The Revival of the ’Bri Gung Bka’ Brgyud School in Western Tibet: Focus on the Murals in the ’Du Khang of Gung ’Phur Monastery at sPu Rang in mNga’ Ris, Tibet

Abstract

Based on the previous investigation results, this article investigates the ’Du khang of Gung ’phur Monastery in sPu rang, mNga’ ris, identifying the images and corresponding inscriptions on its four walls and interpreting the meaning of the murals. The study concludes that the murals were executed in the Water-tiger year (1602), with involvement from the local king and his minister, as well as native donors and painters from neighboring Nepal. A comparative analysis with relevant temples in sPu rang and Ladakh reveals that the murals reflect the popular themes of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school in Western Tibet from the mid-16th to the early 17th century. As such, the murals attest to the spread of the school in mNga’ ris, and provide first-hand materials for research on the history and royal family of sPu rang around the 17th century.

1. Introduction

The ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school of Tibetan Buddhism experienced two glorious periods of transmission in Western Tibet through written records. sPu rang County, once as one of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud centers in mNga’ ris, the ’Du khang of Gung ’phur Monastery here houses one of the few murals remaining of this school in China.

On the north bank of the Kongque River (孔雀河, rMa bya gtsang po) in the northern part of sPu rang County in mNga’ris stands Mount sTag la mkhar. Its summit hosts the dGe lugs Monastery of bShad ’phel gling, the ruins of the old sPu rang rDzong, and the ruins of the Sa skya pa’s Monastery. More than 20 caves were carved on the east and west cliffs of the mountainside and valley.

The Gung ’phur Monastery on the mountainside consists of newly built rooms in the courtyard and caves on the cliff facing north and south (Figure 1 and Figure 2). Going up the stairs, on the west side of the second floor is the newly built assembly hall, in which hangs a set of bKa’ brgyud lineage thangkas dating to the 17th–18th centuries. Continuing from west to east, the three cave rooms on this floor are two monk rooms (thangkas are hung in one of the rooms) and the Mar me lha khang. Climbing the wooden ladder outside the entrance of the Mar me lha khang leads to the third wooden platform suspended on the cliff face, which is approximately 30 m above the ground level of the monastery. The eastern side of the third level is the Gu ru lha khang, which shrines a golden bronze statue of Padmasambhava. To the west are the bKa’ ’gyur Hall, the Golden Bronze Statues Hall, and the mural-adorned ’Du khang Hall.

The names of Gung ’phur Monastery from ancient times to the present can be divided into four groups (

Table 1. The Chinese, Tibetan, and English names of Gung ’phur dgon and their sources.

Chinese Name (Transliteration)		Tibetan Spellings and Meaning		Source
1	古宮寺	dGod khung	Cave	The period of sPu rang King rNam lde mgon. 1
		rGod gung	Vulture In the center	The tenth line of inscription in ’Du khang Hall
		rGod phungs dgon pa	Vulture	The fifteenth line of inscription in ’Du khang Hall 2
2	古普爾寺 貢普寺	dGung ’phur dgon	Fly into the sky	Gangs dkar ti se dang ma pham gyu mtsho’i gnas yig. 神山聖湖志 3 mNga’ ris chos ’byung gangs ljongs mdzes rgyan. 阿裏文明史 (See Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal po 2006, p. 112)
	古宮寺	Gung ’phur dgon	Fly away from the center	Newly erected stone tablet in 2014
3	貢不日寺	mGon po ri dgon pa	Dharma Protector Mountain	The Cultural Relics Records of mNga’ ris Prefecture 阿裏地區文物志 (See Li and Huo 1993, p. 129) Tibetan Buddhist Monastery Mural Art 西藏佛教寺院壁畫藝術 (Tibet Autonomous Region Cultural Relics Management Committee 1994, pp. 162–65) The History of Tibetan Buddhist Painting 藏傳佛教繪畫史 (See Yu 2006, p. 211)
4	懸空寺		Hanging Temple	Chinese documents
	澤古	rTse dgu	Nine-story Building	English documents 4

¹ “dGod khung gi chos skor ldeng pa nyi shu rtsa bshi btsugs/yab kyi dus mchod la bstan pa nam ’jigs tu btsugs.” See Gu ge mkhan chen Ngag dbang grags pa 古格堪欽阿旺紮巴. [N.d.]. p. 112. This spelling is also seen in dKon mchog bstan ’dzin 貢覺丹增. 1992. pp. 58, 59. ² This spelling is also seen in Chos ngag 曲阿. eds. 2010. p. 43. ³ This spelling is a remark of rGod phungs in Chos ngag 曲阿. eds. 2010. p. 43. ⁴ The English name was given by Chan (1994, p. 959), Kerin (2008, p. 112), and Jackson (2014, pp. 101, 108).

). The first group of names is related to the original function of the caves, which served as vulture nests and cremation sites1. The second group of names appear in ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school documents and the official name of the monastery. The words originate from the legend that the cave of this monastery is where Yid ’phrog lha mo, the wife of Prince Nor bzang, flew away. The third group of names come from the naming of the mount where the temple is located by Chinese archeologists. In addition, based on the location and terrain of the cave, and following the naming conventions of similar temples on the Chinese mainland, Chinese travelogues refer to it as the Xuan kong si (悬空寺, Hanging Temple), while English studies call it rTse dgu (the Nine-Story Building). The diverse names reflect the different memories and understandings of the same cave temple over time. This article uses the spelling Gung ’phur dgon from the monastery’s newly erected stone tablet.

2. Previous Research

This monastery began to attract academic attention in China in the 1990s. Li Yongxian 李永憲 and Huo Wei 霍巍 first released the location and floor plan of the temple. They measured the ’Du khang Hall, provided a brief description of the murals on the four walls, and concluded that the murals postdated the 15th century. They also mentioned the temple’s affiliated sect, its founder, and the legend of the Prince Nor bzang (see Li and Huo 1993, pp. 129–31). In retrospect, the iconographic identification presented in that publication remain open to debate. Tibetan Buddhist Monastery Mural Art published three panels from the west wall of the hall, depicting Padmasambhava, Amitābha, and Śākyamuni, and dated them approximately to the 16th–17th centuries (see Tibet Autonomous Region Cultural Relics Management Committee 1994, pp. 162–65). Yu Xiaodong 於小冬 published a partial view of a mural from this hall, considering it typical of the rGyal rtse style (see Yu 2006, p. 211). The second volume of Local Chronicles of Ngari Prefecture 阿裏地區志 (下) described the temple’s location, altitude, founding date, and temple structure but made no mention of the murals (see Local Chronicles of Ngari Prefecture Compilation Committee 2009, p. 1043). Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal po (2006) briefly identified the murals in the assembly hall, including a panoramic painting of ’Bri gung mthil Monastery, portraits of Padmasambhava (sLob dpon rin po che), Amitāyus (Tshe dpag med), and Amitābha (’Od dpag med), and so on, and recorded the complete long inscription on the west wall (see Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal po 2006, pp. 113–15). In a later work (2014), he further discussed the temple’s structure, sectarian affiliation, and related legend, affirming the significant value of the murals in the hall (see Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal po 2014, p. 156).

