An Ubuntu Pentecostal Perspective of Pan-Africanism and African Identity

Abstract

Clarke provides a critical analysis of Pentecostalism as a tool for attaining the theological and political objectives of Pan-Africanism. However, this seems to suggest that, at least, African Pentecostals and African Pentecostal researchers may not be aware of the African Union’s (AU) Agenda 2013, or, at worst, they find no interest in engaging with Agenda 2063 if they are aware it exists. Using religion and politics—particularly Pentecostalism and politics—as a framework, this article notes that there are some points of convergence between their praxis and some of the seven aspirations of Agenda 2063. It addresses this phenomenon by using Mzondi’s Ubuntu Pentecostalism as a theological lens to reflect on how some of the actions and praxis of African Pentecostals relate to the African Union’s Agenda 2063. Ubuntu Pentecostalism holds to a holistic view of life and embraces William Seymour’s Pentecostalism, influenced by an African worldview, and either embraces or denounces ancestral veneration. The latter form of Ubuntu Pentecostalism is used in this article and placed alongside Pan-Africanism and African identity to provide a perspective on the third and fifth aspirations of the African Union’s Agenda 2063. The article further shows that (a) although African Pentecostals may not be aware of or do not bother to engage with the AU’s Agenda 2063, (b) their praxis and actions either support or contradict the third and fifth aspirations discussed in the article.

1. Introduction

It is necessary to provide the background of Pan-Africanism, as it is the foundation of the African Union (formerly called the Organisation of African Union). Pan-Africanism is considered a political and cultural movement that arose out of efforts to achieve the emancipation of African slaves in the United States of America and the Caribbean Islands (Kendhammer 2007, pp. 55, 58; Malisa and Nhengeze 2018, pp. 2–4). It evolved through several stages beginning in the late nineteenth century and helped shape the political and cultural identity of Africans in the United States and the Caribbean Islands. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois is the most influential figure and is considered the father of Pan-Africanism (Gearey 2012, p. 267; Ratcliff 2013, pp. 151–52). Consequently, the article concurs with Clarke’s (2013, p. 5) argument that

African Pentecostalism provides the tools, the rhetoric, and the theological context that is suited to the African worldview and personality to which Africans can deeply relate and engage. These assets may well provide [a] valuable assistance to the theological and political aims of Pan-Africanism. When brought into mutual conversation, the Pan-African political theology, armed with the idioms of African Pentecostalism, will then become a powerful weapon in the hands of Africans at the grassroots of society, enabling them to be more effective in their fight against the structures of oppression and injustice.

Hence, this article provides an Ubuntu Pentecostal perspective on the two intrinsic objectives of Pan-Africanism, namely, freedom from slavery and colonialism and the quest for “self-determination”, that is, the call for Africans to govern themselves and embrace their African identity (cf. Eze 2013, pp. 663–65). The author holds that the two objectives form the basis of the third and fifth aspirations1 of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

2. Research Method

The article is situated in the interplay between religion and politics and uses Ubuntu Pentecostalism (M. Mzondi 2019, 2022) as a theological lens to provide a perspective on how some Pentecostal and Charismatic praxis in Africa either harmonises with or contradicts the third and fifth aspirations of the AU’s Agenda 2063. The rationale for placing this article in the space of religion and politics is that the author wishes to provide a Pentecostal perspective on the third and fifth aspirations, since the African Union’s (AU) Agenda 2063 is not a religious document. This approach suits the African context, as it provides an interplay of an Ubuntu Pentecostal worldview and Pan-Africanism expressed in the third and fifth aspiration of Agenda 2063 and aligns with the view that

African ideas about religion and its relation to politics are important not only for understanding Africa, but may have the potential to inform our understanding of religion and politics more generally.

(Ellis and Haar 2007, p. 386)

And

African continent is not so different from political processes found elsewhere in the world. It is still about power, ideas, resource distribution and conflict resolution, as well as the governments that oversee these processes.

(Thomson 2010, p. 4)

Pentecostalism, of which Ubuntu Pentecostalism is another form mainly identified among Africans in South Africa, emphasises personal conversion and baptism in the Holy Spirit with or without the evidence of speaking in other tongues (Kgatle 2020, pp. 1–2), whilst Charismatics usually emphasise the use of the charismata, particularly speaking in other tongues (Ojo 2012, p. 296).

