all coefficients for these variables are positive and statistically significant, aligning with theoretical predictions.
The coefficient for wage income is positive and statistically significant, indicating that higher wage income leads to increased consumption, which is also true in rural Nepal. In contrast, the share of elderly individuals (those over 70 years old) in a household is negatively associated with total household consumption. The presence of elderly members significantly reduces household expenditure, possibly due to their lower consumption habits, reliance on locally produced goods, or even their contribution to household income rather than consumption. However, we are constrained by data limitations in exploring these details further. The share of school-going children in a household is positively and significantly associated with total consumption, unlike the pattern observed with elderly members. As the number of school-going children in a household increases, so do household expenditures. These dependent family members, in general, do not contribute to household income or chores.
The regression coefficients for total household consumption, which includes spending on food, non-food items, health, education, and rituals are summarized in
Table 3. The results show that foreign remittance has a positive and significant effect on overall consumption. However, remittance may have had differing impacts across the various categories of disaggregated consumption. To explore this, we estimated separate regressions for food, non-food, education, health, rituals, and alcohol-related expenditures, in addition to total consumption. The results of these regressions are summarized in
Table 4.
Regression (1) in
Table 4 is replica of Regression (6) in
Table 3, in which we included all five access-related controls and another set of five fixed effects. We estimated six other regression models for each disaggregate level expenditure category: food, non-food, education, health, ritual-related, and alcohol–tobacco expenditure. Similar to total consumption and summarized in
Table 3, we systematically estimated the alternative regressions for each sub-group. Keeping the details in the annexe, we present the summary of the full models in (2) through (7) in
Table 4. A full estimation of each of Regressions (2) through (7) is given in
Table A4,
Table A5,
Table A6,
Table A7,
Table A8 and
Table A9 in
Appendix A. The regression for education differs slightly from the others; it does not include the elderly dependency variable and substitutes household size with the ratio of school-going children to household size to make the regression more realistic.
According to the regression results, remittances positively and statistically significantly affect food and non-food consumption. The elasticity coefficient for remittances is higher for non-food consumption than for food consumption. This suggests that remittances enhance food consumption, improving food intake and nutrition in rural Nepal. Additionally, remittances boost non-food consumption, particularly for household durables and other welfare-enhancing items such as education and healthcare. Aside from the share of elderly dependent family members, all other coefficients in both the food and non-food consumption models are positive and significant. Both models exhibit an acceptable level of goodness of fit.
Our primary interest among non-food consumption expenditures is in education and health. The remittance elasticity coefficient for education is positive and statistically significant, as shown in Model (4) of
Table 4. A 1% increase in foreign remittances results in a 0.27% increase in household education expenses, which is a substantial coefficient. In rural Nepal, where public schools are more common and less costly, a larger portion of education expenses is allocated to non-fee-related items contributing to educational attainment and quality. Similarly, the remittance elasticity for health expenditure is also positive and statistically significant and relatively high in Model (5) of
Table 4. All other coefficients in the health model are positive and statistically significant. However, the coefficient for the education level of the household head is insignificant, meaning that the head’s education hardly matters for the level of health expenditure, a typical health financing characteristic. Logically, higher health expenditures are associated with a more significant share of elderly dependent family members, leading to a significantly higher coefficient. Therefore, among non-food consumption expenditures, household investments in human capital improvements—such as health and education—are notably influenced by foreign remittances in rural Nepal.
We also analyzed household expenses related to ritual activities and alcohol and tobacco consumption, with the results shown in Models (6) and (7) of
Table 4. These expenditures might have contributed to the social status of the family level satisfaction and potentially enhanced local economic activities considered unproductive, with remittance being blamed for catering to consumption of such goods and services. However, our findings indicate that the elasticities of remittances with respect to alcohol and ritual expenses are statistically insignificant.
Households with elderly members incur fewer ritual-related expenses, likely due to the absence of recent deaths and associated rituals. Conversely, wealthier households with more assets and higher education spend significantly more on ritual-related items. Interestingly, wage income is less likely to be spent on rituals, possibly because hard-earned money is valued more. The results regarding alcohol consumption reveal that larger families with wage income are more likely to consume alcohol, as indicated by the positive and significant coefficients. Higher household education levels, greater asset ownership, and the presence of elderly dependents are associated with reduced alcohol consumption. Senior citizens often act as moral guardians against alcohol consumption in rural Nepal. Additionally, more assets minimize the consumption of tempting goods, and higher education levels foster a better understanding of sustainable consumption, a healthier lifestyle, and improved financial literacy. Land size does not appear to affect alcohol consumption in rural Nepal. In conclusion, remittances do not induce spending on rituals and alcohol, ceteris paribus.