Melissa R. Kerin mentioned the structure of rTse dgu (Tsegu, i.e., Gung ’phur) in her doctoral dissertation. Due to restrictions on photography, she roughly estimated that the murals in the Assembly Hall were painted around the 18th century (Kerin 2008, p. 112). David P. Jackson published three panels of murals from the west wall of the hall, focusing on the lineage of the Ras chung oral tradition (Ras chung snyan brgyud) masters surrounding the main deity Amitābha. He dated the murals to the late 16th century (Jackson 2014, pp. 106–8). Kurt Tropper studied the lengthy inscription below the painting of ’Bri gung mthil Monastery on the south side of the west wall and concluded that the Water-tiger year corresponded to 1602 (Tropper 2016, pp. 1–119), a point that will be discussed in detail later.

While scholars have acknowledged the significant value of the murals in the Assembly Hall of the Gung ’phur Monastery, only a limited portion of the murals have been published to date. Key issues such as their precise dating and detailed identification remain understudied. For instance, while the main deity in each panel can be roughly identified, their retinues and accompanying inscriptions have yet to be systematically documented. Furthermore, the murals on the main wall inside the niche have not been published or identified, and the identities of buddhas on the east wall, as well as the overall compositional logic of the mural program in the hall, are still unclear. Therefore, a re-examination of these murals, building on prior research, is considered necessary.

3. The Murals of ’Du Khang Hall

The ’Du khang Hall measures 4.7 m in width, approximately 8 m in depth, and 2 m in height, with an overall convex layout (Figure 3). The ceiling is exposed, showing uneven pebbles covered with soot. A small cave was carved at the corners of the south and west walls, with an additional opening on the side adjacent to the cliff face. Inside the cave, Kha btags (ceremonial scarves) are piled up; local tradition holds that this is the spot from which Yid ’phrog lha mo ascended to heaven. Aside from areas of damage and sections obscured by glass frames, most of the murals and inscriptions on the four walls remain relatively well-preserved (Figure 4). The following description proceeds clockwise, identifying the murals and their accompanying inscriptions.

3.1. Identification of Murals

3.1.1. South Wall

The mural on the west side of the south wall at the entrance to the ’Du khang Hall (Figure 5) measures approximately 0.77 m in width and 1.5 m in height. It portrays a group of protector deities, dominated by the Five Sisters of Longevity (Tshe ring mched lnga) accompanied by other local deities. Based on image identification and inscription analysis (

Table 2. The Five Sisters of Longevity and retinues and inscriptions on the south wall.

Location		Name	Color	Attribute	Mount	Inscription
Main deity	1	bKra shis tshe rings ma	White	Vajra and vase of longevity	White lion	gTso mo bkra shis tshe rings ma la phyag btshal lo/mkhor… bstsal du gsol (Pay homage to bkra shis tshe rings ma, wish to be granted to).
	2	mThing gi zhal bzang ma	Dark blue	Flag and mirror	Red donkey	mThing gi zhal bzang ma la na mo (Pay homage to mThing gi zhal bzang ma).
	3	Mi gyo blo bzangs ma	Yellow	A square box containing grains and mongoose	Tiger	Mi gyo blo bzangs ma la na mo (Pay homage to Mi gyo blo bzangs ma).
	4	Cod pan bgrin bzang ma	Red	Jewels and a box containing jewels	White deer	Cod pan bgrin bzang ma la na mo (Pay homage to Cod pan bgrin bzang ma).
	5	rTa dkar ’gro bzang ma	Green	Flower and snake	Dragon	rTa dkar ’gro bzang ma la na mo (Pay homage to rTa dkar ’gro bzang ma).
	6	Zhing skyong	Dark green	Spear and Kapala bowl (appears to be a snow-capped mountain inside).	Horse	Zhing skyong (Local guardian)
Top		Eight buddhas	(Omitted)			Seven inscriptions are omitted.
First column on the left		The Nine Major Deities of Tibet	(Omitted)			Bar lha, Sog sra, lHa brtsan rDo rje ’bar ba, Dam btsan rDo rje legs pa, rNam rgyal dkar po, rTe sgro sman, Chu ’phen.
Second column on the left		Seven Emblems of Royalty	(Omitted)			None
First row below		Dikpālas (Protectors of Directions)	(Omitted)			rGu nyi men, bDud kha, Lus ngan pa, dBang ldan dkar mo, Tshangs pa ser po, Sa ’dzin lag pa chen po.
Second row below		bKra shis rtags brgyad (aṣṭa-maṅgala)	(Omitted)			None

), this mural emerges as the most complete and iconographically sophisticated representation of this theme discovered to date. The placement of the Five Sisters of Longevity—female protector deities of the bKa’ brgyud school—at the cave entrance aligns with the architectural convention of positioning guardian deities at the threshold of Buddhist temples or caves in Western Tibet. The iconographic program conveys several layers of meaning: (1) The Five Sisters of Longevity symbolize the ritual subjugation and incorporation of the indigenous sPu rang region by later religious traditions, a process visually expressed through the inclusion of local territorial deities (Zhing skyong); (2) As principal protectress of the bKa’ brgyud school—subdued by Mi la ras pa—the Five Sisters of Longevity are shown leading The Nine Major Deities of Tibet (西藏地方九大神系, Bod kyi lha chen dgu), which were pacified by ’Bri gung skyob pa in his biography; (3) The emphasis on the Five Sisters of Longevity also corresponds to the prominent role of female patrons associated with the cave, reflecting a social and devotional context in which feminine divine and human agency is accorded visible ritual space.

