The Mediatization of Religion: How Digital-Age Film and Television Reshape Interfaith Experiences

Abstract

This article employs the theoretical framework of religious mediatization and a philosophical–anthropological lens to examine how various religious traditions utilize audiovisual media in the digital age to disseminate their faith and transform the religious experience. By comparing representative film and television cases from Christianity, Islam, and Eastern religions, the study analyzes how digital media reconstruct religious narratives, ritual practices, and identity, and facilitate cross-cultural faith exchange in online spaces. The findings indicate that audiovisual media have become a key arena for contemporary religious practice: they reinforce believers’ identity within their tradition while enabling different faith communities to encounter each other’s narratives, generating new understanding and spiritual experiences. Meanwhile, digital media have fostered virtual religious communities and a fan culture reminiscent of “implicit religion” (secular activities imbued with religious-like devotion), challenging traditional religious authority. Finally, from an interdisciplinary perspective, this article reflects on the opportunities and challenges of religious mediatization in the digital era, highlighting how media shape humanity’s quest for meaning and transcendence in a “liquid modernity” context. It also calls for deeper research into interreligious digital communication.

1. Introduction

Contemporary processes of secularization and globalization, coupled with the rapid development of digital technology, are profoundly shaping new dynamics in religious communication. All major religious traditions, to varying degrees, are being influenced by mediatization—the increasing role of media in social and cultural processes. In recent years, this issue has attracted multidisciplinary scholarly attention, yielding numerous studies on the interaction between digital media and religion. For example, Korpics et al. (2023) examined the impact of online social networks on the cohesion of traditional religious communities, and found that online connections (e.g., Facebook groups) can indeed strengthen offline communal bonds (Korpics et al. 2023). Stępniak (2023) investigated how the sacred is communicated through digital-age advertising and how religious meanings are conveyed through commercial media in the digital age. Weng and Halafoff (2020) analyzed Australian news media’s framing of religious diversity, illustrating that media narratives significantly shape public perceptions of different faiths, often by framing minority groups (especially Muslims) as “the other”. Bastien (2020) discussed the infiltration of media logic into domains including politics, religion, and science. Furthermore, Sbardelotto (2016) observed that in the network era, religious phenomena have developed new forms of temporality, spatiality, and ritual, making contemporary religiosity more pluralistic and complex. In fact, over the past decade, the field of “digital religion” has matured into a robust area of study (Campbell 2013; Lövheim and Hjarvard 2019; Evolvi 2021). Scholars have proposed comprehensive frameworks to understand how online and offline faith blend together. For instance, Campbell’s concept of “networked religion” highlights that religious practice now often spans multiple media platforms and blurs the distinction between virtual and real-life worship (Campbell 2012, 2013). Recent overview studies reinforce that digital media are reshaping core aspects of religion—from identity and community to authority and ritual (Lövheim and Hjarvard 2019; Evolvi 2021). Moreover, the latest research explores these issues in diverse cultural contexts, extending beyond the West. For example, research on China shows that online platforms are reshaping the dissemination of religious beliefs (Vala and Huang 2019; Lim 2020). Collectively, these works indicate that the “mediatization of religion” has become an essential perspective for understanding the contemporary religious landscape.

Nevertheless, in today’s hyper-connected digital environment, many new questions warrant further exploration. For instance, do different faith traditions adopt distinct strategies and exhibit different impacts when engaging with digital media? Does media convergence blur the boundaries of religious experience? What challenges might this pose to traditional religious authority and the authenticity of faith?

To address these issues, this article centers on how film and television in the digital age shape faith experiences across different religious contexts. It explores similarities and differences in mediatized narratives across various religious cultures, and examines the role of digital audiovisual media in interreligious communication. Digital streaming platforms enable religious visual content to transcend geographic and cultural boundaries, bringing new opportunities and new problems: on the one hand, global audiences can encounter the religious stories of others through film and derive spiritual insight; on the other hand, the logic of commercial media may lead to the simplification or distortion of religious information. In light of this background, this study combines theoretical reflection with a document-based comparative case analysis of secondary sources (film/TV texts and published materials). It first clarifies the concept of “religious mediatization” and its philosophical–anthropological dimensions (Section 2.1 and Section 2.2). Next, it outlines the research design and methodology (Section 2.3), explaining the comparative case study approach adopted. It then provides a comparative analysis of representative film/television cases from Christianity, Islam, and Eastern traditions (Section 3). Finally, an integrated discussion examines how religious mediatization reshapes faith experiences (Section 4), and the article concludes with directions for future research (Section 5).

2. Theoretical Background

2.1. Mediatization Theory and Digital Religion

Working definition of “religion.” Drawing on Durkheim, Geertz, and Asad, we adopt a broad, pragmatic operationalization of “religion”: any phenomenon that offers a transcendent orientation, ritualized practices, and forms of communal belonging. This spectrum includes para-religious expressions relevant to mediatization debates.

From a communication theory perspective, modern media have become increasingly embedded in religious practice and imagination. According to Hjarvard (2008), media institutions and logics are now interwoven with social sectors, including religion, sometimes supplanting certain functions of traditional religious institutions. In this article, we use mediatization to mean the infusion of media logics—i.e., institutional and technological principles such as formatting, commercialization, acceleration, and algorithmic distribution—into religious communication and practice, making media a structural condition for how religion is organized, represented, and experienced. Building on this framework, Hjarvard later argued that media operate as relatively autonomous institutions that condition religion’s public presence, making mediatization a structural condition of contemporary faith (Hjarvard 2013). In other words, mass media and digital platforms—by providing religious-themed content—have become new channels through which religious symbols and experiences are constructed and disseminated. Scholars have observed this mediatization process across various contexts (Lövheim 2014). In Western societies, for example, news coverage of religion and religious elements in popular culture largely shape the public’s understanding of faith, often more so than direct participation in worship (Hoover 2006; Hjarvard 2013). Each religious tradition has followed its own trajectory of mediatization. Christianity, for instance, has long used new communication technologies—from the printing press and radio to film—to spread the gospel. The 20th century saw the rise of televangelism and biblical epic films, and now online streaming of worship services. In recent years, Islam has witnessed numerous online preachers and “religious influencers” who expand the global Muslim community via platforms like YouTube and Instagram. Likewise, Eastern traditions such as Buddhism and Hinduism leverage documentaries, feature films, and social media to share their teachings and culture with international audiences. Buddhist monks offer live-streamed Dharma talks (Han 2022), and Hindu gurus upload sermon videos for followers worldwide (Meena et al. 2020). These developments illustrate that media have become an indispensable conduit for religious communication in the contemporary era. Empirical research reinforces the ubiquity of this trend. For example, Weng and Halafoff’s (2020) study of Australian media found that news outlets often frame religious topics as controversial or sensational, “othering” minority faith groups (especially Muslims) and influencing public perceptions. In short, media do not merely transmit religious information; they actively shape modern religious experience and societal perceptions of religion. Recent scholarship also revisits the mediatization of religion, raising issues such as how we define “religion” in a media-saturated context and how religious authority shifts under mediatization—themes our case findings will later address (Lövheim and Lundmark 2019).

