1. Introduction
Globally, money laundering, the process of disguising the illicit origins of funds, carries a significant cost. Estimates suggest that it costs the world economy between USD 1.4 trillion and USD 3.5 trillion annually (
EY, 2023). Large-scale money laundering erodes governance, fuels corruption, weakens public services, widens income inequality, and destabilises political systems, ultimately hindering sustainable development. Despite ongoing efforts by international organisations like the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the average global money laundering (ML) risk rose from 2022 to 2023, highlighting potential shortcomings in the current regulatory frameworks and their implementation.
The gravity of this problem has spurred research into factors influencing the ML risk across nations. A key area of focus is the role of informal cultural institutions. Studies like that of
Yamen et al. (
2019) suggest a lower ML risk in countries characterised by higher uncertainty avoidance, individualism, and longer-term orientation. Similarly,
Mejri et al. (
2022) link tighter cultures with a lower ML risk compared to looser ones. Extending this discussion, we investigate the influence of another cultural facet—religion—on the ML risk. In particular, we examine whether countries with dominant Protestant religious values exhibit a lower money laundering risk.
Religious values exert a profound influence on both individual ethics and societal governance. Social norm theory posits that individual behaviour is shaped by a complex interplay of psychological factors and the broader sociocultural context (
D. T. Campbell, 1975).
Bisin and Verdier (
2001) further demonstrate the intergenerational transmission of cultural values, including ethnicity and religion, through marriage and socialisation, which significantly impact individual preferences. Religious beliefs have been shown to strongly influence economic growth through character traits such as honesty, work ethic, and thrift (
Barro & McCleary, 2003,
2019).
Drawing on institutional theory,
North (
1990) argues that dominant religions often play a pivotal role in shaping legal norms and enforcement mechanisms, fostering both formal and informal governance frameworks within communities.
Williamson’s (
2000) institutional framework echoes this sentiment, highlighting the influence of cultural values as a primary informal institution that shapes lower-level formal institutions, including governance structures and human behaviour. Religious commitment, characterised by moral conduct, teamwork, and adherence to the rule of law, has been shown to contribute positively to both governmental effectiveness and economic progress (
Barro & McCleary, 2003).
Max Weber’s (
1905) seminal work highlighted the significance of the ‘work ethic’ in Protestantism, particularly its role in shaping values conducive to economic development. The characteristics of the Protestant work ethic, such as diligence, moral rectitude, and self-discipline, align closely with the development of capitalism.
Arruñada (
2010) further supports the role of Protestantism, proposing an alternative ‘social ethics’ argument. He contends that Protestantism promotes a social environment where individuals monitor each other’s conduct, support political and legal institutions, and adhere to more homogeneous values. In his analysis, Protestantism appears to facilitate capitalist development not through the Weberian psychological work ethic but by fostering a social ethic that enhances impersonal trade.
Recent research suggests that Protestant-majority societies generally exhibit stronger legal frameworks, higher regulatory quality (
La Porta et al., 1999), growth in formal financial institutions, and transparency (
Stulz & Williamson, 2003), as well as enhanced legal accountability and integrity (
Licht et al., 2007).
Based on the preceding literature, we hypothesise that Protestant-dominant societies may exhibit a lower money laundering (ML) risk. This anticipated effect is attributed to both individual-level factors, such as heightened ethical behaviour and the avoidance of financial crimes like ML, and institutional-level factors, including stronger governance structures and regulatory frameworks, often associated with a Protestant influence.
For our empirical analysis, we use data from 27 European Union (EU) member states from 2012 to 2022. EU member states provide an ideal context for our analysis because they share a common anti-money laundering legal framework at the union level, which relies heavily on country-level formal and informal institutions for implementation. Therefore, the varying levels of money laundering risk among EU members are likely due to differences in these institutions, rather than differences in the definition or regulation of money laundering. We measure the risk of money laundering in each of the EU member states with the annual BASEL AML index. The main independent variable is a binary indicator, coded as 1 if the dominant religion in a country is Protestant.
Our findings indicate that the risk of money laundering is significantly lower in cultures with a Protestant majority. We confirm that our results are not influenced by general levels of religiosity. Our analysis supports the theory that cultural and religious factors, particularly Protestant ideals, are important for more effective anti-money laundering systems.
Our research contributes to the existing literature in two significant ways. Firstly, we show the substantial influence of religion on the money laundering (ML) risk, expanding upon recent studies that explored cross-country cultural determinants of the ML risk (
Yamen et al., 2019;
Mejri et al., 2022). Specifically, we demonstrate that the ML risk is lower in protestant countries.
Secondly, our study adds to the body of research examining the role of religion in financial crime prevention. While most prior studies have focused on the relationship between religion or religiosity and tax evasion, our work extends this inquiry to the realm of ML risk. These previous studies have yielded mixed results. Some have found lower tax evasion rates in countries with specific religions or among religious individuals (
Richardson, 2008;
Schneider et al., 2015;
Nurunnabi, 2018), while others have reported unclear findings (
Boone et al., 2013;
Khalil & Sidani, 2020) or even higher tax evasion rates (
Cason et al., 2016). Notably,
Ben Othman et al. (
2024) observed a general decline in tax evasion associated with religiosity, although this effect was not apparent in developed countries.
This paper is organised as follows. In
Section 2, we briefly review the related literature.
Section 3 presents our data collection procedures.
Section 4 outlines the reasons to use the EU context.
Section 5 introduces the empirical methodology and variables. In
Section 6, we report the empirical results. The final section concludes the study.
4. Why the EU Context?
We chose EU member states as our sample because they provide an ideal context for our analysis. The EU has used a common anti-money laundering legal framework since 1991. Member states are responsible for implementing this framework within their respective jurisdictions. The varying levels of money laundering risk among EU countries are likely due to the differences in member states’ formal and informal institutions, rather than the differences in money laundering regulations.