3.1.2. Central and Northern Part of the West Wall

Apart from the painting of ’Bri gung mthil Monastery on the south side of the west wall and the inscription below it (Figure 6) (see Liang 2025, pp. 132–47), each panel on the east and west walls measures approximately 0.8 m in width and 1.3 m in height, featuring buddhas and bodhisattvas as the main deities, surrounded by attendants. The use of golden pigment for the bodies of the main deities complicates iconographic identification. Based on the interpretation of the murals and inscriptions in the central and northern sections of the west wall (Figure 7,

Table 3. Main figures and attendants with partial inscriptions of the central and northern part of the west wall.

Number	Main Figures and Two Attendants	Surrounding Images		The Current Situation of Inscriptions	Connotation
1	Padmasambhava (Pad+ma ’byung gnas) (verses are omitted), lHa lcam man dha ra, Ye shes mtsho rgyal.	Top	The center is Od dpag med, three Tshe dpag med on each sides.	Seven inscriptions are legible (omitted).	The integration of the rNying ma lineage by the ’Bri gung school.	The pursuit of longevity and the Pure Land.
		Both sides on head nimbus	Hayagrīva yidam, dPal rta mgrin	Only one inscription: dPal rta mgrin.
		Both sides	Eight masters including Rat+na gling pa.	Five masters’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
		Bottom	Four vidyārājas including gShin rje gshed go ljang.	Two inscriptions are legible (omitted).
			Eight offering goddesses	Most of inscriptions are damaged.
			A group of monks	None
2	Tshe dpag med (verses are omitted), Ma thogs pa ba’i rgyal mo, Attendant Bodhisattva (the inscription is unclear).	Surrounding	1. Ma gcig grub pa’i rgyal mo. 2. Ti phu pa. 3. Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa and following masters (twenty-four in total).	Nineteen masters’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).	Lineage of Ras chung snyan brgyud.
		Bottom	Grand Offering Ceremony	None
3	Od dpag med (verses are omitted), sPyan ras gzigs, Phyag na rdo rje.	Surrounding	Ten buddhas	Four buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).	Eliminate sins and ascend to the Western Pure Land.
4	Buddha with two disciples (verses are omitted).	Both sides on head nimbus	Virupa and Sa chen	’Bi ru pa, Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po.	Buddha with his disciples and Thirty-five Buddhas of Confession.	Protecting all beings from suffering and attaining liberation.
		Surrounding	Twenty-one buddhas.	Seven Buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
5	Buddha with two disciples. (verses are omitted)	Surrounding	The Sixteen Arhats, Hvashang, Dharmatrāta.	Sixteen Arhats’s inscriptions are legible (omitted).	Śākyamuni and his disciples who attained enlightenment.	Eliminate the suffering of all beings.
		Bottom	Four celestial Kings	None

), the following arrangement emerges: panels 1–3 on the west wall, respectively depict (1) the master lineage from the rNying ma to the ’Bri gung school centered on Padmasambhava; (2) the Ras chung snyan brgyud lineage surrounding Tshe dpag med; and (3) the Western Pure Land Assembly centered on Od dpag med. These three panels are thematically interconnected, collectively articulating the pursuit of longevity and rebirth in a pure land. The uppermost portion of panel 4, on the north side of the west wall, is partially obscured by wooden frames. If this section originally contained two additional rows of seven buddhas each, the total would amount to 35 small buddhas. In light of the legible inscriptions on the buddhas of this panel, the author concurs with the view that this section represents Śākyamuni flanked by disciples, surrounded by the Thirty-five Buddhas of Confession2. The compositional scheme of panels 4 and 5—each showing one buddha accompanied by two disciples—was widely employed in Western Tibet between the 15th and 17th centuries. The layout corresponds symmetrically to that of panels 6 and 7 on the east wall below, together forming a coherent group of buddhas attended by eight disciples.

3.1.3. North Wall

The north wall spans 5 m in length, with a niche in front that houses gilt-bronze statues of various sizes. Five mural panels are painted both inside and outside the niche (Figure 4, Figure 8, Figure 9, Figure 10, Figure 11 and Figure 12). The east and west walls outside the niche symmetrically depict images of Cakrasaṃvara and other attendant figures (Figure 8 and Figure 9), while the east and west walls inside the niche (Figure 10 and Figure 12) are arranged symmetrically with the north wall as the center axis (Figure 11). Together, these three walls illustrate the master lineages of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school. The identification of the masters in the murals is primarily based on corresponding inscriptions where available. In cases where inscriptions are absent, the sequence of masters is first reconstructed from adjacent inscribed figures and then compared with lineage records in textual sources such as ’Bri gung gdan rabs gser phreng 直貢法嗣 (1995), The History of Drikung 直孔法史 (2004). Additionally, physical attributes and iconographic features of the depicted masters serve as a supplementary evidence for identification.

The East and West Walls Outside the Niche: Cakrasaṃvara and Lineage of Masters

The west wall outside the niche is relatively small and partially obscured by a wooden frame. Its central deity is the Cakrasaṃvara yidam (Figure 8), depicted with one face and two arms, embracing his consort Vajravārāhī. An inscription between the deity’s legs reads: bDe mchog dum skyes ma (Khaṇḍarohā). Below the central deity are a single Vajravārāhī, a female deity, and a standing eleven-faced, thousand-armed and thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara.

On the east wall outside the niche is portrayed a lineage of 43 masters of bKa’ brgyud schools, arranged around the central figure Cakrasaṃvara (Figure 9). Below them appears the ’Bri gung bka’brgyud protectress A phyi Chos kyi sgrol ma together with her attendants. Analysis of the legible inscriptions accompanying 18 of these masters reveals that this Cakrasaṃvara-centered lineage is not confined to the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school; it also incorporates masters from the Phag mo gru pa bKa’brgyud and Karma bka’ brgyud traditions. This arrangement illustrates the dissemination of Cakrasaṃvara practice across different branches of the bKa’ brgyud school.

Figure 8. The east wall outside the niche: Cakrasaṃvara (photographed by Liang Yunyun 梁云云).

Figure 8. The east wall outside the niche: Cakrasaṃvara (photographed by Liang Yunyun 梁云云).

Figure 9. The east wall outside the niche: Cakrasaṃvara with a lineage of 43 masters of bKa’ brgyud schools (photographed by Wang Ruilei 王瑞雷).

Figure 9. The east wall outside the niche: Cakrasaṃvara with a lineage of 43 masters of bKa’ brgyud schools (photographed by Wang Ruilei 王瑞雷).