Over the past decade, scholars have further expanded the mediatization theory of religion to provide a more nuanced understanding. Hjarvard (2013), for example, elaborates that mediatization involves the infusion of media logics into religious practice—meaning that the institutional and technological principles of the media (such as entertainment formats, speed of communication, and market-driven content) increasingly condition how religion is communicated and experienced. In this expanded view, media are not just channels for disseminating faith; they become agents of religious change in their own right, reconfiguring how religious authority, rituals, and beliefs are produced and accessed. Moreover, recent reviews of the field (Lövheim and Hjarvard 2019) highlight critical debates surrounding mediatization. One key discussion is how deeply media influence religious authority and community structures, and scholars emphasize the importance of situating mediatization within broader social processes (like secularization, globalization, and individualization) rather than treating media influence in isolation. At the same time, some critics caution against a one-size-fits-all or overly deterministic application of mediatization theory (Llano Linares 2016). For instance, early mediatization research had potential Eurocentric biases—built largely on Western case studies—and calls for examining how mediatization operates in diverse cultural and religious contexts (Llano Linares 2016). Additionally, there are ongoing debates about how “religion” itself is defined in mediatization studies (with questions of whether scholars focus too narrowly on institutional religion versus everyday spirituality) and whether the media’s role is described too strongly (as an all-powerful force) in certain accounts. By engaging with these developments and critiques, we clarify that mediatization is a complex, evolving concept: media not only disseminate religious content but can structurally transform religious life, although their impact may vary across different societies and traditions. This theoretical depth provides a solid foundation for our analysis, underlining why examining religion through a mediatization lens is fruitful.

In discussing mediatization, it is useful to introduce the concept of “digital religion.” Digital religion refers to the migration and extension of religious practice into the realm of digital technology, where virtual spaces increasingly interweave with offline religious life (Campbell 2012). Digital media provide new arenas for religious expression, blurring the lines between the virtual and the real (Campbell 2012, 2013). In fact, Campbell (2013) further describes how online and offline faith form a “networked religion”—a hybrid of internet-enabled and traditional practices defined by multi-site participation and community without walls. In practice, we now see online prayer meetings, virtual religious courses, and even computer-generated sacred spaces. For example, the Catholic Church live-streams Mass so that the faithful, regardless of location, can participate “in sync” with the liturgy; Muslim pilgrims have started using virtual reality (VR) to experience a simulated Hajj to Mecca; Buddhist meditation apps and YouTube videos guide users in mindfulness practices at any time and place. These developments demonstrate that digital media have become a new stage for religious experience. On the one hand, such technologies greatly facilitate religious participation; on the other hand, they prompt debates over the authenticity or efficacy of “online religion” (Helland 2005). Scholars have asked whether participating through a screen can be as genuine or as binding as an in-person ritual (Helland 2005). Overall, the concept of digital religion highlights both continuity and change in faith traditions during the digital age: as digital religion scholars observe, communities now transcend former temporal and spatial limits via online platforms (Campbell 2013), yet they must also adapt to the norms and vernacular of Internet culture. In this process, religious phenomena acquire new temporalities, spatial configurations, material forms, and modes of discourse (Sbardelotto 2016), which in turn give rise to novel rituals and practices and render the nature of “the religious” more diverse and complex (Sbardelotto 2016; Lövheim and Lundmark 2019). These insights offer important clues for understanding how contemporary religions adapt themselves within a media-saturated environment (Hjarvard 2013).

Beyond Lyden’s claim that popular cinema can operate as “implicit religion” by supplying myth and ritual functions outside formal institutions (Lyden 2003), three well-established strands structure the religion-and-film field. First, a myth/ritual–ideology approach treats films as modern mythic performances that encode social values (Martin and Ostwalt 1995). Second, theology–film dialogue reads cinema as a locus for theological reflection and spiritual formation, arguing that films can both echo and interrogate doctrinal themes (Johnston 2000). Third, an audience/reception orientation highlights how viewers negotiate meaning and religious experience in situated contexts (Wright 2007). Taken together—and in conversation with broader accounts of religion in a media age (Hoover 2006)—these strands complement a mediatization perspective by clarifying how screen narratives, quasi-ritual viewing practices, and audience communities are reconfigured by media logics (seriality, platform circulation, data-driven reach). This framework underwrites our later analysis of narrative–ritual reshaping and interfaith reception in digitally distributed film and television.

2.2. Cross-Cultural and Philosophical–Anthropological Perspectives

To deepen our understanding of religious mediatization, we also consider perspectives from social philosophy and philosophical anthropology, which address broader cultural shifts and fundamental human needs. Sociologist Zygmunt Bauman (2000) proposed the concept of “liquid modernity” to describe our era as one of fluidity and uncertainty, in which traditional stable structures (including religious authority) have loosened or dissolved. In such a context, individuals have greater autonomy and flexibility in choosing or changing their identities and beliefs, and the quest for meaning becomes a highly individualized project. However, an age of uncertainty often breeds anxiety and a sense of meaninglessness—people yearn for new sources of spiritual support. Religious content provided by media can thus become an important resource for personal meaning-making when the voice of institutional religion grows fainter. As traditional authorities lose their monopolistic hold on moral and metaphysical interpretation, films and television series that incorporate religious themes may fill part of the void, offering popular yet meaningful explorations of questions about good and evil, salvation, and transcendence. For example, a feature film or TV drama with moral and redemptive themes can give audiences an accessible framework to reflect on ethical and existential issues, in effect acting as an informal theologian for the masses.

At the same time, technological development profoundly influences the way we think about humanity and spirituality. Sanguinetti (2023), in discussing “techno-humanism,” argues that as digital technology permeates human life, our values and forms of spirituality evolve in response. From wearable devices that assist in meditation to algorithmic recommendation systems that shape our consumption of religious content, technology is not only changing the external forms of religious practice but also subtly reshaping the content of belief and the texture of religious experience. The mediatization of religion in the digital age is unfolding within this dynamic interplay of technology and humanity, raising deeper questions of meaning that call for philosophical reflection.

Here, we treat “mediation” as a heuristic for thinking about how religious meaning travels through forms. Scholarship on religion and media has shown that religious images, sounds, and narratives routinely do public “work” as mediators that connect communities to the transcendent (Morgan 2011; Hoover 2006). In this sense, contemporary media are not neutral pipes but culturally embedded mediations that shape how the sacred becomes sensible in late modern life. Echoing McLuhan’s religious reflections, the “medium” itself conditions reception and practice (McLuhan 1999), which clarifies why mediatization can coincide with processes of re-enchantment in popular culture (Partridge 2005). Notably, religion itself can be reconceived as a form of mediation that bridges the human and the divine. In this sense, when faith is communicated through modern media, those channels become more than neutral tools; they function as conduits carrying transcendent messages. Some scholars even suggest that using contemporary media to spread spiritual teachings continues an age-old pattern of conveying the “Word” through new forms, rather than representing a rupture in religious expression. In other words, mediatization may be seen as a continuity in how the sacred is expressed, not merely a secular innovation. Indeed, mediatization may even be incubating a kind of re-enchantment in contemporary society. Max Weber once feared that rationalization would lead to a “disenchantment of the world,” stripping it of mystery and meaning (Weber 1946). Yet in an age saturated with media, could the pervasive religious narratives in popular culture reawaken the public’s religious imagination and concern for the transcendent? In other words, might mediatization facilitate a new re-enchantment of the world (Partridge 2005; Hjarvard 2008)? This question invites contemplation.