Ubuntu is a worldview that does not separate the physical and meta-physical (A. M. M. Mzondi 2022a, p. 1) and resonates with Pentecostalism’s emphasis of the continuity of the charismata. Ubuntu Pentecostalism combines the two (Ubuntu and Pentecostalism), as it refers to a holistic Pentecostalism that embraces William Seymour’s Pentecostalism and either embraces or denounces the praxis of ancestral veneration (A. M. M. Mzondi 2024b, p. 2). The article follows the Ubuntu Pentecostalism that denounces the praxis of ancestral veneration.

As noted in the introduction, the third and fifth aspirations flow from the two objectives of Pan-Africanism, namely freedom from slavery and colonialism and the quest for “self-determination.” Hence, the article discusses Pan-Africanism first and then focuses on some reflections on Ubuntu Pentecostalism and good governance and concludes with other reflections on Ubuntu Pentecostalism and African identity, values, and ethics.

3. Pan-Africanism

Pan-Africanism emerged in the United States and the Caribbean as freed slaves began to embrace their African identity and associated themselves with the African continent (Schramm 2004, pp. 154–55). Henry Sylvester Williams coined the term “Pan-Africanism” in 1900 (Eze 2013, p. 663). Its objective was to see all Africans in the United States of America and the Caribbean Islands united in the fight against colonialism and slavery and to work for a united Africa (Kendhammer 2007, pp. 55, 58; Malisa and Nhengeze 2018, pp. 2–4). Pan-Africanism is also considered both a political movement (Malisa and Nhengeze 2018, p. 2) and a cultural movement (Schramm 2004, p. 151). Moges and Muchie (2020, p. 58) succinctly state that

Pan-Africanism was inspired to fight injustice, brutal crimes against humanity, and exploitation perpetrated on Africans in the form of slavery, colonialism, and racism. The struggle against these evils and their remnant legacies continues to this day. And yet, it was ultimately the economic liberation of Africans that would ensure the achievement of the ideals of Pan-Africanism. To this effect, the idealism of the Pan-Africanism movement needed to be grounded on fundamental shared values about the dignity and basic rights of individual Africans and serve as a new framework for economic liberation, mutual prosperity, and shared destiny of Africans.

Eze (2013, p. 664) highlights the quest for African identity by explaining that Indians were the first traded slaves at the beginning of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, but, after the Jesuits argued that they had a soul, the Europeans turned to enslaving soul-less Africans. He says the following:

With the discovery of America, this modernist theory of humanity had grave consequences for Africans whose cultures would become disqualified as “rational” or “civilized” for its dissimilarity to Western culture. Africans became the “modern” barbarians who can be objectified, enslaved, or dominated. At the beginning of the Trans-Atlantic slavery for example, the Indians were the first to be enslaved, but after the Jesuits had convinced the slavers that these poor creatures had “souls” like the Europeans, they turned to Africa and began to “enslave” the soul-less blacks.

(Eze 2013, p. 664)

He continues to explain that Africans were enslaved from the middle of the seventeenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. Before being enslaved, Africans functioned as Church Fathers and Popes of the Catholic Church (Eze 2013, p. 664). African Church Fathers were Clement of Alexandria (c150–c215 AD), Tertullian (c.160–c.225 A.D.), Origen (c.185–c.254), Cyprian (c. 210–c.258), Anthony (c.251.c.356), Pachomius (290–346), Athanasius of Alexandria (c.296–c.373), and Augustine of Hippo (c.354–c.430). The three African Popes were Pope St. Victor I (c.189–c.199), Pope St. Mitiades (c.311–c.314), and Pope St. Gelasius I (c.492–c.496) (Browne 1998, p. 8765).