The West Wall Inside the Niche: The Lineage of A Phyi’i Brgyud pa (The sKyu ra Family Lineage)

The west wall inside the niche (Figure 10) depicts a lineage of masters centered on the 15th Abbot of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school, Kun dga’ rin chen (1475–1527, reigned 1494/1514–1527). He is portrayed wearing robes and the distinctive bKa’brgyud red hat, with his hands in the teaching gesture (dharmacakra-mudrā). An inscription inside the cushion reads: rGyal ba’i dbang po Kun dga’ rin chen la phyag ’tshal lo/Las ngan pa’i sdig sgrib dag par mdzad du gsol (“Homage to the Lord of Victors Kun dga’ rin chen! Please purify the misdeeds and obscurations of those who commit evil”). B and C, on either side of the main figure’s head nimbus, are two Guhyasamāja yidams.

In the upper left corner of the main figure, figure No. 1 is depicted as a layperson, while Nos. 2 and 3 are monks in monastic robes without hats. No. 4, identified by the inscription bKa’ dung gru bzhi, also appears as a layperson and is the youngest son of A phyi. From this figure onward, the iconography becomes more standardized, showing monks wearing red bKa’ brgyud hats and monastic robes. The lineage continues to No. 8, ’Bri gung skyob pa rin chen dpal (1143–1217). Comparing the sequence from him through No. 21—Paṇ chen chos rje (1527–1570, the 18th Abbot of ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school, reigned 1565–1570, known as Paṇ chen rin po che)—with the recorded A phyi’i brgyud pa lineage3, and further considering the identification of master No. 4, I tentatively propose that this mural depicts the lineage of A phyi, that is, the hereditary transmission line of the sKyu ra Family within the ’Bri gung skyob pa tradition.

Figure 10. The west wall inside the niche: Kun dga’ rin chen with the lineage of A phyi’i brgyud pa (photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷. Compiled by Liang Yunyun 梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A (18). Kun dga’ rin chen, B. gSang ba’dus pa, C. Guhyasamāja (no inscription), 1. Layperson (no inscription), 2. Monk without hat (no inscription), 3. Monk without hat (no inscription), 4. bKa’ dung gru bzhi, 5. Monk (no inscription), 6. Monk (no inscription), 7. (no inscription), according to No. 8, he is speculated to be rNal ’byor pa rdo rje, 8. Rin chen dpal gyi rgyal□, 9. dBon bSod nas grags, 10. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Cung rDo rje grags pa), 11. Tog kha ba Rin chen seng ge, 12. (no inscription), he is speculated to be mTshams bcad pa, 13. rDo rje rgyal po, 14. Nyer gnyis pa Chos kyi rgyal po, 15. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Don drub rgyal po, 16. rGyal rin chen [illegible] bzang po, 17. dBang Rin chen dpal gyi rgyal mtshan, 19. Rin chen phun tshogs, 20. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Rin chen rnam ryal), 21. Paṇ chen chos rje, 22–28. (no inscription).

Figure 10. The west wall inside the niche: Kun dga’ rin chen with the lineage of A phyi’i brgyud pa (photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷. Compiled by Liang Yunyun 梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A (18). Kun dga’ rin chen, B. gSang ba’dus pa, C. Guhyasamāja (no inscription), 1. Layperson (no inscription), 2. Monk without hat (no inscription), 3. Monk without hat (no inscription), 4. bKa’ dung gru bzhi, 5. Monk (no inscription), 6. Monk (no inscription), 7. (no inscription), according to No. 8, he is speculated to be rNal ’byor pa rdo rje, 8. Rin chen dpal gyi rgyal□, 9. dBon bSod nas grags, 10. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Cung rDo rje grags pa), 11. Tog kha ba Rin chen seng ge, 12. (no inscription), he is speculated to be mTshams bcad pa, 13. rDo rje rgyal po, 14. Nyer gnyis pa Chos kyi rgyal po, 15. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Don drub rgyal po, 16. rGyal rin chen [illegible] bzang po, 17. dBang Rin chen dpal gyi rgyal mtshan, 19. Rin chen phun tshogs, 20. (no inscription), he is speculated to be Rin chen rnam ryal), 21. Paṇ chen chos rje, 22–28. (no inscription).

The North Wall Inside the Niche: The Lineage of ’Bri Gung Bka’ Brgyud School

The central deity depicted inside the niche on the north wall is Vajradhara (Figure 11), accompanied by the inscription: Rigs rnams kun gyi mnga’ bdag rDo rje ’chang la phyag ’tshal lo (“Homage to Vajradhara, lord of all families!”). Figure B and C are tentatively identified as Bodhisattvas Maitreya and Mañjuśrī, respectively.

Flanking these three central figures are thirty masters arranged on either side. Based on their iconography and accompanying inscriptions, this mural depicts the following lineage sequence: Vajradhara (A)—founders of bKa’ brgyud schools (1–6)—abbots of ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud lineage (7–23). Notably, masters No. 16 and 17 occupied the position of bDag po wam Rin chen dbang rgyal, the 12th ’Bri gung Abbot. This substitution may reflect a disruption or decline in the lineage during that period. The succession continues through the 15th Abbot, Kun dga’ rin chen (No. 19), down to mChog (Phyogs) las rnam rgyal (No. 23), the 19th Abbot (c. 1550–1575, enthroned in 1570), who is represented as the final ’Bri gung abbot in this sequence. The remaining seven masters (Nos. 24–30) are only partially identifiable by names, and no corresponding biographical records have been located. It is plausible that they were local sPu rang masters active around the time the murals were executed.