Philosophical anthropology, which examines the nature of human existence, further highlights humanity’s enduring need for meaning and belief. The Spanish philosopher José Ortega y Gasset argued that people rely on beliefs as orienting frameworks for navigating the world, providing meaning and direction to life (Ortega y Gasset 1970). For most of history, religion was the primary vehicle providing such meaning and addressing ultimate concerns. Today, some of that role is being transferred into the realm of media. When religious narratives are disseminated via films and other mass media, audiences from different cultural backgrounds may integrate those narratives into their own frameworks of meaning. This integration can transcend denominational boundaries and foster new forms of spiritual identification across cultures. For instance, a viewer with no religious upbringing might be deeply moved by a film’s spiritual themes and find personal resonance in its message, perhaps even developing an interest in or affinity for the faith portrayed. In this sense, media serve as intermediaries of meaning: they connect diverse audiences with religious ideas, enabling new forms of spiritual exchange and shared experience. Religious mediatization can therefore be viewed as one expression of humanity’s ongoing quest for transcendent meaning in a technological age.

Methodologically, this study adopts an interdisciplinary approach—it brings together communication theory on mediatization, insights from religious studies on faith phenomena, and perspectives from philosophical anthropology on humanity’s ultimate concerns. Using this multi-faceted framework, we proceed with a comparative case analysis to examine the implications of religious mediatization in the digital age. With this theoretical foundation in place, the next step is to clarify the study’s methodology before turning to an analysis of specific cases. The following section outlines our research design and data sources, after which we examine the cases across different religious traditions.

2.3. Methodology and Case Selection

This study employs a comparative case study approach to explore how digital-age film and television shape religious experience across multiple traditions. This is a document-based comparative case study that relies exclusively on secondary sources; it involves close reading and discourse analysis of the audiovisual texts and publicly available materials, with no new primary data collection (e.g., fieldwork or audience surveys). We deliberately selected one prominent example each from Christian, Islamic, and Eastern religious contexts—specifically, The Chosen, Diriliş: Ertuğrul, and OMG: Oh My God!, supplemented by the Netflix series Headspace Guide to Meditation to represent a contemporary spiritual movement. These cases were chosen for their significant impact and diversity: each achieved considerable popularity and cross-cultural reach, and together they illustrate different traditions engaging with digital media. By focusing on a small number of in-depth cases rather than a broad survey, we aim to highlight illustrative patterns in mediatization. Our criteria for selection included global viewership (each case attracted international audiences), cultural significance, and relevance to interfaith or cross-cultural exchange (as hinted by the comparative intent in our Introduction). In this way, the cases serve as strategic exemplars of how various religions use digital media to disseminate faith and how audiences respond.

3. Case Analysis

3.1. Christian Case: The Chosen

Background and Content: The Chosen is a multi-season drama series produced by an American team, depicting the life of Jesus Christ and his disciples. Unlike traditional Bible films, this series was independently produced through a crowdfunding model and distributed globally via streaming platforms. Since its debut in 2019, The Chosen has become a phenomenon in Christian media. Notably, it is reportedly the largest crowdfunded TV project to date (as reported by producers/outlets), raising over USD 10 million for its first season and about USD 30 million for the second and third seasons combined (PR Newswire 2019; Jurgensen 2021). The series has been made available with subtitles or dubbing in over 50 languages (including Mandarin), and the producers plan to translate it into as many as 600 languages to reach an estimated 95% of the world’s population (CBN News 2024; Seariac 2024; MacInnis 2024). This unprecedented multilingual rollout has enabled The Chosen to garner a broad audience across continents.

Mediatized Narrative Features: In terms of storytelling, The Chosen remains faithful to the core Gospel accounts while using modern television narrative techniques to develop its characters, making figures from two millennia ago more relatable to contemporary viewers. For example, the series gives detailed attention to the personalities and growth of disciples like Peter and Matthew, portraying them as real individuals with flaws, doubts, and even humor. Such characterization brings these “saints” down to earth, closing the emotional distance between modern audiences and the biblical story. The writers also introduce scenes and backstories not detailed in Scripture (without straying from fundamental doctrine) to enrich the narrative. For example, The Chosen extends biblical narratives by imagining Mary Magdalene’s life after her exorcism and delves into Matthew’s inner conflict as a tax collector, adding depth to both characters. Visually, the series features cinematic-quality production values: authentic sets and costumes meticulously recreate first-century Palestine, and a musical score infused with Middle Eastern motifs enhances the immersive atmosphere. The cinematography strikes a balance between reverence and warmth. When Jesus performs miracles or delivers teachings, the camera work and lighting emphasize his compassion and authority, imparting a sense of awe and spiritual uplift. Crucially, The Chosen leverages modern media channels to engage with its audience. The production team actively connects with viewers on social media, sharing behind-the-scenes content and hosting a companion podcast to discuss theological questions raised by each episode. They also encourage the formation of global online fan communities—dubbed “virtual discipleship” groups—where viewers host watch parties and share personal reflections. This strategy has cultivated a virtual religious community around the show, making viewers feel like active participants in a shared faith journey. In sum, The Chosen exemplifies a sophisticated blend of religious tradition with contemporary media form, achieving a new level of religious mediatization.

Interfaith Appeal and Global Impact: Although The Chosen is grounded in a Christian context, its humane storytelling and universal themes have allowed it to transcend denominational boundaries and attract a diverse international viewership. Surveys by the producers indicate that roughly one-third of the show’s viewers are not Christians (Crosswalk 2024; Foust and Hobbs 2024). Many viewers from other religious backgrounds, or with no faith background, have reported being deeply moved by the Jesus portrayed in the series and by his teachings; some have even commented that “this show sparked my interest in Jesus and Christianity” (Wise 2024). This suggests that film and television can function as a form of soft evangelization, conveying the message of the Gospel to audiences who might not otherwise be exposed to it. As of 2024, The Chosen had been streamed more than 500 million times and seen by over 100 million people worldwide (Klett 2024). Its popularity has given rise to a cross-cultural, networked devotional community around the series. Recent peer-reviewed work using Q-methodology shows that many fans explicitly use The Chosen for spiritual growth, online fellowship, and identity formation—patterns consistent with forms of “digital discipleship” (Boyle et al. [2024] 2025). Theologically oriented reception studies likewise document devotional uses and debates around the show in evangelical contexts (Rodríguez Fernández 2024). In these forums, Christians from different denominations—and even some non-Christians—participate together, discussing the characters and biblical teachings featured in the series. In doing so, they create a grassroots platform for interfaith exchange, where people come to understand each other’s beliefs through a common narrative rather than formal theological debate. Overall, the success of The Chosen demonstrates that audiovisual media can overcome the usual limits of religious communication, delivering a resonant faith experience to a broad audience and stimulating conversations about belief and values in the digital public sphere. In fact, its cross-cultural reach appears to surpass that of prior religious media efforts, engaging viewers from markedly different backgrounds on an unprecedented scale (Evolvi 2021).

3.2. Islamic Case: Diriliş: Ertuğrul (Resurrection: Ertuğrul)

Background and Content: Diriliş: Ertuğrul is a Turkish historical epic series (2014–2019) that dramatizes the legend of Ertuğrul Ghazi, a 13th-century figure revered as a forefather of the Ottoman Empire. The series weaves together fervent Islamic faith themes with Turkish national mythology. It premiered in Turkey on the state-run TRT channel and quickly became a domestic ratings phenomenon. The Turkish government actively promoted it as a cultural export; in 2017, Netflix acquired international streaming rights and released the series globally with English subtitles (The Guardian 2020), catapulting it onto the world stage (Subramanian 2020). By the end of its run, Ertuğrul had been translated or dubbed into multiple languages and was being broadcast via Netflix or local TV stations in 70+ countries across South Asia (The Guardian 2020), the Middle East, Latin America, and beyond. Turkish officials hailed the series as a triumph of cultural diplomacy—President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan praised it for aligning with Turkey’s initiative to revive its Islamic heritage, and in 2019, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan publicly recommended Ertuğrul, applauding it for promoting “true Islamic values”. When Pakistan’s state television began airing an Urdu-dubbed version on YouTube during Ramadan 2020, the channel quickly amassed nearly 10 million subscribers and over 1.7 billion views of the episodes (Subramanian 2020). Pakistani viewers alone accounted for roughly 25% of Ertuğrul’s global YouTube audience, making Pakistan one of its largest overseas markets. The Ertuğrul fever then spread across Central and South Asia. The series not only dominated online streaming charts but also became a communal viewing event in many households, earning nicknames like “the Muslim world’s favorite drama” and “the Muslim Game of Thrones,” as it satisfied audiences’ appetite for heroic epics infused with religious pride (Subramanian 2020).