Educated Africans from diverse academic disciplines in the United States of America and the Caribbeans Islands began the initiative to fight for their freedom by ending their slavery from the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1900, Henry Sylvester Williams organised the first Pan-African conference to address the slavery of Africans (Eze 2013, p. 664). William Edward Burghardt Du Bois joined the initiative and relentlessly fought for the freedom of African slaves and contributed to the conceptualisation of the idea of Pan-Africanism to achieve the emancipation of African slaves (Eze 2013, pp. 663–65; Gearey 2012, p. 267; Ratcliff 2013, pp. 151–52). Ratcliff (2013, p. 154) explains that Du Bois argued that African intellectuals were to be the main drivers of Pan-Africanism. Hence, five Pan-African conferences were held between 1919 and 1945 as a result Du Bois’ influence. The first four were held between 1919 and 1927. He was elected president of the Pan-African Congress at the fifth conference held at Manchester, England, in 1945.

Kwame Nkrumah, one of the organisers of the fifth Pan-African conference, became the first president of Ghana after it gained independence in 1957. Ghana, then, became the continent’s platform to fight against colonialism and advance Pan-Africanism on the African continent (Schramm 2004, p. 154), grounded on Nkrumah’s (1970, p. 136) argument that ”the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa……While our independence celebrations were actually taking place; I called for a conference of all the sovereign states of Africa, to discuss plans for the future of our continent.”

Historically, in Ghana, ne’gritude, Back to Africa, African liberation, and black capitalism represent diverse views of Pan-Africanism (Schramm 2004, p. 165). Flowing from Ghana and the influence of Kwame Nkrumah, Pan-Africanism ushered the independence of many countries and led to the establishment of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It was later renamed the African Union (AU) on 9 July 2002 in Durban, South Africa. Pan-Africanism suffered a major setback after the disposal of Kwame Nkrumah as the President of Ghana in 1966, three years after the founding of OAU (Kumah-Abiwu and Ochwa-Echel 2013, p. 129). The sixth and seventh Pan-African conferences were held in 1974 in Dar Es Salam, Tanzania, and in 1994 in Kampala, Uganda. The common themes of freedom from colonialism and self-governance dominated these seven conferences.

3.1. The Post-Independence Pan-African Context

Following Ghana’s independence and the establishment of the AU (OAU), the latter is now an official home of traditional Pan-Africanism and Continental Pan-Africanism (Drake [1982] 1993), as it reflects what Mazrui (2009, p. xi) calls Africans of the soils and Africans of the blood. Hence, Moges and Muchie (2020, p. 59) state the following:

We contend that an African is whoever finds Africa her/his physical, spiritual, emotional, and social home–a true home to live in peace, freedom, hope, and fulfilment. This conceptualisation accepts that who resides at this august homeland deserves the respect, care, community, and goodwill of their fellows. It opposes exploitation, repression, violence, neglect, and deprivation of rights. It is also a journey of self-discovery and consciousness to embrace the spirit, internalize its values, and act upon those principles that enshrine Pan Africanism. It is argued hence that Pan-Africanism, however one affiliates oneself to it, refers to the movement to liberate the African from the bonds and legacies of slavery, colonialism, racism, repression, and to ensure fundamental economic and political rights.

Africa’s population has grown from 800 million in 2000 to the current 1.216 billion in 2016 (Statista n.d.). Her inhabitants continue to face high levels of poverty and hunger, aggravated by continuous ethnic and tribal wars, religion-based wars and conflicts, the devastating effects of climate change, and poor governance. These conditions continue to exist sixty years after the liberation of many countries from colonial powers. This has led to the AU’s determination to address these socio-economic conditions.

Fifty years after the establishment of the OAU and ten years after the establishment of the AU, the AU crafted a fifty-year (2013–2063) plan, called Agenda 2063, to address the dire socio-economic conditions on the continent (African Union 2013). The plan is based on the following seven aspirations:

(1)

A Prosperous Africa, based on Inclusive Growth and Sustainable Development.

(2)

An Integrated Continent Politically united and based on the ideals of Pan Africanism and the vision of African Renaissance.

(3)

An Africa of Good Governance, Democracy, Respect for Human Rights, Justice and the Rule of Law.

(4)

A Peaceful and Secure Africa.

(5)

Africa with a Strong Cultural Identity, Common Heritage, Values and Ethics.

(6)

An Africa Whose Development is people driven, relying on the potential offered by African People, especially its Women and Youth, and caring for Children.

(7)

An Africa as A Strong, United, Resilient and Influential Global Player and Partner.