Figure 11. The north wall inside the niche: rDo rje ’chang with the lineage of ’Bri gung school (photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷 and Liao Yang 廖旸. Compiled by Liang Yunyu n梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A. rDo rje’ chang, B. Gra so stan btsun (?), C. Attendant Bodhisattva (no inscription found), 1. Ti lo pa, 2. Na ro pa, 3. Mar pa, 4. Mi la ras pa, 5. rGam(sGam) po pa, 6. Phag po grub pa, 7. sKyob pa ’Jig rtan gsum mgon, 8. dBon bSod nas grags pa, 9. Cung rDo rje grags pa, 10. Thug kha pa Rin chen seng ge, 11. ’Tshams bcad pa Grags pa bsod nams, 12. rDo rje rin chen, 13. rDo rje rgyal po, 14. Nyer gnyes pa Chos kyi rgyal po, 15. gShes mnyen Don grub rgyal po, 16. Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 17. ’Dul ’dzin Ngag gi dbang po, 18. It is obscured by a statue (he is speculated to be Rin chen dpal bzang or Rin chen Chos kyi rgyal mtshan), 19. rGyal ba’i dbang po Kun dga’ rin chen, 20. It is obscure, only “par grgs” can be seen (he is speculated to be Rin chen phun tshog), 21. rGyal ba’i dbang po Rin chen rnam rgyal, 22. The inscription is unclear (he is speculated to be bSod nams dpal gyi rgya mtsho), 23. mChog (Phyogs) las rnam rgyal, 24. The inscription is unclear. 25. mKhan chen bSod nams rgya mtsho, 26. The inscription is unclear. 27. rJe mtsun Sheb rab rgya mtsho, 28. The inscription is unclear. 29. Kun dga’ don grub, 30. Rin chen dpal.

Figure 11. The north wall inside the niche: rDo rje ’chang with the lineage of ’Bri gung school (photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷 and Liao Yang 廖旸. Compiled by Liang Yunyu n梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A. rDo rje’ chang, B. Gra so stan btsun (?), C. Attendant Bodhisattva (no inscription found), 1. Ti lo pa, 2. Na ro pa, 3. Mar pa, 4. Mi la ras pa, 5. rGam(sGam) po pa, 6. Phag po grub pa, 7. sKyob pa ’Jig rtan gsum mgon, 8. dBon bSod nas grags pa, 9. Cung rDo rje grags pa, 10. Thug kha pa Rin chen seng ge, 11. ’Tshams bcad pa Grags pa bsod nams, 12. rDo rje rin chen, 13. rDo rje rgyal po, 14. Nyer gnyes pa Chos kyi rgyal po, 15. gShes mnyen Don grub rgyal po, 16. Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan, 17. ’Dul ’dzin Ngag gi dbang po, 18. It is obscured by a statue (he is speculated to be Rin chen dpal bzang or Rin chen Chos kyi rgyal mtshan), 19. rGyal ba’i dbang po Kun dga’ rin chen, 20. It is obscure, only “par grgs” can be seen (he is speculated to be Rin chen phun tshog), 21. rGyal ba’i dbang po Rin chen rnam rgyal, 22. The inscription is unclear (he is speculated to be bSod nams dpal gyi rgya mtsho), 23. mChog (Phyogs) las rnam rgyal, 24. The inscription is unclear. 25. mKhan chen bSod nams rgya mtsho, 26. The inscription is unclear. 27. rJe mtsun Sheb rab rgya mtsho, 28. The inscription is unclear. 29. Kun dga’ don grub, 30. Rin chen dpal.

The East Wall Inside the Niche: The Lineage of Theg Chen Bstan Pa’i Snying Po

On the east wall inside the niche (Figure 12), the central figure is depicted wearing monastic robes and the bKa’ brgyud red hat, with the right hand in the earth-touching gesture (bhūmisparśa-mudrā) and left hand in meditation (dhyāna-mudrā). An inscription inside the cushion reads: sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po la na mo (“Homage to sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po”). Figure B is identified as dBon bSod nams grags pa (1187–1234, the second Abbot of ’Bri gung, reigned 1122–1234), and Figure C as gCung rDo rje grags pa (1210–1278, the third Abbot of ’Bri gung, reigned 1255–1278). After examining the legible inscriptions of masters in this lineage and comparing them with the variant lineages transmitted by sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po, the author proposes that this panel depicts a lineage centered on sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po, associated with the transmission of Theg chen bstan pa’i snying po’i brgyud pa4. This teaching first circulated within the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school (Nos. 7–15), then passed to the masters of the Karma bka’ brgyud Black Hat lineage (Nos. 16–21), subsequently returned to ’Bri gung tradition (Nos. 22–25), and finally extended to the sPu rang region (Nos. 26–38).

Figure 12. The east wall inside the niche: sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po with the lineage of Theg chen bstan pa’i snying po. (Photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷 Compiled by Liang Yunyun 梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A. sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po, B. rGyal ba dBon, C. rGyal ba Cung, a. (no inscription) rDo rje ’chang, 1. Ti lo pa, 2. Na ro pa, 3. Mar pa, 4. Mi la ras pa, 5. rGam(sGam) po pa, 6. Phag po grub pa, 7(A). sKyob pa ’Jin(g) rtan (rten) mgon po, 8(B). dBon bSod nams grags pa, 9. (no inscription) (=C), 10. Thug kha ba Rin chen seng ge, 11. sPyan mnga’ (snga) ’Tshams (mtshams) cad (bcad) pa, 12. (no inscription) he is speculated to be Jo snubs rdo rje ye shes, 13. bCu gnyis pa, 14. (no inscription) he is speculated to be rDo rje rgyal po, 15. Nyer gnyes Chos kyi rgyal po, 16. sLo(sLob) dpon Go bo gung pa rin chen dpal, 17. Pad+ma bDe gzhin bshegs pa, 18. Sog dbon Rig pa’i ral gri, 19. A master with black hat (no inscription, he is speculated to be mTon ba don ldan), 20. It is obscured, he is speculated to be Chos rje dpal ’byor don grub, 21. rGyal dbang Chos grags rgya mtsho, 22. dBang rin chen chos kyi rgyal po, 23. (no inscription) he is speculated to be Kun dga’ rin chen, 24. Rin chen phun tshogs, 25. Paṇ chen Chos kyi rgyal po, 26–32. These inscriptions are not visible because they are located at the corner of the walls. 33. Rin chen dpal, 34. lDan ma Kun dga’ grags pa, 35–37. The inscriptions are not visible. 38. ’Dul ’dzin chen po bKra shis dpal ’byor.