Mediatized Narrative Features: As a historical drama, Ertuğrul imbues a tale of martial heroism with a deep-seated religious ethos. The protagonist, Ertuğrul, is portrayed as a devout Muslim and a man of high moral character and leadership. He leads his Turkic tribe through ordeals against Crusaders, Byzantines, and Mongol invaders, demonstrating not only martial prowess but also an unwavering reliance on and submission to God’s will. The series frequently portrays characters engaged in prayer and spiritual reflection: before battle, Ertuğrul and his alps (warriors) recite verses from the Qur’an, seeking Allah’s protection; when facing difficult decisions, Ertuğrul prays alone for divine guidance. These scenes underscore how deeply faith is integrated into the characters’ motivations and the narrative’s moral universe. The show’s imagery is rich with Islamic elements—from Sufi whirling ceremonies to the invocation of the shahada (Islamic creed) at pivotal moments—supported by a stirring musical score that blends traditional Turkish music with epic orchestration. Through meticulous costume and set design, viewers are immersed in the lifeways of 13th-century Turkic Muslims: we see everything from modest headscarves and tribal jewelry to qadis (judges) resolving disputes according to sharia. In the drama’s central conflicts, religious values drive characters’ decisions and bind the community together. Ertuğrul often invokes Qur’anic principles to counsel his followers to act justly and remain steadfast; even when facing powerful enemies, he reminds them to trust in Allah’s plan. When his tribe teeters on the verge of fragmentation, he rallies everyone under the banner of Islam, calling for unity in a righteous struggle (jihad) against oppressors. These elements position Islamic ideals as the core of the heroes’ strength and the glue of their community, giving the rousing adventure story an edifying, almost sermon-like quality. This approach not only heightens the drama’s appeal but also reinforces Muslim viewers’ sense of identity and collective pride. Indeed, many viewers reported that watching Ertuğrul felt like reliving a glorious chapter of Islamic history, from which they drew spiritual inspiration and a renewed pride in their heritage.

Interfaith Reception and Global Impact: The fervor surrounding Ertuğrul in the Muslim world has been unprecedented for a non-Arabic religious-themed drama. In Pakistan, for example, the show’s Urdu-dubbed version became a cultural sensation: millions tuned in daily on television and YouTube, and “Ertuğrul” became a trending word on Pakistani social media. Some young fans even adopted the names of their favorite characters as online handles and recreated the characters’ costumes in viral videos. Local commentators observed that the series rekindled the historical imagination of Muslim youth, awakening in a new generation a longing for the valor and unity of Islam’s golden age and strengthening their sense of Muslim identity. Viewers who previously knew little about Ottoman history found themselves both entertained and educated, gaining pride in their religious heritage. Ertuğrul also reached many non-Muslim audiences. Through Netflix and other platforms, Western viewers and those in non-Muslim-majority countries began watching the series—some driven by curiosity about Turkish dramas, others seeking to learn about Islamic culture and medieval history. Audience research in non-Muslim contexts—including a study of American viewers of Turkish dramas—indicates that exposure to Turkish series can prompt reassessment of prior stereotypes and foster greater cultural curiosity (Baloğlu and Artz 2024). This dynamic is unsurprising given robust evidence that Western news coverage has often framed Islam negatively over the past two decades (Ahmed and Matthes 2017), which helps explain why narrative counter-images such as Diriliş: Ertuğrul may have a corrective effect for some viewers. For these viewers, the series offered a more nuanced, humanized portrayal of Muslims, broadening their understanding of Islamic civilization. In this sense, the show functioned as a form of informal cultural diplomacy, bridging cultural divides and serving as a subtle form of interfaith education.

In contrast, the expanding influence of Ertuğrul also provoked controversy in certain parts of the Muslim world. In the Middle East, geopolitical rivalries colored the show’s reception. Around 2018, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates reportedly banned Ertuğrul, viewing it as Turkish propaganda aimed at reviving Ottoman influence—a threat to their own preferred historical narratives (Hoodbhoy 2020). Egypt’s state religious authority (Dar al-Ifta) likewise issued a fatwa in 2018 condemning the series, accusing Turkey of using popular media to “create an area of influence” and warning that dramatizing Islamic history could mislead viewers (Hoodbhoy 2020). Within Islamic scholarly circles, some conservative clerics were uneasy about the show’s creative liberties in depicting revered historical figures. They argued that portraying early Islamic heroes for entertainment risks distorting historical truth and showing disrespect, cautioning that audiences might blur the line between fiction and history; a few even advised believers not to be “misled” by the fictional narrative. These reactions underscore the complex terrain an Islamic-themed media product must navigate globally: on one hand, Ertuğrul significantly boosted Turkey’s soft power and was eagerly embraced by mass audiences; on the other hand, from the perspective of certain religious authorities and political actors, the series overstepped boundaries—whether political or doctrinal—thus triggering pushback. Overall, the success of Diriliş: Ertuğrul showcases new possibilities for disseminating Islamic culture and “soft” religiosity through digital media, even as it reminds us to be mindful of the tensions among different stakeholders (viewers, religious institutions, states) in the mediatization of religion.

3.3. Eastern Religion and New Spirituality Cases

To broaden our scope, we turn to examples from Eastern religious contexts and contemporary spiritual movements, examining how they utilize film media in the mediatization process.

Bollywood Satire and Hindu Faith: OMG: Oh My God! (2012) is a Bollywood comedy–drama that provides a case in point from a Hindu cultural setting. The film’s plot centers on an Indian shopkeeper who, after his shop is destroyed in an earthquake, files a legal claim against God and various deities, seeking compensation for his loss. Through its absurd, humorous premise, the Indian film OMG: Oh My God! satirizes various superstitions and the commercialization of religion in Indian society, while also exploring fundamental questions about faith—namely, whether God truly exists and what constitutes proper belief. Although OMG primarily aims to critique religious hypocrisy and champion a more rational approach to faith, its lighthearted, satirical register broadened audience reach with a broad audience. Notably, OMG proved to be both a commercial and critical success in India, while also performing well overseas among Indian diaspora audiences (Koimoi.com 2012). Its satirical yet thoughtful story prompted many viewers to laugh at themselves and reconsider their own religious habits. Critics observed that the film, though irreverent, “has the potential to make one reconsider pious practices and spiritual philosophies” (Malani 2012). In other words, what was entertaining for the masses also encouraged some audience members to introspect about the nature of belief in daily life. In this way, OMG functioned as a form of mass-mediated religious introspection or education, encouraging people to discuss and debate the nature of belief in the public sphere. However, as often happens with works that satirize sensitive religious themes, OMG also sparked controversy. Certain devout individuals and organizations accused the film of blasphemy—arguing that its irreverent portrayal of Hindu gods and flirtation with atheistic ideas were offensive—and some even sought legal action to stop its screening. For example, in 2012 a petitioner in New Delhi filed a complaint alleging that the movie “hurt the religious sentiments of Hindus” by insulting deities and holy scriptures (Press Trust of India 2012). (A local court did ask police to review the claim, though it ultimately refused to ban the film.) This episode revealed stark differences in how audiences interpret the same religiously themed content, as well as the risks filmmakers face when challenging religious norms. In summary, OMG: Oh My God! shows that popular cinema can act as a forum for intra-religious dialogue by bringing faith and practice issues into the mainstream. Yet the film’s reception also illustrated how cultural perspective shapes interpretation: a narrative that inspires constructive self-reflection for some can be perceived as offensive by others.