The next sections focus on the third and fifth aspirations, namely, “An Africa of Good Governance, Democracy, Respect for Human Rights, Justice and the Rule of Law” and “Africa with a Strong Cultural Identity Common Heritage, Values and Ethics.” The section engages the two aspirations from an Ubuntu Pentecostal perspective by first taking cognisance that Ethiopianism is the necessary basis of applying Ubuntu Pentecostalism.

3.2. Ethiopianism and Pentecostalism

Ethiopianism, as one of the expressions of Pan-Africanism, emerged in 1860 in the United States of America as Africans began to read and to interpret the Bible from an African perspective, contrary to the then official Western reading and interpretation of the Bible (Eze 2013, p. 665). It is founded on Psalm 68:31: “From Egypt Nobles will come, Ethiopia will stretch out its hands to God.” In South(ern) Africa and beyond, Ethiopian churches reflected cultural and political identity and were classified as African Independent Churches (AICs) (Eze 2013, p. 668). Four types of Pentecostalism emerged on the continent during the early twentieth century alongside Ethiopianism. The first flows from Charles Parham’s influence, the second from William Seymour’s influence (Ojo 2012, p. 296), the third from independent African influence (Kalu 2008, p. 17), and the fourth emerged as African leaders from Pentecostal churches established independent churches, later called African Independent Churches (AICs).

Anderson (2004, pp. 2–3) provides the following classification of African Pentecostalism: African Indigenous Pentecostalism, Classical Pentecostalism, and Charismatic Churches. The first two types of Pentecostalism existed at the time of the establishment of the OAU in 1963 in Ethiopia. Globally, Pentecostals form a quarter of Christians (Quayesi-Amakye 2014, p. 255) and represent a sizeable number on the African continent, with Kenya accounting for 56% (Pew Forum 2006). However, Pentecostals on the continent are usually not interested in forging relationships and working with the OAU and supporting its socio-economic–political projects (cf. Anderson 2004, p. 9; Asamoah-Gyadu 2018; Lephoko 2006, p. 69). Karkkainen (1999, pp. 210, 211) indicates that usually the premillennial emphasis caused Pentecostals to be indifferent to issues of social concern. Nel (2018, p. 5) mentions that Pentecostals usually do not participate in ecumenical platforms due to the lack of appropriate preparation to engage in such platforms and a superiority mentality of being led by the Holy Spirit. However, it is now observed that Pentecostals in South America have been involved in a holistic mission (Nel 2018, p. 210). Some praxis that resonates or negates some of the socio-economic–political aspirations listed in the AU Agenda 2063 emerged in the mid-1980s among the work of African Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders who belonged to mission-based Pentecostal churches and the newly established Pentecostal churches in western Africa, central Africa, eastern Africa, and southern Africa. Scholars classify mission-based Pentecostal churches as classical Pentecostals and the newly established Pentecostal churches as Pentecostal–Charismatic Churches (PCCs). The quest of these leaders to present the gospel within the African context stirred the need to make the gospel address the need for physical healing, protection, and deliverance from evil forces and to address poverty and hunger, raging wars and conflicts, and political leadership and governance.

Interestingly, Cox (1995, p. xv) predicted that Pentecostal Christianity will in the future dominate and shape African Christianity. Later, M. Mzondi (2018) used Enoch Sontonga’s hymn, Nkosi sikelel’ iAfrika, to show that the hymn’s line “woza Moya oyiNgcwele” (come Holy Spirit) resonates with the later political and religious developments, which points to the spread of Pentecostalism within the African church. This change in Africa’s spiritual landscape converges with the religious appeal of Ethiopianism based on Psalm 68:31. In addition, this endeavour also touches on the matter of reflecting on good governance and African identity among Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders.