Figure 12. The east wall inside the niche: sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po with the lineage of Theg chen bstan pa’i snying po. (Photographed by Wang Ruile 王瑞雷 Compiled by Liang Yunyun 梁云云). Tibetan inscriptions: A. sKyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po, B. rGyal ba dBon, C. rGyal ba Cung, a. (no inscription) rDo rje ’chang, 1. Ti lo pa, 2. Na ro pa, 3. Mar pa, 4. Mi la ras pa, 5. rGam(sGam) po pa, 6. Phag po grub pa, 7(A). sKyob pa ’Jin(g) rtan (rten) mgon po, 8(B). dBon bSod nams grags pa, 9. (no inscription) (=C), 10. Thug kha ba Rin chen seng ge, 11. sPyan mnga’ (snga) ’Tshams (mtshams) cad (bcad) pa, 12. (no inscription) he is speculated to be Jo snubs rdo rje ye shes, 13. bCu gnyis pa, 14. (no inscription) he is speculated to be rDo rje rgyal po, 15. Nyer gnyes Chos kyi rgyal po, 16. sLo(sLob) dpon Go bo gung pa rin chen dpal, 17. Pad+ma bDe gzhin bshegs pa, 18. Sog dbon Rig pa’i ral gri, 19. A master with black hat (no inscription, he is speculated to be mTon ba don ldan), 20. It is obscured, he is speculated to be Chos rje dpal ’byor don grub, 21. rGyal dbang Chos grags rgya mtsho, 22. dBang rin chen chos kyi rgyal po, 23. (no inscription) he is speculated to be Kun dga’ rin chen, 24. Rin chen phun tshogs, 25. Paṇ chen Chos kyi rgyal po, 26–32. These inscriptions are not visible because they are located at the corner of the walls. 33. Rin chen dpal, 34. lDan ma Kun dga’ grags pa, 35–37. The inscriptions are not visible. 38. ’Dul ’dzin chen po bKra shis dpal ’byor.

The arrangement of the five panels of murals inside and outside the niche reflects the designer’s deliberate conception. The two panels outside the niche feature Cakrasaṃvara, the principal yidam of the bKa’ brgyud tradition. Inside the niche, the north wall presents the lineage of the ’Bri gung school anchored in Vajradhara, emphasizing the origin of the teachings, the school’s religious identity, and the order of lineal transmission. The central figures on the east and west walls are ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig rten mgon po (the founder of ’Bri gung) and Kun dga’ rin chen (its fifteenth Abbot). Both descended from the sKyu ra Family, and the latter is regarded as an incarnation of the former. Historically, while ’Jig rten mgon po established the ’Bri gung mthil Monastery, Kun dga’ rin chen played a pivotal role in its revival. Thus, among surviving ’Bri gung monasteries across the Tibetan cultural region, the murals at Gung ’phur represent a rare and well-preserved example that systematically portrays distinct master lineages within a single decorative program.

3.1.4. East Wall

The east wall contains nine mural panels arranged from north to south (Figure 13). Due to prolonged chanting by monks who leaned against the northernmost section of this wall, the mural in this area has been worn away and is no longer legible. Scholarly opinions differ regarding the identities of the seven buddhas on the east wall. One interpretation posits that the seven buddhas are the Sangs rgyas stong sku (the Thousand Buddhas), accompanied by numerous smaller buddhas (Li and Huo 1993, p. 130). A second view suggests that they depict the Seven Successive Buddhas, each surrounded by his own retinues (Sangs rgyas rabs bdun gyi gtso sku la rang rang ’khor gyis bskor ba) (see bLo bzang bsam gtan 2015, p. 112). A third interpretation maintains that the buddhas on the east and west walls collectively illustrate the Twelve Great Deeds of Buddha Bhagavat (Sangs rgyas bcom ldan ’das kyi mdzad pa bcu gnyis) (see Gu ge Tshe ring rgyal po 2006, p. 113).

Based on the identification of the buddha images and inscriptions on the east wall (

Table 4. The main deities and retinues and partial inscriptions on east wall.

Number	Main Figures and Two Attendants	Surrounding Images		The Current Situation of Inscriptions	Connotation
1	Bhaiṣajyaguru, Sūryaprabha, Candraprabha, the mounts are unclear	Top	Five buddhas exist	Three buddhas’ inscriptions are complete, including mTshan legs yongs grags, Mya ngan med mchog.	The belief in the Eight Medicine Buddhas in Western Tibet.	They constitute the Pure Lands of all buddhas.
		Two sides	Three figures exist	No inscription (they are speculated to be three of Twelve Yakṣa Generals)
2	Buddha (Dīpaṃkara?) 1, two bodhisattvas, the mounts are unclear	Top	Eight buddhas with preaching mudrā	Four buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).	Symbol of preaching Dharma.
		Bottom	Nine bodhisattvas	Only “Byang chub sems dpa’i nyi od la na mo” is legible.
			Three monks	No inscription
3	Akṣobhya two bodhisattvas the mounts are white elephants.	Surrounding	Fourteen buddhas with preaching mudrā	Five buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).	Opposite to Amitābha on the west wall, two of Horizontal Three Buddhas.
		Inside the seat	A dark green bodhisattva	Mi bskyod pa la na mo.
		Bottom	Aṣṭa-maṅgala goddesses	Three inscriptions are legible (omitted).
			A donor	No inscription.
4	Buddha (six verses are omitted), two bodhisattvas the mounts are mallas.	Both sides on head nimbus	Two masters wearing bKa’ brgyud red and black hats	No inscription	Proclaiming Mahāyāna Buddhism to escape the Six Realms of Existence.
		Surrounding	Eighteen buddhas with preaching mudrā	Six buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
		Bottom	Two bodhisattvas, two monks	No inscription
5	Buddha (Amoghasiddhi? Three verses are omitted). Kṣitigarbha, Sarvanīvaraṇa-Viṣkambhin (inscriptions are omitted), the mounts are lions.	Surrounding	Four masters	One’s inscription is partly legible: Chos rje dkun chos [illegible] dpal bzang la na mo.	Protect all beings and bestow blessings.
			Thirteen buddhas with preaching mudrā	One inscription is partly legible (omitted).
		Bottom	Seven deities including Uṣṇīṣavijaya, Amitābha and so on.	Six deities’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
6	Buddha (seven verses are omitted), two disciples, the mounts are Garuḍas.	Both sides on head nimbus	Two masters	One’s partly inscription: Ma le [illegible] kun. Another is: rNgog legs pa’i shes rab.	With panel 4 and 5 on west wall, form a group of buddhas and eight disciples.	Leaving the world of reincarnation
		Surrounding	Sixteen buddhas with different colors and mudrās	Nine buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
		Bottom	Four bodhisattvas, four monks	No inscription
			A donor	bDag mo la na mo.
7	Buddha, two disciples, the mounts are peacocks.	Both sides on head nimbus	Two masters	No inscription
		Surrounding	Sixteen buddhas with different colors and mudrās	Seven buddhas’ inscriptions are legible (omitted).
		Bottom	Two deities, two bodhisattvas, two monks	One inscription is legible (omitted).
8	Prajñā-pāramitā, two bodhisattvas, the mounts are white horses.	Top	rGyan drug mchog gnyis	Seven inscriptions are legible (omitted).	The beginning and conclusion of All buddhas; The embodiment of Prajñā thought.
		Both sides on head nimbus	Two deities	No inscription
		Surrounding	Thirteen buddhas	One inscription is legible (omitted).
		Right coner	Ceremony (a master and Ḍākinī)	No inscription
9	Chaturbhuja Lokeśvara (Five verses are omitted), Yi ge pa’i rig sngags chen mo, Maṇidhara (sras nor bu ’dzin.) the mounts are unclear.	Top center	Amitābha	No inscription	The Amitābha’s sambhogakāya Chaturbhuja Lokeśvara is facing the incarnation of Amitābha Padmasambhava on west wall, expressing the idea of salvation.
		Surrounding	Twenty-one Taras	Eleven inscriptions are legible (omitted).
		Right coner	Two donors	No inscription