Mediatized Narrative Features: Across these Eastern and new-spirituality examples, mediatized storytelling performs three recurring functions. First, satire and courtroom-style argumentation (e.g., OMG: Oh My God!) turn abstract theological concerns into everyday moral reasoning, enabling intra-religious critique without academic jargon. Second, instructional formats (e.g., Headspace Guide to Meditation) re-code ritual as wellness practice, privileging short, step-by-step demonstrations optimized for platforms and algorithms. Third, both strands lean on affective accessibility—humor, minimalist visuals, and personal narration—to broaden reach beyond established devotees. Together these features illustrate how Eastern-inflected media often pursue normative clarification (what counts as proper practice) and experiential portability (how practices travel across secular contexts), thereby paralleling—but also diverging from—the Christian and Islamic cases above.

Streaming Spirituality and Secularization: Another illustrative example is the Netflix original series Headspace Guide to Meditation (2021), which exemplifies a recent trend toward secularized spiritual media. This short documentary–animation series, produced by the team behind the popular meditation app Headspace, consists of episodes (~20 min each) that teach the viewer a different meditation technique (Netflix 2021) and then lead them through a guided session. Notably, while this series is rooted in the practice of mindfulness meditation—originating from Buddhist traditions—its presentation is deliberately stripped of overtly religious or doctrinal language. The show employs minimalist animation and a warm, conversational voice-over, framing meditation as a science-backed technique to reduce stress and improve mental focus. The narrator, Andy Puddicombe, is himself a former Buddhist monk, but in the show, he rarely references Buddhist philosophy explicitly. Instead, he explains meditation using terminology from neuroscience and everyday metaphors. For example, he likens training the mind through meditation to “exercise for the brain,” and cites medical research linking mindfulness practice to reduced anxiety and increased well-being. Regarding the practice’s origins, the series makes only brief passing notes (in subtitles or brief comments) that these techniques stem from Burmese and Tibetan Buddhist traditions, though they are given more common names for convenience. This approach effectively strategically abstracts Buddhist-derived techniques from monastic-ethical frames for a secular wellness market, rebranding it as a universal, secular tool for personal wellness. Critics have pointed out that Headspace Guide to Meditation exemplifies how contemporary commercial culture repackages Buddhist-derived practices by removing their explicitly religious elements. The show focuses solely on pragmatic benefits and user-friendly delivery, aligning with Western consumer preferences while omitting the ethical and spiritual frameworks that traditionally accompany such practices. Despite (or perhaps due to) this secular repackaging, the series was extremely well received. Media coverage and public comment threads describe the series as an approachable on-ramp for novices and credit its didactic design for lowering the barrier to first-time practice (Netflix 2021; Willems 2021). While such reactions are anecdotal rather than the result of systematic audience measurement, they are consistent with the show’s instructional format and platform positioning. Before long, a trend of “meditation check-ins” spread among young adults on social media, with users treating their daily Headspace-guided meditation as a new lifestyle habit or wellness challenge.

From a mediatization perspective, Headspace Guide to Meditation shows how a traditional Eastern spiritual practice can enter global popular culture via a digital platform. On the positive side, such exposure facilitates cross-cultural dissemination of spiritual techniques—countless individuals who might never attend a Buddhist class are now practicing mindfulness and reaping its benefits. On the negative side, it raises questions about “de-religionization”: when a spiritual practice is heavily tailored to secular, commercial contexts, is its deeper religious meaning diluted or lost? Scholars like Purser have critiqued the modern mindfulness industry for reducing profound Dharma teachings to a utilitarian wellness commodity, dubbing it “a kind of spiritual soup to lubricate the gears of capitalism” (Purser 2019). Regardless of one’s stance on this issue, the success of Headspace Guide to Meditation indicates that new spiritual ideas can indeed reach a global audience through audiovisual media, shaping cultural trends in the digital environment. Together with the traditional religious cases discussed earlier, it affirms the power of mediatization: whether for age-old faiths or novel spiritual movements, skillful use of film and streaming platforms can bring spiritual content to audiences far beyond the original circle of believers.

As these cases show, both long-established religions and emerging spiritual trends are actively finding ways to engage modern audiences through film and digital media. They share a common goal—to preserve their core spiritual essence while adopting contemporary storytelling styles and distribution channels to broaden their influence. At the same time, each cultural context imparts unique characteristics to its mediatization efforts and faces distinct challenges. In the following discussion, we will synthesize these findings from a cross-cultural perspective and explore the broader implications of digital media for religious practice and experience.

4. Discussion

Building on the case analyses, this section discusses four interrelated themes regarding the impact of digital film and media on contemporary religious faith practices. These themes are as follows: (1) the reinforcement of religious identity through mediatization, (2) interreligious understanding and dialogue facilitated by media, (3) digital spirituality and the emergence of virtual religious communities, and (4) challenges to religious authority and doctrinal interpretation in a mediatized era. Through this discussion, we aim to provide a comprehensive view of the opportunities and challenges that religious mediatization brings.

4.1. Reinforcing Religious Identity Through Media

The first research question posed in our Introduction asked whether different faith traditions adopt distinct strategies and exhibit different impacts when engaging with digital media. Our comparative analysis indicates that they do: each tradition in our study employed a unique approach to digital film/television—from the Christian use of crowdfunding and multi-language streaming in The Chosen, to the state-supported Islamic historical epic Ertuğrul, to the satirical critique of religious practices in the Hindu context with OMG: Oh My God!. These distinct strategies yielded different immediate outcomes (for instance, The Chosen built a global grassroots fan base, while Ertuğrul was leveraged as cultural diplomacy, and OMG sparked socio-religious debate in India). Yet, despite their differences, all three cases showed some common impacts of mediatization. One prominent shared impact was the reinforcement of believers’ religious identity through engaging with media. As an expressive and immersive storytelling medium, film and television have a potent ability to strengthen believers’ identification with their own religious tradition and instill a sense of pride. As the cases illustrate, when religious stories are presented in a viewer’s native language and with modern cinematic techniques, they can evoke powerful feelings of group identity among the faithful and draw them actively into the narrative. During the Ertuğrul craze, for example, Muslim viewers were profoundly moved by the series’ portrayal of Islamic devotion and Ottoman glory. In Pakistan especially, many fans saw the characters’ piety and victories as a proud reflection of their own heritage (Subramanian 2020), describing the viewing experience as a journey to rediscover the honor and unity of Islam’s history. Young viewers found in Ertuğrul a Muslim hero figure they could emulate, which amplified their pride in being Muslim. Media scholars note that such religiously themed shows can create a virtual congregational space where dispersed believers experience communal solidarity through shared narratives (Campbell 2017; Hoover 2006). The serialized drama becomes a supplementary realm for religious life, one where viewers can collectively relive foundational narratives and feel reconnected to the transcendent.