3.2. Discussion
Nepal is expected to graduate from an underdeveloped economy to a developing country in 2026. Despite acceptable social and environmental parameters, Nepal’s lower national income prevents the country’s LDC graduation. Even with shortcomings in one parameter, one can qualify that the Nepali government has opted to wait until 2026 to ensure the necessary preparations for a smooth transition.
The country’s overall growth in the last five years has been sluggish, hovering around 4–5%. The trade deficit remains substantial, with the export-to-import ratio being one to nine, and most of the trade deficit is with India. Remittances are crucial in offsetting the import imbalance despite weak export performance. Both remittance inflows and tourism contribute significantly to maintaining the country’s foreign reserves. Development financing increasingly relies on deficit financing, with domestic and foreign deficits growing over time. There is fear-mongering associated with graduation claiming that instead of the country being branded as a progressing economy, sources of concessional development assistance might be curtailed.
In this context, one cannot forget that remittances play a vital role in improving health and education at the household level despite the poor performance of government development delivery. The increasing trend in internal and foreign migration rapidly changes the economic landscape, particularly in rural areas. The analysis of foreign remittances and their impact on recipient economies offers two contrasting perspectives: the livelihood approach and the macroeconomic angle. From a livelihood perspective, remittances are vital for improving recipients’ livelihoods. They serve as informal insurance for needy households and help reduce poverty. This perspective aligns with the Lewisian theory of unlimited labor supply, where migration to urban areas or regions with higher wages benefits migrants and their families who remain at home. However, this approach often overlooks direct and indirect remittance costs. In search of higher wages, rural Nepali people migrate to OECD countries, the Gulf region, Asia, and India, depending on their ability to finance migration costs (
Kshetri & Thapa-Parajuli, 2022).
Foreign remittances are international transfer payments. The transfer payment multiplier is just unity; one extra unit injection generates the same one, and there is no value addition in the economy. This is a skeptical argument about the long-term sustainability of remittances and their potential to contribute to sustained economic growth and development. The effects of remittance-induced Dutch disease and the laxity of policy to improve the investment climate in Nepal (
Sapkota, 2013) and remittances are used in consumption but not investment (
Thapa-Parajuli, 2013). These differing views have proponents and critics, and the debate continues. This paper focuses on examining short-term consumption patterns and their association with remittances in rural households in Nepal.
The social costs associated with remittances, such as the absence of key family members and the unsustainable use of resources at the national level, are increasingly being discussed in the literature. However, the evidence from rural Nepal suggests a less pessimistic outlook. According to the results in
Table 4, foreign remittances have a significant positive impact on the welfare of rural households. They enhance various aspects of consumption, including food, non-food items, health, and education expenses. These findings are particularly noteworthy given that remittances are a major income source for rural households in Nepal, a country that ranks tenth globally in terms of the foreign remittance-to-GDP ratio (
World Bank, 2023a). When consumption increases, aggregate demand might play a catalyst role in further economic expansion. However, the ground reality might differ, and some homegrown policies might help to channel demand-driven remittance shocks to the productive supply chain.
Our results indicate that rural households primarily use their remittance income to enhance human capital, followed by expenditures on non-food and food items, with the highest elasticity observed in these categories. This finding is consistent with
Mishra et al. (
2022), who similarly found that remittances significantly and positively affect education and food consumption among Nepali households. Additionally,
Bansak et al. (
2015) and
Raut and Tanaka (
2018) draw similar conclusions, emphasizing the positive impact of remittances on child education within Nepali households. Furthermore, remittances also help finance health expenses for rural households, aligning with the results found by
Kapri and Jha (
2020). Therefore, positive and significant improvements in health and education expenditure might have improved the human capital formation in rural Nepal, which might have helped not only gain sustainable development goals but also complemented the means of production, and hence growth, as
Mishra et al. (
2022) reveal in the case of Nepal and
Wang et al. (
2019) in the case of Kyrgyzstan.