4. Ubuntu Pentecostalism and Good Governance

Sperber and Hern (2018, p. 830) mention that research shows that born-again Christians, including Evangelicals, Pentecostals, and Charismatics, are increasingly participating in sub-Saharan African politics. Dysfunctional political structures underlie the Pentecostal occupation of the socio-economic–political sphere of the continent (McCauley 2015, p. 325). Religious and political contexts shape diverse responses, namely, becoming involved in grassroots activities and programmes or contesting for political leadership (Mayrargue 2008, pp. 13–14). Regarding the latter, Pentecostals and Charismatics then hold that

formal politics (i.e., conventional party politics and modes of political participation, like voting) is largely tainted by corruption, and can only be transformed into something morally pure after societ[al] members themselves embrace transformative religious change, i.e., by becoming “born again” and accepting Jesus Christ as their savior [sic], as Pentecostals do.

(Sperber and Hern 2018, p. 835)

Sperber further mentions that Pentecostals intentionally place one of themselves to campaign in national and local government elections so that they occupy leadership positions to promote their values and rid the nation of evil (Sperber and Hern 2018, p. 835). Positioning themselves to occupy socio-economic–political spheres resonates with the holistic view of Ubuntu Pentecostalism.

Ubuntu Pentecostalism is observed by the early generation of South African Pentecostal church leaders, like Edward Letwaba, Job Chiliza, Nicholas Bhengu, and Richard Ngidi (M. Mzondi 2019, pp. 70–74, 78–81; 2022, pp. 80–84). In addition, these adherents of Ubuntu Pentecostalism avoided engaging in socio-economic–political issues and exemplified the eschatological view that denounced education and wealth and emphasised the conversion of many in the anticipation of the parausia (Asamoah-Gyadu 2018, p. 15). However, later, Pentecostal church leaders like Frank Chikane and Kenneth Meshoe displayed a “non-dichotomous view of Ubuntu” and engaged in socio-economic–political issues in post-1994 South Africa (M. Mzondi 2021, pp. 88–90). They emphasise the point of not separating political action from its religious commitment. Frank Chikane’s involvement in the third aspiration of the AU occurred through his work as the Director General in the office of President Thabo Mbeki. After his ten-year tenure, he and other Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders on the continent collaborated with the Africa chapter of Spirit Empowerment 21, a global forum of Pentecostal–Charismatic churches and organisations, to reflect on and engage with how to contextualise the message of the gospel in Africa (Empowered 21 n.d.). Additionally, some of ANC’s senior leaders vehemently opposed Jacob Zuma’s governance and supported his removal as head of the ANC and the state (M. Mzondi 2021, p. 90). Recently, A. M. M. Mzondi (2024a) describes how different South African political parties embarked on a drive to attract Pentecostal–Charismatic voters during the 2024 national elections. Jacob Zuma used his new political party, the uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP), to attract voters from sympathetic churches; Frank Chikane’s African National Congress (ANC), Kennth Meshoe’s African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), and Mmusi Maimane’s Build One South Africa (BOSA) did the same.

Developments in other African regions show that some Pentecostal–Charismatic pastors and church leaders enter the governance space through Peter Wagner’s eschatological teaching of the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR) known as “the restoration of the five-fold ministries”, and his “Kingdom Now” theology, he argues, is based on the view that “God is mandating us to be involved in aggressive social transformation” (Wagner 2007, pp. 38–39) and highlights the great commission’s mandate to change the community by occupying the seven mountains of influence: arts and entertainment, business, education, family, government, media, and religion (Wagner 2007, pp. 46–47). Wagner follows the argument of Christian Reconstructionists, who based their theology on Genesis 1:26–28 (McVicar 2016), and includes Matthew 28:18–20 in the argument. This view is close to Pinnock and Brown’s (1998, p. 236) view of affirming “the possibility of personal and social transformation within history.” Therefore, holding these peaks of influence enables Christians to bring about change and social transformation, reflecting Christian values in the community (nation).

The “Kingdom Now” theology manifested itself in Zambia with the rise of Frederick Chiluba and Nevers Mumba to the office of the presidency and deputy presidency. This political occupation led Frederick Chiluba to later declare Zambia a Pentecostal Christian country. This theology was also evident in Malawi’s former president, Lazarus Chakwera, also a Pentecostal. As a Pentecostal, he participates in AU activities and programmes, as heads of member states address and reflect on the third aspiration of the AU vision 2063, namely, “An Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law.”