The evolution of Anti-Money Laundering (AML) regulations in the European Union (EU) demonstrates the progressive tightening of its legal framework to combat money laundering and terrorist financing. Beginning with the First AML Directive introduced by the then European Community in 1991, which mainly focused on financial institutions and client identification, the EU has successively broadened its scope and refined its approach. The Second AML Directive in 2001 extended the requirements to non-financial professions and introduced the identification of beneficial ownership, while the Third AML Directive in 2005 explicitly incorporated terrorist financing into its framework, introducing enhanced due diligence measures for high-risk clients and politically exposed persons.
Subsequent iterations of the AML framework addressed emerging risks and enhanced transparency. The Fourth AML Directive in 2015 introduced national risk assessments and beneficial ownership registers, while the Fifth AML Directive in 2018 expanded coverage to virtual currencies and high-value goods, increasing the scrutiny of high-risk third countries. The Sixth AML Directive in 2021 harmonised the definitions and penalties across member states and included modern predicate offenses such as cybercrime. Recent developments focus on the creation of a centralised Anti-Money Laundering Authority (AMLA) and new regulations to streamline compliance and supervision across the EU. These efforts, driven by financial scandals, technological advances, and global cooperation, reflect the EU’s commitment to combating financial crime in an increasingly complex financial landscape.
Member states have been largely responsible for implementing the provisions of EU AML directives in their respective jurisdictions. However, with the establishment of the Anti-Money Laundering Authority (AMLA), the EU will take on a more direct supervisory role, particularly over high-risk entities and cross-border financial institutions (
Sunder, 2021).
5. Methodology
We specify the following pooled panel ordinary least squares model to examine the effect of religion on the money laundering risk:
where the
j and
t subscripts represent the country and year, respectively.
The dependent variable, Y, stands for the risk of ML, measured by the Basel AML Index. αi is a constant term. Protestant is the main explanatory variable. denotes country-level control variables, including the GDP per capita and rule of law. Dt is a set of year dummy variables, controlling for changes in the overall ML risk in EU countries over time. is a set of country dummy variables to control for other country-specific factors. εj,t is an idiosyncratic error term.
The Basel AML Index measures the money laundering risk based on countries’ vulnerability to money laundering and related financial crimes (
https://baselgovernance.org/basel-aml-index (accessed on 10 October 2024)). The index is constructed using a composite methodology that incorporates 17 indicators from publicly available sources such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), Transparency International, and the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. It evaluates countries across five critical domains that contribute to the money laundering risk: the quality of the AML/CFT/CPF framework, reflecting the effectiveness of measures to combat money laundering, terrorism financing, and proliferation financing; corruption and fraud risks, indicating the levels of corruption and susceptibility to fraudulent activities; financial transparency and standards, assessing the adherence to global financial standards and practices; public transparency and accountability, which measures openness and accountability in public governance; and legal and political risks, capturing the stability and reliability of the legal and political environment. Higher index values indicate a higher risk of money laundering in a given country, while lower values reflect a reduced risk.
The variable ‘Protestant’ is binary, coded as 1 if the dominant religion in a country is Protestant and 0 otherwise. This classification is based on data from the Composition of Religious and Ethnic Groups (CREG) Project by the Cline Centre for Democracy at the University of Illinois (
Nardulli et al., 2012). The CREG Project compiles data on the percentage of the population identifying with major religious groups, including Muslim, Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, Buddhist, Hindu, Bahai, Sikh, and nonreligious. For our sample of 27 European Union member states, we code the Protestant variable as 1 if the Protestant population exceeds 20% in a country. This classification relies on data from 2013, the latest year available in the CREG Project. Five countries are classified as Protestant: Denmark (87.3% Protestant), Sweden (84.2%), Finland (83.5%), Germany (39.7%), and Hungary (22.5%).
The GDP per capita (current USD) measures the average economic output per person in a country. We take the natural logarithm of the GDP per capita, Log(GDP per capita), to account for differences in economic development across the sample countries.
The rule of law variable measures perceptions of the extent to which individuals and institutions have confidence in and adhere to the rules of society. This includes the quality of contract enforcement, property rights, policing, judicial systems, and the prevalence of crime and violence.
7. Conclusions
In this study, we examine the impact of Protestant religious values on the money laundering (ML) risk among European Union member states, where much of the formal institutional framework to combat money laundering is established at the union level. Our findings indicate that countries with significant Protestant populations exhibit a lower ML risk. This supports the hypothesis that Protestant values, which emphasise transparency, honesty, and accountability, contribute to reducing the ML risk. These values, particularly those related to self-discipline and economic governance, foster a culture of financial integrity. Our results underscore the influence of religious traditions on ethical behaviour in financial matters, reinforcing the existing literature on the role of cultural and institutional factors in economic governance.
Our results are robust. The inclusion of general religiosity does not diminish the significance of the Protestant dummy, suggesting that the effect is specific to Protestantism, rather than religiosity in general. Further, the influence of Protestantism stands when we include additional governance indicators from the World Governance Indicators or cultural dimensions from Hofstede’s framework of national culture.
Our results have important academic and policy implications. They strengthen our understanding that informal institutions such as religion play an important role in determining individual behaviour towards financial fraud, especially money laundering. For international organisations combating money laundering, addressing the ML risk requires not only robust institutional frameworks but also attention to the cultural and ethical norms underpinning financial behaviour in target countries.
Future research may extend this analysis to the sub-national level—for example, considering whether the ML risk differs in US states with dominant Protestant populations as compared to Catholic states. Likewise, this analysis can be extended to larger samples with more religious denominations.