¹ The third buddha from the west on the north wall of the Red Palace in the site of the ancient Guge Kingdom has the same hand gesture as this buddha, so the buddha here may be Dīpaṃkara. See Mural Compilation Group of Xizang People’s Publishing House (2011, p. 69).

), the author proposes an alternative reading to the interpretations mentioned above. Although the textual source underlying the nine buddhas depicted on the east and west walls has not yet been identified, their arrangement follows discernible compositional principles: (1) Internal organization of each panel: each panel is structured around a central buddha flanked by two bodhisattvas or two disciples, surrounded in turn by smaller figures of buddhas, bodhisattvas, monks, and donors. (2) Symmetrical layout across walls: the two panels on the northern section of west wall, which show buddhas accompanied by two disciples (Figure 7, Nos. 4, 5), correspond to the two panels on the east wall (Figure 13. No. 6, 7), forming a symmetrical group of buddhas with eight disciples. (3) Bodhisattvas attendants on the east wall: the attendants of the buddhas in panels 1–5 (Figure 13) are bodhisattvas, thus constituting buddhas surrounded by ten bodhisattvas. In panels 2–5, all the smaller buddhas display the teaching gesture (dharmacakra-mudrā) with both hands, whereas the smaller buddhas in panel 6 and 7 on the same wall exhibit different mudrās. Furthermore, the one hundred and thirty-five smaller buddhas that encircle the principal buddhas throughout the cave are concentrated on the east wall5. Among these, the inscriptions of forty-nine small buddhas are legible and relatively lengthy, typically beginning with “Homage to [Buddha’s Name/Tathāgata’s Name]”. A comparison of these names of the buddhas with those listed in the Bhadrakalpikasūtra (贤劫经)6, revealed only two exact matches. While the precise textual source remains unidentified, the repetition of small buddha figures fills the pictorial space and formally evokes the Thousand Buddhas motif. Together with the central buddhas, they create a visual representation of the splendid buddha-field (buddhakṣetra).

3.2. Discussion of Related Issues

3.2.1. The Dating of the Murals

The ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school maintained a long-standing tradition of sending disciples to the Three Sacred Mountains (Tsa ri, La phyi, Ti se). According to the tenth line of inscription in the ’Du khang, after the arrival of rDor ’dzin Seng ge ye shes (1181–1255, 1219–1255 in Western Tibet) at Mount Ti se, Gung ’phur Monastery became established as one of practice sites of the ’Bri gung bka’brgyud school7.

The location of the inscription on the south side of the west wall within the entire cave (Figure 6), together with its close thematic correspondence with surrounding murals, suggests that the inscription’s writing date can serve as a reliable reference for dating the mural program. Building on the research of Kurt Tropper, the author examined both the date recorded in the inscription and the participants involved.

The seventeenth line of inscription records the consecration date of the monastery as the “Water-tiger year” (dGe byed chu stag yang ngo’i ’grub sbyor). Based on the timeline of the activities of the last group of rDo rje ’dzin pas mentioned in the twelfth line (c.1540–1570),8 and considering the temporal framework outlined in the thirteenth and fourteenth lines regarding the duration of the teachings in the world:

lnga brgya phrag bcur gnas pa las/’bras dus sgrub dus lung dus gsum po dang/rtags tsam ’dzin pa dag tu grangs pa la/dang po ’bras pu’i dus dang sgrub dus ’das/lung gsum la ’ang mngon pa’i dus ’das shing/da lta mdo sde’i steng gyi lnga brgya la/nyis brgya gsum bcu so bzhi ’das par gyur/lhag ma nyis brgya drug bcu re drug lus/’dul ba’i dus dang rtags tsam ’dzin pa’i dus/stong phrag gcig ni ma ’ongs gnas dus ’dir9.

Therefore, I concur with Kurt Tropper’s conclusion that this Water-tiger year corresponds to 1602.

3.2.2. The Participants in the Mural Creation

The inscription not only clearly records the date of the murals’ execution, but also provides significant material for studying the history and the royal family of sPu rang in the late 16th to early 17th centuries. Participants in the renovation of the monastery included the local king and his minister, patrons, monks and painters. The thirteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth lines mention the King ’Jam dbyangs rgya mtsho (Sa yi brgya byin ’Jam dbyangs rgya mtsho). His identity remains debated: one view identifies him as the Ladakh King ’Jam dbyangs rnam rgyal (絳央南傑, reigned approximately 1595–1616) (Tropper 2016, p. 77, note 614), while another suggests he may have been a brother of the Guge king ’Jig rten dbang phyug (濟丹旺秋, reigned 1540–1555)10. The fifteenth and sixteenth lines refer to the King’s minister, Nang blon nang so mgon po skyabs, who is noted for his skills in painting and his support of Buddhism. The seventeenth line records two groups of donors: first, the generous female patron U ru, who sponsored the production of countless scriptures, Buddha statues, and paintings for the benefit of the people, and the second group are the phra ’dzom leads, provided with children and wealth, bKra shis mgon and bKra shis rgyal po, ’Dzom pa ’dzo me, all four brothers and sisters (Phra ’dzom srid ’dzin bu nor can bkra shis mgon dang bkra shis rgyal po dang ’dzom pa ’dzo me lcam sring bzhi po). The eighteenth line mentions the venerable Chos rgyal (btsun chos rgyal [illegible]), who performed the consecration for the site; the full name of this monk is illegible due to damage in the inscription.