In Nigeria, Pentecostal leaders presented the message of the gospel with the socio-economic–political aim of bringing a transformation in the lives of ordinary Pentecostal church members (Wariboko 2014, p. 35). In Ghana, several Pentecostals are members of parliament (Quayesi-Amakye 2015, p. 646). Gathogo (2013, pp. 212, 215) mentions that Pentecostals have emerged to influence current socio-political spheres in Kenya during the era of president Mwai Kibaki.

Recently, in South Africa, the One South Africa movement (OSA) of Mmusi Maimane placed some Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders to contest the 2021 South Africa local government elections as independent candidates (Khumalo 2021). Nationally, they are part of the sixth political group, with thirty-one percent (31%) of votes, after the African National Congress (ANC), Democratic Alliance (DA), Economic Freedom Fighter (EFF), and Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) (Khumalo 2021). New developments are that Jacob Zuma’s uMkhonto we Sizwe Party (MKP), Frank Chikane’s African National Congress (ANC), Kennth Meshoe’s African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP), and Mmusi Maimane’s Build One South Africa (BOSA) claim to have voters from Pentecostal and Charismatic churches (A. M. M. Mzondi 2024a).

Additionally, Linda Gobodo (Vuka Africa Foundation n.d.) and some Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders positioned and touted the former chief justice, Mogoeng Mogoeng, as one of the leaders to contest for the presidency in the South African 2024 national election (Madisa 2021; Njamela 2022). These also promote and support the positioning of Pentecostal–Charismatic leaders for political leadership roles on the continent.

Pentecostals have also been associated with negative tendencies of good governance. Clarke (2013, p. 180) pointed to promoting absolute regimes and dictators through the efforts of the Pentecostal movement. Quayesi-Amakye (2015, p. 647) mentions that Pentecostals supported Banda’s authoritarian rule in Malawi. Chiluba’s decision to declare Zambia a Christian nation did not clear him from later accusations of poor governance and autocratic rule. Jacob Zuma, an ordained honorary pastor among Pentecostal–Charismatic Churches in South Africa, is also accused of poor governance and corruption, and a section of Pentecostal–Charismatic pastors supported him and claimed these accusations were a spiritual attack (Van Wyk 2019, p. 120). In addition, McCauley (2015, p. 837) mentions several scholars who accuse Pentecostals of promoting undemocratic praxis, namely, refusing LGBTQI+ community their rights, supporting autocratic leaders, and promoting ethic violence and wars. Sewapa’s (2019) study of the Grace Bible Church in Soweto, South Africa, provides a lived experience of how members of the LGBTIQ+ are treated. Akua’s study (Akua 2007, pp. 626–29) mention incidents from financial mismanagement to illegal money transactions and transfers within Nigerian Pentecostals churches. He also mentions that many Pentecostal–Charismatic Churches in Cameroon operate illegally (Akua 2007, pp. 628–31). The Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL commission) highlighted the commercialisation of religion and illegal operation, as many of these churches register but do not comply with the NPO ACT regulations in South Africa (Banda 2019, pp. 5–6).

5. Ubuntu Pentecostalism and Cultural Identity, Values, and Ethics

The annual celebration of Africa day on 25 May in every member state points to enhancing and promoting the fifth aspiration of AU’s Agenda 2063: “Africa with a strong cultural identity, a common heritage, values and ethics.” However, it is common for African Pentecostals to distance themselves from their African culture and customs, as they perceive them as demonic and backward due to the influence of Western missionaries who did not accept African traditions and practices they did not understand (McCain 2012, p. 4). The teaching of missionaries is further observed among African Pentecostals, who are caught between observing African traditions and embracing the following message some current African Pentecostal pastors convey:

turn your back on your traditional culture and step into a new culture of empowerment by the Spirit, a culture of freeing experience with God, who desires and empowers you for a new and better future.

