1. Introduction
Import demand analysis enables researchers to empirically examine the nexus between consumer choice and international trade theories. Traditional consumer choice theory posits that autonomous rational consumers aim to maximize utility and will allocate their incomes at the margin among an assortment of consumer goods that meet their preferences (
Gowdy and Mayumi 2001). International trade theory, on the other hand, holds that while countries trade in the goods for which they have comparative advantage, those goods must satisfy the preferences of end-users.
It is well established that consumers recognize the same good from different countries of origin as different products due in part to quality, price, and other differences (
Thanagopal and Housset 2014). Thus, through international trade, consumers reveal their preferences or willingness to pay for a wider variety of differentiated products beyond the limit set by their domestic production possibilities (
Bernhofen 2001). In essence, import demand analysis helps researchers to examine the nature and type of opportunities offered by international trade in expanding the range of consumer choices beyond their national boundaries. Such analyses provide policy makers and private sector players with tools to plan and synchronize imports. For example, through setting aside sufficient forex outlays to finance the import bills, and designing critical import-based social programs such as strategic food reserves in food deficit countries that align consumer preferences with import possibilities.
The ultimate products of import demand analysis are import price and income elasticities, or the so-called import substitution elasticities. Knowledge of such elasticities is important in forecasting future import demand profiles for planning purposes, to identify alternative (competitive) sources of commodities that satisfy consumer tastes and preferences, and for evaluating the impact of economic policies on consumer welfare (
Jorgenson et al. 1988). Qatar—an arid, water-deficit country that depends on food imports for over 90 percent of its domestic food demand—is an interesting and strong case to estimate import-substitution elasticities for its products.
While Qatar is the wealthiest country in the world on a per-capita basis, the country is hugely vulnerable to potential food supply disruptions either in its food source markets or along its food supply chain. For example, since June 2017, Qatar has been operating under an economic blockade imposed by its neighbors: Bahrain, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Egypt. Before the blockade, the KSA and the UAE accounted for 27.6 percent of Qatar’s total food imports with about 40 percent of those imports transiting overland through the KSA from the Suez Canal (
Wintour 2017). After the blockade, both the food imports and all the supply routes through its neighbors stopped. As such, the Qatari policy makers may be hugely interested in finding stable alternative (competitive) sources of food imports to feed their burgeoning population. In the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic coupled with disruptions of food systems resulting in devastating trends across the world which are expected to continue in the coming months and years (
Béné et al. 2021;
Kang et al. 2021), it follows that the measurement of substitution elasticities of food imports and identifying alternative food source markets could be crucial for Qatari policy makers. This study is designed to generate knowledge to bridge this important gap.
The objective of this study is to determine food import substitution elasticities for Qatar so as to identify a set of alternative food source markets that Qatar can tap into as a way to hedge against the risk of food supply disruption and food insecurity. We estimate a Restricted Source-Differentiated Almost Ideal Demand System (RSDAIDS) model—a novel econometric model, on a unique dataset with data that span from 2004 to 2017. The findings from this study are the first of their kind and have potential relevance to policy makers in Qatar and indeed in other highly food import-dependent countries in designing effective food security strategies to assure uninterrupted food supply and food security.
The rest of this paper is organized as follows:
Section 2 provides literature review of the methods as used for demand estimation.
Section 3 describes the methods and data used in this study.
Section 4 presents results and discussion. Finally,
Section 5 provides a conclusion highlighting some policy implications.
2. Literature Review
To estimate food-import substitution elasticities for Qatar, we employed the RSDAIDS model. RSDAIDS is a variant of the Source Differentiated Almost Ideal Demand System (SDAIDS) which was initially proposed by
Yang and Koo (
1994). The SDAIDS model is an extension of the source-undifferentiated linear approximate almost ideal demand system (LA-AIDS) which was originally developed by
Deaton and Muellbauer (
1980).
The RSDAIDS model is frequently used to estimate import substitution elasticities because of the following theoretical properties: first, the RSDAIDS model supports the estimation of cross-price elasticities, own-price elasticities, and income elasticities. Second, the RSDAIDS model’s functional form relaxes the assumption of strictly homothetic preferences by allowing for quasi-homothetic preferences. Third, the RSDAIDS model incorporates the Armington model which allows for imperfect substitutability of a product sourced from different origins. Moreover, restrictions such as additivity, homogeneity, block separability, and Slutsky symmetry are also allowed in RSDAIDS model. The restrictions of additivity and homogeneity hold if consumers hold rational preferences while the Slutsky symmetry is true if these rational preferences are convex. Block separability allows for the consumers to follow a two-stage decision-making process particularly when they allocate their budget to the consumption of a particular product (
Thanagopal and Housset 2014;
Pourmokhtar et al. 2018).