Similarly, in the case of The Chosen, Christian audiences around the world (across various denominations) developed a shared attachment to the show’s depiction of Jesus and the disciples that transcended geographical and denominational boundaries. Many young Christians reported that the series helped them understand biblical stories in a more relatable, contemporary way and deepened their emotional bond with Jesus and his followers. Some who had been indifferent to traditional preaching found their interest in reading the Bible renewed by watching The Chosen. On social media, Christians from different countries engaged in collective discussion and even prayer prompted by the show, effectively forming an online fellowship outside any physical church.

This suggests that mediatization, far from eroding religious identity, can in fact awaken and reinforce it in new forms. In an age of secularization, mass media have become another well from which believers draw nourishment for their faith identity. When a film or series embeds theological themes in a compelling story and embodies faith ideals in charismatic characters, adherents often gain psychological sustenance from it—experiencing affirmation of their values, a bolstered sense of belonging, and even a renewed missionary zeal. As John Lyden (2003) argues, films and other popular culture artifacts can function as “implicit religion,” providing audiences with experiences analogous to ritual and myth that help them make sense of the world. For religious communities, such mediated experiences can complement real-world worship and fellowship, offering additional support for identity and commitment amid “liquid” modern life. In short, when effectively harnessed, mediatization can reinvigorate faith identities and community bonds rather than weaken them.

4.2. Interreligious Understanding and Dialogue

The global circulation of digital media content means that religious narratives today often travel far beyond their original faith communities, reaching viewers of different cultures and beliefs. This creates unprecedented potential for interreligious exposure and informal dialogue.

It is important to distinguish the expansion of distribution from the penetration of mediatization logic: the former concerns platform reach, whereas the latter refers to the institutional and technological principles of media (e.g., entertainment formats, timeliness, algorithmic recommendation, and visualized storytelling) that reshape the very forms and expectations of cross-religious encounters (Hjarvard 2013; Lövheim and Hjarvard 2019). In this article’s terms, digital platforms do not merely “bring narratives into contact”; they also discipline the tempo, affect, and interactional modalities of that contact, thereby constituting new structural conditions for “interfaith dialogue” itself.

On the positive side, the availability of religious-themed films and series across cultural boundaries can foster greater understanding and tolerance among different faith groups. For instance, a significant segment of The Chosen’s viewers have no Christian background, yet report that the series gave them a newfound appreciation for Jesus and the core values of Christianity (Wise 2024). This outsider-looking-in experience can move audiences beyond stereotypes, allowing them to encounter Christian figures in a more humanized, emotionally resonant light. The Chosen’s creators even note receiving messages from agnostics, Hindus, and others saying the show “is changing my life” and has made them “a student of Jesus” despite not being Christian. Such responses illustrate how narrative empathy, rather than direct preaching, can spark genuine interest in Christian teachings among diverse viewers. Similarly, many non-Muslim viewers of Ertuğrul encountered an Islamic culture on-screen defined by spirituality, honor, and compassion—a stark contrast to the monolithic, negative images of Islam they may have known from news media. By seeing devout yet relatable Muslim characters, Western audiences in particular could gain a more nuanced, humanized perspective of Islamic civilization. For example, one 60-year-old American woman was so inspired by Ertuğrul’s depiction of “Islamic values of peace and justice” that she converted to Islam after watching the series (Middle East Monitor 2021). While most cases are not so dramatic, such shifts in perception—fostered by narrative empathy rather than direct preaching—can have a lasting impact on attitudes.

In practice, viewers are also engaging in cross-cultural discussions on online platforms centered around these shows. On fan forums for The Chosen, participants from diverse national and religious backgrounds share their interpretations of episodes and even delve into the underlying biblical passages. Similarly, in YouTube comment sections for Ertuğrul, Western fans frequently ask Muslim viewers questions about historical or religious details and receive thoughtful explanations in return. These grassroots interactions, while not formal interfaith dialogues, humanize “the other” and allow everyday people to learn about a different faith tradition in a relaxed, informal context. Rather than engaging in theological debate, the exchange unfolds through a shared narrative experience that emphasizes universal values—love, bravery, sacrifice, trust in God—resonating across religious boundaries. In this manner, film and television can open up a dialogic space that is more accessible and emotionally engaging than traditional interfaith seminars or academic publications.

Nevertheless, media-facilitated cross-religious communication does not automatically guarantee mutual understanding; it can also breed misunderstandings or even new frictions. There are several reasons for this. First, filmmakers may employ creative liberties or exaggerations for dramatic effect that outsiders misinterpret without the proper context. For example, OMG: Oh My God! uses hyperbole and irreverent humor to critique certain practices within Hinduism. While many viewers (including Hindus) understood it as valid social commentary, more conservative Hindu audiences found the satire offensive and interpreted it as an attack on their faith rather than an internal call for reform. In another case, some international viewers of Ertuğrul might mistake the dramatized narrative for literal history, not realizing the extent of its fictionalization, and thus walk away with a distorted understanding of the Islamic past. Second, audiences bring their own preconceived notions to any media text, which serve as a filter for interpretation of what they see. A viewer harboring strong prejudices may watch a religious series not with an open mind, but rather looking for confirmation of those biases. For instance, a few Western commentators accused Ertuğrul of “glorifying jihad,” interpreting its depiction of defensive warfare against Crusaders as an endorsement of violent holy war. This reaction likely reflects the commentators’ existing anxieties about Islam more than the show’s actual content, which emphasizes justice and the protection of the innocent rather than aggressive conquest. Similarly, someone predisposed to view another religion negatively might cherry-pick elements even from a positive portrayal to validate their fears. These scenarios underscore that media alone cannot overturn deeply entrenched biases; the disposition of the viewer plays a crucial role.

In summary, digital media provide a unique and far-reaching avenue for what we might call “screen-to-screen dialogue” between faith cultures, but it is not a panacea. It has the capacity to be a bridge, allowing millions to indirectly “meet” another religion in their living rooms and potentially fostering empathy. Yet without guidance and a willingness to learn on the part of the audience, it can also reinforce misunderstandings or create new ones. Unlike structured interfaith engagements, media consumption is usually unmediated and subject to individual interpretation. To harness the bridge-building potential of religious media content, complementary efforts might be needed—such as context-setting introductions, discussion guides, or moderated forums—to encourage reflective and respectful viewing.

When approached with openness and supported by context, film and television can indeed contribute to greater interreligious awareness and even sympathy. But it remains only one component of a broader tapestry of interfaith relations. Religious communities and media producers alike might consider how to maximize the empathetic impact of these narrative “dialogues” while mitigating the risks of misinterpretation. Ultimately, while a movie or series cannot substitute for genuine interfaith dialogue, it can prepare hearts and minds for such dialogue by highlighting shared human stories and values across religious lines.

4.3. Digital Spirituality and Virtual Religious Communities

Building on our working definition of “religion” outlined in Section 2, we examine how convergence cultures extend religious practice into digital spaces and hybrid communities.