(Myers 2015, p. 116)

This is a phenomenon that was observed in the era of Frederick Chiluba, who promoted Western culture and demonised African culture. However, there are Pentecostals who have denounced missionary worship styles and embraced African dance and instruments in their worship (McCain 2012, p. 4). They consciously embrace their African cultural identity and values, like Jacob Zuma’s deliberate elevation of his isiZulu culture, customs, and practices. This practice introduces the phenomenon of African Pentecostal Worship (APW), described as focusing on personal and interpersonal interaction and social interaction with God as the centre (Vondey 2012, p. 149). It further highlights the intention to acknowledge that being Pentecostal does not make one cease to be an African. Nel (2016, p. 7) adds that African Pentecostal Worship (APW) presents a means of contextualising the message of the gospel in the quest to seek a cultural and spiritual expression that demonstrates freedom, as it allows the participants to seek God and ask for prayers. It also uses music to prepare the participants to experience spiritual freedom and an encounter with God among other worshippers (Udok and Odunuga 2016, p. 57). In South Africa, Pentecostal–Charismatics differentiate hand clapping that honours God from one that honours ancestors. Hand clapping that honours God is performed by clapping hands above one’s head to differentiate it from hand clapping that honours ancestors, performed with elbows on one’s hip/waist and hands stretched horizontal.

Some Pentecostal leaders also argue for an identity that promotes individual and community transformation among congregants. Menash Otabil, of the International Central Gospel Church (ICGC), uses an Afrocentric approach to present his messages and teaching that stirs believers to accept and celebrate their African identity (Osinulu 2017, p. 12). His approach concretises the view that “the Bible is a source of new being and transformed identity, the promise of a new life and a new better future today” (Myers 2015, p. 117). This approach resonates with other efforts of claiming to correct the history about Christianity in Africa. To this, Kalu (2008, pp. 191–92) adds the following:

The ordinary Pentecostal in Africa is less concerned with modernity and globalization and more focused on a renewed relationship with God, intimacy with the transcendental, empowerment by the Holy Spirit and protection in the blood of Jesus as the person struggles to eke out a viable life in a hostile environment.

Ubuntu’s values of caring and sharing are reflected in some of the actions and activities of some African Pentecostals during the COVID-19 pandemic, as township Pentecostal pastors cared for and supported each other (A. M. M. Mzondi 2022b, pp. 10–11). The work of Joshua Banda in HIV and AIDS reflects efforts to engage in the promotion of human rights and justice through his church’s HIV and AIDS prevention and care and support programmes (Kaunda 2016, p. 71). On the contrary, many people across the continent and other parts of the world attend T B Joshua’s Church of All Nations prayer and deliverance sessions from HIV and AIDS and other diseases, where they are taught to use his anointed water and oil (Amanze 2013, pp. 8–9).

Three influential Pentecostal churches in Nigeria, namely, Deeper Life Bible Church, Living Faith Church, and the Redeemed Christian Church of God, contribute to the process of transforming society through their various programmes ranging from education to care for the needy (Akanbi and Beyers 2017, pp. 4–5). Pype’s (2012) study of Pentecostalism in DRC highlights that Pentecostals brought a transformation in Kinshasa. Myers’ (2015, p. 1) work classifies these practices as “Progressive Pentecostalism”, which he describes as follows:

A new expression of Pentecostalism arose that was distinguished by a combination of Pentecostal worship, aggressive evangelism, and grassroots efforts to provide education, health services and other relief, and development ministries.

Interestingly, from the above discussion, “Progressive Pentecostalism” appears to be an east, central, and southern African phenomenon. Myers’ (2015, p. 1) “Progressive Pentecostalism” view resonates with Mashau and Kgatle’s (2019, p. 7) argument for a Pentecostal praxis that reflects Ubuntu, displayed through the theologies of care, solidarity, hope and accompaniment, life, and economic justice.

6. Summary

This article used Clarke’s reflection as a basis to engage with how African Pentecostals praxis on the continent supports or conflicts with the third and fifth aspirations of the AU’s Agenda 2063, since it seems that they are either not aware that the seven Agenda 2063 aspirations exist or simply ignore them. The reflections used Ubuntu Pentecostalism as a means and built on Pan-Africanism, with Ethiopianism as the basis of Ubuntu Pentecostalism in Africa. This form Pentecostalism is holistic and promotes the involvement of Pentecostals in addressing the socio-economic–political conditions of believers, just like attaining the seven aspirations in the AU’s Agenda 2063. The article shows that some praxes of identified Pentecostals and Charismatics in sub-Saharan regions do harmonise with the third and fifth aspirations, whilst some praxes conflict with the two aspirations.