In food import demand analysis, the SDAIDS was originally and empirically employed by
Yang and Koo (
1994) in their seminal study of Japanese meat import demand.
Henneberry and Hwang (
2007) later used the RSDAIDS model to study meat demand in South Korea. Other studies that have applied the SDAIDS model or the RSDAIDS model in demand analysis include
Mutondo and Henneberry (
2007) in the analysis of US meat demand.
Lee et al. (
2008) used the RSDAIDS model to study South Korean wine import demand while (
Mekonnen et al. 2011;
Wang and Reed 2013) respectively used the same model to analyze US apple juice and US fishery products import demand, respectively.
Thanagopal and Housset (
2014) revisited the RSDAIDS model in which they included the variables price and quality in order to correct for bias in estimating ‘true’ price and quality elasticities.
Capitello et al. (
2015) applied the model to estimate Chinese import demand for wine.
Pourmokhtar et al. (
2018) used the RSDAIDS model to investigate the effects of economic and non-economic factors such as meat prices, costs, and animal disease outbreaks on meat demand from different sources in Iran.
Lee et al. (
2020) used RSDAIDS model in India to estimate the effect of tariffs on fresh apples from the United States. As far as the authors know, this is the first application of RSDAIDS in the analysis of Qatar’s food import demand.
5. Discussion
Based on our findings, Brazil was the main poultry source for Qatar while the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was a minor source of the commodity within the period of analysis. This is plausible since Brazil is one of the top poultry producers, coming only behind the USA (
Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) 2021). It is also consistent with Zhuang and Moore’s (
Zhuang and Moore 2015) report that 43% of Brazilian poultry is exported against 14% of the total USA poultry exports to Muslim countries. The KSA being the minor source could be due to the fall in its exports to Qatar due to the 2017 blockade. Unsurprisingly, Australia was the main source of beef, goat, and sheep meat and has currently continued trade with Qatar despite the geopolitics and instability in the region (
Australian Trade and Investment Commission (ATIC) 2022). This suggests that Australia remains a fertile ground to trade with Qatar to enhance its food security status. While there was a clear increase in the demand for poultry, sheep, and beef, our results showed that the goat meat demand remained subdued over the study period. These trends suggest that the value of meat imports was highly volatile over the study period, perhaps reflecting changes in consumer tastes and preferences, as well as possible import supply disruptions. In terms of the expenditure shares, the mean expenditure share for goat meat was the least, followed by that for beef. The results for expenditure shares on goat meat are consistent with the goat meat demand was seemed to have cowed down. Milk, cheese, yoghurt, and butter were the most important dairy products imported by Qatar between 2004 and 2017 by import value. Buttermilk, cream, ghee, laban, other fats and oils derived from milk, and whey were lumped into “Other” dairy products. More specifically, following the June 2017 blockade, the KSA and the UAE ceased exporting dairy products to Qatar. The Qatari dairy industry was hard-hit by the sudden withdrawal particularly of products originating from the KSA. However,
Monroe (
2020) contends that the former prime minister of Qatar, Abdullah bin Hamad Al Attiyah, echoed (at a public event at Georgetown University, USA) that the 2017 crisis is somehow a blessing for Qatar because of the country’s ability to emerge unscathed from the blockade. In other words, Qatar learnt a lot of lessons to increase domestic production and expand trade beyond borders. For example, Baladna (i.e., ‘our country’ in Arabic) started in 2014 as a small goat and sheep farm, but was quickly transformed into a huge dairy farm in 2017 (
Gengler and Al-Khelaifi 2019).
Sergie (
2018) and
Koch (
2021) suggest that the Baladna received thousands of dairy cows that were ‘airlifted’ by Qatar Airways from Europe and North America to increase production of dairy products during the blockade. Our results indicate that even Turkey took over from the KSA and the UAE as the leading dairy product exporter to Qatar in 2017Q3. However, that role has abated somewhat with a sharp drop of imports from all countries in 2017Q4 and 2018Q1, perhaps reflecting an increase in domestic production that Qatar pursued.
Moreover, within the study period, our findings showed that trade in dairy products in Qatar was not diversified before the economic blockade imposed by Qatari neighbors. Prior to the blockade, dairy imports from the KSA dominated all products with an average annual growth rate of 3.97%, 1.36%, and 11.18% for cheese, milk, and yoghurt, respectively. However, all dairy product imports declined after 2017Q2 following the blockade.