Our second research question asked whether media convergence is blurring the traditional boundaries of religious experience. The analysis suggests that it is: digital platforms and convergence culture have extended religious practice beyond physical congregations and even beyond faith-specific communities. For example, online streaming and social media allowed worship and fellowship to transcend geography, as seen in The Chosen’s global online “virtual church” of viewers who participate together from different countries. Likewise, transnational fan engagement with Diriliş: Ertuğrul blurred cultural boundaries, drawing diverse audiences (Muslim and non-Muslim) into a shared spiritual-historical narrative online. These cases show how the lines between local and global, and even between one religious group and another, become more fluid in the digital environment. As religious practice increasingly moves into the online sphere, digital media are giving rise to new forms of spiritual expression and community, blurring the boundaries of what counts as religious experience. On one level, established religions have been quick to utilize the internet and social media to maintain and even expand their communities, leading to phenomena such as “online churches,” “virtual temples,” and other forms of worship without walls. This trend became especially prominent during the COVID-19 pandemic around 2020, when physical religious gatherings were curtailed and many faith communities accelerated their shift to online modes (Campbell 2020a, 2020b). Churches began live-streaming Sunday services, Buddhist and Hindu temples organized virtual group meditations and pujas, and mosques hosted iftar get-togethers over Zoom during Ramadan. Through these innovations, believers who were geographically dispersed or socially isolated were still able to participate in rituals, prayers, and religious learning simultaneously. Participants reported that while not identical to in-person experiences, these virtual gatherings provided a meaningful sense of continuity and connection—sustaining the feeling of collective spirituality during a time of physical separation. Such virtual religious communities have proven valuable not only in crises but also in ordinary times. They offer a way for people on the margins (due to location, mobility issues, or personal hesitations) to engage with a faith community. Indeed, as Evolvi (2021) observes, online platforms can create additional layers of religious support by connecting individuals with fellow believers who share similar struggles. This means that virtual groups often provide not only spiritual content but also emotional community, especially when traditional in-person support is out of reach. Some researchers describe the outcome as an “extended religious experience,” arguing that online worship and fellowship can produce psychological and spiritual effects analogous to those of face-to-face gatherings (Hutchings 2017; Helland 2005), albeit through a different medium. In essence, digital technology has opened up boundary-less sanctuaries, allowing religious life to reach into spaces and moments that were previously inaccessible. Of course, challenges remain—for example, the lack of physical presence can diminish the sensory impact of rituals, and maintaining discipline or sacramental integrity online can be difficult. Yet there is no doubt that virtual religious communities have become an integral part of today’s religious landscape. Indeed, the use of various digital tools in the religious and spiritual sphere has measurable impacts and also faces certain barriers, as recent analyses have shown (Izquierdo-Iranzo 2025).

On another level, the digital age has given birth to phenomena that scholars term “implicit religion” or “hyper-real religion”—essentially, quasi-religious communities and practices arising from secular popular culture. Implicit religion, a concept introduced by Edward I. Bailey (1998), refers to secular pursuits that operate in a way similar to religion by providing people with meaning, community, and deep commitment. In our context, such communities often form around entertainment franchises or fandoms, and they exhibit many classic hallmarks of religion in terms of fervor, symbolism, and group cohesion. For example, devoted fan bases of Star Wars, Harry Potter, or the Marvel Cinematic Universe engage in behaviors that border on the devotional: marathon viewing sessions of beloved films (reminiscent of ritual observance), memorization and recitation of iconic lines, collection of memorabilia (akin to sacred relics), and converging at conventions or premieres that carry an atmosphere of pilgrimage or festival. These fan communities develop their own lexicons, creeds, and taboos—insider jargon, accepted “canon” interpretations versus “heretical” ones. Many fans even describe their connection to the content in life-guiding terms, identifying strongly with certain characters or drawing moral lessons and personal inspiration from the narrative universe. Scholars have noted these parallels: some refer to such cultural phenomena as “religion outside religion”, and sociologist Adam Possamai (2005) introduced the term “hyper-real religion” to describe belief systems that originate from fictional narratives yet are embraced as spiritually meaningful by followers. He cites cases like individuals officially listing “Jedi” as their religion, or groups treating the cosmology of Tolkien’s Middle-earth as a source of metaphysical insight. While these may be extreme instances, they underscore a continuum between fandom and faith. For many enthusiasts, participating in a fandom does not entail formal conversion, but their behavior and emotional investment often mirror aspects of traditional religious devotion.

Returning to our earlier examples, the global online community of The Chosen viewers, for instance, demonstrates elements of a religious fellowship: many fans do not treat it as “just a TV show,” but integrate the series into their devotional life—watching episodes as a form of spiritual reflection, sharing prayers and testimonies in fan groups, and encouraging each other in moral growth. This goes beyond ordinary fan enthusiasm and starts to function like a lay religious community facilitated by media. Similarly, participants in sci-fi/fantasy conventions often describe a profound sense of belonging and elation comparable to what pilgrims experience at sacred gatherings.

Recognizing these dynamics, scholars suggest that our definition of religious experience should broaden. Instead of confining “religion” only to official doctrines and rituals, we might acknowledge that people in modern society can fulfill spiritual needs through various secular avenues (storytelling, gaming, fandom, etc.) that produce feelings of transcendence, moral orientation, or community bonding. In the context of mediatization, this means we see a dual development: established religions extend their presence via digital media, and simultaneously, media-driven secular phenomena are taking on religious-like roles for some audiences. This phenomenon underscores a broader point: mediatization not only transforms how established faiths operate, but can also generate entirely new forms of spiritual expression outside church or temple walls. In other words, the mediatization of religion in the digital era is not a one-way influence of technology on old traditions—it is also about the emergence of new “religioid” structures within digital culture. These implicit digital religions reflect the adaptability of human religiosity, as people find innovative ways to seek meaning and belonging. For religious scholars and leaders, paying attention to such trends is important for understanding the shifting landscape of faith (Lyden 2003; Possamai 2005).

4.4. Impact on Religious Authority and Doctrine Interpretation

The third research question we posed concerned the challenges that digital-age media engagement might present to traditional religious authority and the authenticity of faith. Our findings indicate that mediatization can indeed undermine or pressure traditional authorities, while also prompting those authorities to respond in new ways. Each of our case studies highlighted such tensions: for instance, some Muslim clerics and institutions reacted defensively to Diriliş: Ertuğrul (recall that Egypt’s state religious body issued a fatwa condemning the series, viewing it as a threat to their preferred religious narratives), and certain Hindu leaders accused OMG: Oh My God! of blasphemy, even pursuing legal action to protect what they saw as authentic belief from satirical critique. At the same time, other religious leaders chose to engage with media to maintain their influence—illustrated by examples like the Vatican’s own media productions or official endorsements of faith-based films. The rise of religious film and digital media presents both opportunities and challenges for traditional religious authorities. On the one hand, many faith leaders and institutions have recognized media as a powerful tool and have proactively engaged with it to amplify their influence. In Christian circles, for example, the Vatican has participated in producing religious documentaries, and Pope Francis was notably media-savvy—appeared in documentary films and maintained an active presence on Twitter—to communicate the Church’s message and connect with younger believers. The Catholic Church clearly views modern media as a means to project the Pope’s pastoral voice and keep the Church relevant to the digital generation. Likewise, certain religious organizations have directly collaborated in film and television projects to ensure their faith is represented according to their vision. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS) has long funded and produced audiovisual materials for missionary and educational use—ranging from the Church’s official Gospel Media library to multi-year projects such as the Bible Videos and Book of Mormon Videos—which are distributed through Church channels and used in proselytizing and teaching (Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints n.d.). In India, Hindu organizations have partnered with Bollywood studios to create new adaptations of epics like the Mahabharata that align with orthodox interpretations, especially after observing the discourse sparked by films like OMG. These examples demonstrate that religious authorities often view media not as a threat, but as a stage on which to tell their story and shape their public image. If effectively utilized, this stage can attract new adherents and reinforce the commitment of existing ones. In the Diriliş: Ertuğrul production, historians served as formal consultants—for example, Prof. Dr. Feridun Emecen is credited as the series’s history consultant—helping to keep portrayals aligned with accepted norms (Anadolu Agency 2018). As mediatization advances, we can expect more religious institutions to become stakeholders in media production—either by providing resources or by helping set content agendas—so that their faith is presented in a manner consistent with their teachings and values.