One of the key findings of this paper is the insignificant association between remittances and spending on temptation goods, generally less productive expenditure. Although the coefficients are positive, they are not statistically significant, likely due to the nature of these products. A similar trend is observed for ritual-related expenses and social status variables. With higher income, these commodities are generally expected to be consumed more. While such expenditures are often seen as unproductive, they may enhance family satisfaction and social status, and potentially stimulate local economic activities. This could be a distinct phenomenon in rural Nepal, although the extent to which remittances significantly improved unproductive expenses like wedding expenses, ritual expenses, and flamboyant gifts in the case of Kyrgyzstan remains unclear (
Reeves, 2012;
Wang et al., 2019). Remittances are sometimes blamed for driving consumption of these goods, but our results show that the elasticities of remittances to alcohol and ritual expenses are statistically insignificant. One possible argument would be that the presence of a person older than 70 years old means no recent deaths in a household. And, marriage-age household members in general are absent from home for foreign employment. Wedding expenses and ritual expenses are major headings to scale up ritual expenses in rural Nepal. Moreover, the absence of major household members might curtail festival expenses, too.
Households with elderly members tend to spend less on rituals, likely due to the absence of recent deaths. On the other hand, wealthier households with more assets and higher education levels spend significantly more on rituals. Interestingly, wage income is less likely to be spent on rituals, possibly because hard-earned money is more carefully allocated. Larger families with wage income are more likely to consume alcohol, while higher education, greater asset ownership, and the presence of elderly members reduce alcohol consumption; this finding is pretty similar to
Mishra et al. (
2022). In rural Nepal, senior citizens often act as moral guardians against alcohol consumption, and higher education encourages more sustainable consumption and healthier lifestyles. Land size does not influence alcohol consumption.
Overall, remittances do not significantly drive spending on rituals or alcohol. Household assets and characteristics like family size better explain ritual expenditures. Similarly, remittances have no significant impact on alcohol and tobacco consumption, likely due to the habitual nature of these products. Households with more education are also more likely to discourage alcohol and tobacco use.
4. Conclusions and Recommendations
This study employs Two-Stage Least Squares (2SLS) regression to analyze the impact of foreign remittances on total household consumption expenditures in rural Nepal. The analysis includes various factors such as household size, land ownership, elderly dependents, wage income, other durable assets, and the education level of the household head. Additionally, the study incorporates instrumental variables for remittances, such as access to infrastructure and local amenities, including roads, markets, banks, health posts, and schools, which are relevant for household expenditures.
Initial results show that foreign remittances significantly and positively affect total household consumption. This positive effect is consistent across multiple specifications and controls for district, year, gender, marital status of the household head, and household shocks (e.g., death, illness, natural disasters). The study also finds that larger household size and land ownership are positively associated with increased consumption. In contrast, the presence of elderly members tends to reduce total consumption, potentially due to their lower consumption needs or their contributions to household income.
Further disaggregation of consumption into categories such as food, non-food, education, health, rituals, and alcohol reveals nuanced effects of remittances. Specifically, remittances significantly boost food and non-food consumption, with a higher elasticity for non-food items. Remittances notably influence investment in education and health. However, expenditures on rituals and alcohol are not significantly affected by remittances, indicating that these transfers are not driving consumption in these areas. Overall, remittances enhance consumption in critical areas such as education and health while having negligible effects on ritual and alcohol-related expenditures. Therefore, remittance receipts help the consumption of food items and improve health and education, not necessarily catering to the unproductive use of remittance receipts like ritual-related expenses and temptation goods consumption like alcohol and tobacco; this is an optimistic scenario.
Governments, particularly local governments, can use these findings as a guideline to improve policy effectiveness. Nepali rural households are utilizing hard-earned remittances in sustainable ways, contributing to the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Enhancing infrastructure and access to essential services such as roads, markets, banks, health posts, and schools can significantly improve social welfare in rural Nepal, as households are both willing and able to pay for these services sustainably.
By improving such infrastructure, local governments can reduce the need for transfer payments and limit direct contributions to these programs. However, this does not imply that promoting remittances should be the focus. Instead, living arrangements with elderly family members seem to help reduce unnecessary expenses, such as spending on alcohol and rituals. Therefore, providing urban-like amenities in and near rural areas could encourage parents and children to live with grandparents, fostering a more sustainable use of remittance income.
Expanding this analysis to include urban areas at the national level could offer a broader understanding of remittance impacts. Further disaggregation of findings, focusing on calorie intake and SDG-specific outcomes, may uncover deeper insights into food security and sustainable development.