Gengler and Al-Khelaifi (
2019) also suggest this may be attributed to the move by Baladna to replace Saudi and Emirati dairy products. Qatari consumers, however, seemed to prefer dairy products from the KSA, they seemed to prefer cheese from the rest of the world (ROW) to that from the KSA.
While the KSA, Egypt, and the UAE were among the top 10 vegetable sources for Qatar before the blockade, they were all replaced after the blockade—i.e., from 2017Q3—from the top 10 by the Netherlands, China, and Lebanon. In 2017Q4 and 2018Q1, the three suppliers were variously replaced by Spain, Morocco, and Lebanon. There was however, an overall drop in the volume of vegetable imports after 2017Q2, perhaps as a result of the blockade’s impact on food supply routes. This drop in vegetable imports observed in this study is consistent with the report by
Ben Hassen et al. (
2020). To mitigate this drop, Qatar continued with its initiatives in sourcing seeds, fertilizers, agrochemicals, marketing, loans with reduced interest rates, guidance and support for farms from alternative countries, and greenhouse vegetable farming (
Monroe 2020;
Ben Hassen et al. 2020). For other agricultural produce such as cereals—which are important for food security for many countries in Middle East and Africa (
Ben Hassen et al. 2020;
Lu et al. 2021;
Miniaoui et al. 2018)—we observed that India was the leading cereal exporter to Qatar accounting for 34.9 percent of the total cereal import value over the study period. It was followed by Pakistan and Australia at 25.9 and 11 percent respectively. India and Pakistan were the major sources of rice imports while Australia and Ukraine were the major suppliers of wheat and barley, respectively. These attempts contributed to making Qatar progress toward food self-sufficiency (
Knecht 2019). The fact that only one of the blockading quartets (Bahrain, Egypt, the KSA, and the UAE), i.e., the UAE, was among the top 10 cereals exporters to Qatar over the study period means that cereal imports were not heavily affected by the blockade. However, there was a sharp decline in cereal imports after 2017Q3, perhaps due to the blockade again. Overall, cereal import remained high over the study period with a growth rate of 3.92 percent per annum, which is consistent with
Knecht (
2019).
In our empirical analysis, although the homogeneity test was not statistically significant for dairy, both symmetry and the joint homogeneity and symmetry tests were highly significant suggesting consistency of the model with theoretical expectations. All regularity tests for vegetable imports were statistically significant at the 95% confidence level, indicating that the RSDAIDS model conforms with existing demand theory. Finally, all the homogeneity and symmetry tests for cereals were statistically significant as expected from theory. This validates the fitting of RSDAIDS model of
Yang and Koo (
1994).
The magnitude of the Marshallian and expenditure elasticities could suggest the relative extent of the complementarities or the substitutability. For instance, the magnitude of the cross elasticity of demand for beef between India and USA is 0.4362, and that between India and the ROW is 0.4052. This suggests that beef from USA is more complementary for beef from India, than the beef from the ROW. Similarly, beef from USA is a better substitute for beef from Australia than the beef from the ROW. We also note that Australian goat meat is the most preferred in the Qatari meat market followed by that from Brazil, India, and the UAE in that order. These findings are consistent with
Miniaoui et al. (
2018) and may reflect quality differences.
Moreover, all the expenditure elasticities for the meat market are positive. The results suggest that as beef imports increase, Qatar imports more from India, Australia, and the ROW in that order than from the USA. This could be explained by the close proximity that India and Australia are to Qatar relative to the USA despite having strong ties with the latter (
Al-Eshaq and Rasheed 2022). It could also reflect the close cultural ties that Qatari residents have with the Indian subcontinent. Surprisingly, goat meat from all sources has an expenditure elasticity of less than unity. Nonetheless, all the expenditure elasticities being positive suggests a high preference for goat meat from ROW, India, and UEA in that order. Among poultry meat sources, Qatari residents seem to have a higher preference for poultry meat from the KSA and the ROW than from Brazil, which could be because the former was the main source of these products for a long time and Qatari residents got used to their commodities. In the sheep market, meat from Australia and the ROW is preferred to that from India. As mentioned above, stronger ties between Qatar and Australia regardless of the geopolitics between Qatar and its neighbors could have attributed to this (
Australian Trade and Investment Commission (ATIC) 2022).