The names in the inscription likely point to figures depicted in the offering scene below Tshe dpag med on the west wall (Figure 14). Since the mural lacks identifying inscriptions, a direct match between the painted figures and the inscribed names cannot be confirmed. Nevertheless, the eight donors with halos—including the noble monk fourth from the right, accompanied by attendants—visually underscore their high social status and Buddhist devotion. Furthermore, the lowest female donor labeled “bDag mo” in the sixth panel from the north on the east wall may represent the female patron U ru mentioned in the inscription.

The mural painting was executed by a team of five painters, headed by sLe mi gzhon nu. The painter’s hometown, sLe mi, is situated in the Humla district of northwestern Nepal, only about 25 km from sPu rang. The two areas have maintained close ties through pilgrimage and trade up to the present day. sLe mi became a retreat center of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school during the time of rDo rje ’dzin pa ghu ya sgang pa (he arrived at Ti se in 1215, managed rGyang grags Monastery during 1215–1239)11, has remained affiliated with this tradition ever since, and several temples of the school still survive there today.

3.2.3. The Factors Influencing the Configuration of Murals

An overview of the mural arrangement in the ’Du khang Hall shows that the south wall features a group of protectors, while the walls outside and inside the niche present yidam deities and lineages of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school. The east and west walls portray buddhas and bodhisattvas. This iconographic program was shaped by several interrelated factors.

First, since the 15th century, temple murals in Western Tibet have simplified the esoteric components of earlier complex maṇḍalas, focusing instead on depicting buddhas and deities worshipped by devotees. This trend is exemplified in the murals of the White Temple of Tholing Monastery and the Red Temple of the Guge Kingdom ruins. During this period, the spatial organization of temple murals began to adopt a thangkas-like hanging layout, a trend that continued to influence at least the early 17th-century murals in the ’Du khang Hall of Gung ’phur Monastery.

Second, a further comparison with Phyi dbang Monastery in Ladakh from the mid-16th century (Figure 15) (Jina and Namgyal 1995, pp. 99–103), rGya ’phyags pa in Nako from the mid-to-late 16th century (Figure 16), and bSa’ lang cave in sPu rang (Liang 2021, Figure 14:2) revealed that these four halls share significant similarities in painting themes, reflecting the prevalent iconographic programs of the ’Bri gung school in Western Tibet from the mid-16th to the early 17th century.

Third, the influence of the donors, monks, and painters on the overall layout of the murals must also be considered.

Figure 15. The plan of Phyi dbang bKra shis chos rdzong (made by Liang Yunyun 梁云云).

Figure 15. The plan of Phyi dbang bKra shis chos rdzong (made by Liang Yunyun 梁云云).

Figure 16. The plan of rGya ’phyags pa (made by Liang Yunyun 梁云云 Note: Figure 16 is based on Kerin 2008, pp. 221–225; "?" represents an unidentified figure.).

Figure 16. The plan of rGya ’phyags pa (made by Liang Yunyun 梁云云 Note: Figure 16 is based on Kerin 2008, pp. 221–225; "?" represents an unidentified figure.).

3.2.4. Pictorial Evidence for the Revival of the ’Bri Gung Bka’brgyud School in Western Tibet

The wall paintings of the ’Du khang, together with historical records, provide mutually corroborating evidence for the revival of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud tradition in Western Tibet. For instance, the main figure depicted inside the niche on west wall, Kun dga’rin chen, had close connection to the Western Tibet. His father, Rin chen chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (the 14th Abbot of ’Bri gung mthil, 1449–1484), passed away when Kun dga’ rin chen was ten years old. He was subsequently raised under the guardianship and guidance of his uncle, dBang rin chen chos rgyal (1448–1504), whose mother was Princess Chos rgyal bzang mo of the mNga’ ris royal family. Sometime between 1496 and 1500, a delegation of high-status masters and disciples from Upper mNga’ ris arrived and presented substantial offerings. Following the tradition of his predecessors, he dispatched many tantric masters engaged in mountain retreats to the Three Sacred Sites, thereby reestablishing the school’s ties with the mNga’ ris region12. According to the twelfth line of inscription on the west wall of Gung ’phur Monastery, he sent one of his disciples, lDan ma Kun dga’ grags pa (1503–1567), to serve as a tantric master at Mount Ti se. He later traveled to Ladakh, where he became the revered teacher of the local kings. He was also the founder of the bKra shis chos rdzong at Phyi dang, and his portrait also appears at Gung ’phur Monastery.

Furthermore, one of the disciples of Rin chen phun tshogs chos kyi rgyal po (the 16th Abbot of ’Bri gung mthil, 1509–1559) was sPru heng rgod khung chos mdzed13. Although little is known about his biography, this connection provides direct evidence of exchanges between Gung ’Phur Monastery and ’Bri gung mthil Monastery in the first half of the 16th century, offering important insights into the possible origins of the iconography preserved at Gung ’phur Monastery.

4. Summary

The murals in the ’Du khang Hall of Gung ’phur Monastery represent the most well-preserved, dateable, and rich visual corpus of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school in China. They provide a key reference for understanding the mid-to-late painting development of this tradition. The hall preserves considerable valuable information, for example, the portrayal of donors allows for further investigation into the local royal family and the history of sPu rang. The depiction of the Five Sisters of Longevity and A phyi Chos kyi sgrol ma—deities associated with the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school’s expansion into Western Tibet—enriched the protective deity pantheon in the mNga’ris region. Although the arrangement of the buddhas in this cave is not yet fully understood, it conceptually constitutes pure lands within the buddha realm. Meanwhile, the master lineages illustrated here trace the transmission of ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud teachings, incorporating masters from the rNying ma and Karma bka’ brgyud schools. Notably, the terminal masters in these lineages are crucial for understanding the school’s development in sPu rang and the creation of the murals.

Originating in Ü-Tsang, the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school expanded into sPu rang and extended further westward to Ladakh and southward to Nepal, forming an extensive network of monastic institutions that enriched the broader Tibetan Buddhist cultural sphere. As a key node within this network, Gung ’phur Monastery in sPu rang vividly exemplifies the development and artistic practices of the ’Bri gung bka’ brgyud school around the 17th century through the murals of ’Du khang Hall.