With regard to seasonality effects, a few quarterly dummies were statistically significant, while the expenditure share of beef imports from Australia had swings conditional on the quarter of interest. This was also noticed for beef from ROW, goat from the UAE, and sheep from India. Most importantly, these changes in expenditure shares could be associated with the shifts in consumer tastes and preferences, as well as surges in the demand for particular meat types during religious, cultural, and social festivities in Qatar over those periods. Cultural, religious, and social festivities are significant to preserve the Qataris and Islamic image in Qatar (
Fromherz 2017) which might have contributed to such seasonal swings in import demand.
Generally, our findings revealed that both Australian wheat and wheat from the ROW were own-price elastic, while Canadian wheat was price inelastic. Australian wheat was a gross complement for Canadian wheat while at the same time Canadian wheat was a gross substitute for both Australian wheat and wheat from the ROW. The price inelastic demand for Canadian wheat suggests that consumers are not as responsive to changes in the price of Canadian wheat as they are to wheat from Australia and the ROW. This somewhat suggests that wheat from Canada may be of higher quality and, thus, attracts a higher preference—and therefore, price—when everything else is held constant. That is, even though the price of wheat from Canada is higher than elsewhere, consumers from Qatar have inherent preference for Canadian wheat such that they would still buy it, which is common among consumers for goods that matter the most in their lives. This is consistent with
Capitello et al. (
2015), who observed that Chinese consumers have an attachment to French bottled wine and, therefore, are irresponsive to price changes. The Marshallian expenditure elasticities for all cereals were all positive except those for Indian corn and Canadian wheat. Therefore, keeping everything else constant, an increase in income of Qatari consumers will raise the demand for all cereals but diminish that for Indian corn and Canadian wheat. In other words, both Indian corn and Canadian wheat are inferior goods. Within each cereal group, Qataris preferred corn from the ROW followed by that from Argentina. They, however, did not prefer corn from India. Pakistani rice was preferred to that from the ROW and India; the latter was least preferred. Furthermore, wheat from the ROW was preferred to that from Australia. Canadian wheat was not preferred although it had the lowest unit price, which is rather counterintuitive.
6. Conclusions
Given Qatar’s heavy dependence on food imports amidst the ever-changing political environment and supply-side challenges in food source countries, the question arises about how Qatar can design a food import strategy that meets its consumer preferences. This study determined import substitution elasticities that Qatar could use to address its food supply problem. We used the Restricted Source-Differentiated Almost Ideal Demand (RSDAIDS) model of
Yang and Koo (
1994) to estimate these elasticities for the four most important food chapters imported in Qatar between 2004 and 2017. This paper presents a useful empirical application of the
Yang and Koo (
1994) model which we recommend for wider use in similar studies. Theoretically, our results conform to demand theory, especially with respect to negative own-price Marshallian elasticities, except in the case for Indian and Pakistani rice which the study classifies as “Giffen” goods.
On Qatari consumer preferences, it is notable that beef and goat are better sourced from India while poultry and sheep could be competitively supplied by Brazil and Australia, respectively, given that the KSA would no longer be in the picture. In general, the raw materials are imported, and a large part of them is further processed. Consumer preferences may apply to vegetables, dairy products; but as regards to cereals, these are rather the preferences of food processors, so they are based on the price of the raw material and processing suitability. With regard to dairy products, cheese, and yoghurt, they could be sourced from the rest of the world while milk could be sourced from the Netherlands. India can supply onions while the Netherlands and Jordan could provide potatoes and tomatoes, respectively. Finally, corn is best sourced from Argentina while rice and wheat could come from Pakistan and Australia respectively.
Based on these results, India, Australia, and the Netherlands emerge as food import sources of major importance for Qatar. Minor suppliers include Brazil (poultry), Jordan (tomatoes), and Argentina (Corn). In sum, at the midst of disruptions of food systems brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic (
Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) 2021) as well an economic blockade imposed by Qatar’s neighbors, policymakers in Qatar and the Qatari government can assure sustained demand for food imports from India, Australia, the Netherlands, Brazil, Jordan, and Argentina in order to address its food security. Consistent with
Ben Hassen et al. (
2020);
Siddiqi and Anadon (
2011);
Pearce (
2008), while the COVID-19 pandemic and the 2017 blockade are different scenarios—both which threaten food security, the policies and international trade strategies adopted by Qatar in response to the 2017 rift prepared the country chiefly well for the COVID-19 outbreak. Their ability to overcome the 2017 crisis had already established a strong supply chain network (
Ben Hassen et al. 2020) which is consistent with the results in this paper. Moving forward, it would be advisable for Qatar and other import-dependent countries to look into ways of enhancing good bilateral relations with these countries for a more sustainable and mutually beneficial food trade that would enhance global food security in the midst of the current pandemic and potential future crises.