On the other hand, the logic of the media industry and the preferences of mass audiences can sometimes come into tension with the prerogatives of religious doctrine and authority. Media productions, driven by the need to engage large audiences and often to turn a profit, may simplify, dramatize, or sensationalize religious content in ways that make conservative religious authorities uneasy. What is at stake is control over the narrative and interpretation of the faith. Many devout followers regard scriptures, theological tenets, and the lives of saints or prophets as sacred and not subject to free reinterpretation. Thus, when filmmakers introduce creative additions or departures for the sake of storytelling, it can be seen as overstepping. We witnessed this with Ertuğrul, where some Islamic clerics were perturbed by the incorporation of fictional romantic subplots and court intrigue involving historical figures, worrying that such dramatization bordered on disrespect. Their concern was that viewers might conflate fiction with historical fact or develop an inaccurate understanding of their religious heritage. In response, a few issued guidance cautioning the faithful not to take the show’s portrayal as an authoritative account of history or to let it substitute for genuine religious knowledge. In the Christian context, The Chosen has faced questions from certain fundamentalist quarters regarding its artistic liberties. While the series has been largely praised in Christian communities, some critics argue that adding imaginative dialogue or scenes not found in the Bible—even if well-intended—could inadvertently blur the authority of Scripture or lead to theological confusion among viewers. They ask whether people might start quoting lines from the show as if they were biblical, or develop beliefs based on scenes that are essentially inventions of the screenwriters. Such concerns highlight the delicate balance religious media must strike between fidelity to source material and creative expression.

Furthermore, the commercial drive of the media can lead to the commodification of religion. In a crowded entertainment marketplace, religious-themed content often has to compete with secular content, which might pressure creators to amplify dramatic elements (miracles, apocalyptic showdowns, sensational conversions) at the expense of more nuanced or challenging theological content. Over time, if the public primarily encounters religion in a form tailored for easy consumption—pithy morals, spectacular miracles, clear heroes and villains—there is a risk of a more superficial overall understanding of that religion. Complex doctrines or disciplines might be glossed over because they don’t translate well to an entertainment format. Some scholars express concern that this “dumbing down” of religion for mass appeal can erode the depth of religious knowledge in the general populace and marginalize the role of trained religious scholars and leaders. For example, Neil Postman—writing about television’s impact—cautioned that “the danger is not that religion becomes the content of television, but that television becomes the content of religion” (Postman 1985, p. 141), suggesting that the medium’s entertainment logic can transform worship into spectacle. If people start seeing movies and TV as their primary source of religious education, the authority of clergy, theologians, and traditional texts might indeed be diminished. Essentially, we are witnessing a democratization of religious narrative control: film directors, scriptwriters, and even actors have become interpreters of religious tradition in the public eye—a role once reserved for clergy, imams, rabbis, monks, and other credentialed figures (Zhang 2025). This trend aligns with observations by Díez Bosch and Sabaté Gauxachs (2023) of the Blanquerna Observatory, who note that media institutions have increasingly assumed functions previously reserved for religious authorities (Blanquerna Observatory on Media, Religion and Culture 2024; Díez Bosch and Sabaté Gauxachs 2023), thereby reshaping the landscape of religious leadership and interpretation.

Different religious traditions have responded along a spectrum from enthusiastic adaptation to cautious resistance. Some groups wholeheartedly integrate media into their evangelism and teaching—producing content, endorsing films, even designing video games with religious themes. Notably, some Orthodox authorities have voiced pastoral caution toward dramatized depictions of Christ and the saints and urged discernment in reception (GOARCH 2004; OCA 2004). Despite these differing stances, all grapple with the core issue of how to engage modern media culture without compromising on authenticity and reverence.

Looking ahead, it seems likely that religious authorities will need to develop more nuanced media strategies. Outright rejection of media is increasingly impractical if a religion aims to stay relevant, yet an uncritical embrace can lead to a loss of doctrinal control. A middle path might involve religious leaders educating their communities on how to critically consume religious media—emphasizing what is edifying while clarifying what is fictionalized. We might also see more collaboration where religious scholars work closely with media creators (as with Ertuğrul’s consultants) so that entertainment value and doctrinal integrity find a better balance. Additionally, religious authorities may invest in media literacy for their followers, helping them discern entertainment from catechesis. The role of authority itself may shift toward being a curator and interpreter of the vast array of religious content available, rather than the sole source of teaching.

In summary, the mediatization of religion shifts some interpretive authority from traditional institutional custodians to the decentralized realm of media production and consumption. This shift challenges conventional hierarchies but also provides an opportunity for religious traditions to creatively reframe their messages. The likely outcome is a reconfiguration of authority—religious leaders who adapt to and collaborate with media may discover new forms of influence, while those who disengage completely could see their voices diminish among younger, media-oriented generations. The pressing question for 21st-century faith communities is how to remain authentic and doctrinally faithful while engaging audiences that increasingly encounter the world through screens. How these communities answer that question will determine how effectively religions can continue to guide and inspire people in an era when, for better or worse, the screen has become a primary gateway to the soul. Accordingly, religious authorities increasingly act as curators and media-literacy educators, distinguishing edification from dramatization for their communities.

5. Conclusions

In conclusion, in today’s digital media ecosystem, religious traditions are—whether by choice or necessity—charting new paths for outreach and engagement through film and other audiovisual media. This development is profoundly reshaping how faith is experienced across cultures, offering fresh perspectives on the evolution of religion in contemporary society. On one hand, digital films and streaming platforms allow religious stories and values to transcend geographic and cultural boundaries as never before. Audiences around the globe can now encounter the narratives of faiths other than their own with unprecedented ease, potentially deepening their understanding of unfamiliar traditions or finding unexpected spiritual inspiration. This dynamic holds promise for fostering cross-cultural exchange and empathy among religious communities. For example, the success of The Chosen shows that even viewers with no Christian background can be moved by the story of Jesus and become more open to learning about Christian beliefs. Likewise, the worldwide enthusiasm for Ertuğrul among non-Muslims suggests that the media’s soft power can humanize the image of Islam and help bridge cultural divides. In essence, audiovisual media have constructed bridges of imagination and emotion between different faiths, allowing people to recognize shared human concerns—such as the struggle between good and evil, the longing for justice, or the search for meaning—even within narratives that might initially seem foreign.

On the other hand, we must also acknowledge the challenges that accompany the mediatization of religion. The commercial and entertainment imperatives of popular media can lead to the simplification or commodification of religious content. When profound doctrines are compressed into a few poignant on-screen moments, some depth is inevitably lost. When sacred narratives are packaged as consumer entertainment, the line between reverence and spectacle can blur, occasionally provoking accusations of trivialization or blasphemy. Moreover, if media portrayals lean on stereotypes or sensationalism, they might reinforce misunderstandings rather than dispel them. Hollywood, for instance, has been criticized in the past for caricatured depictions of Middle Eastern or South Asian religious figures—portrayals that likely exacerbated public biases. This is a reminder that media are not inherently benevolent instruments of understanding; they can also be vehicles of distortion or prejudice. Additionally, religious content creators operating on a global stage must navigate a minefield of cultural sensitivities: a film celebrated in one country could be censored or condemned in another due to differing religious or political climates (as evidenced by the divergent receptions of Ertuğrul). All these factors mean that those who convey religion through film must exercise careful judgment, balancing authenticity with accessibility and devotion with creativity.

For religious communities embracing media, the key will be finding an equilibrium between faithfulness and relevance. They need to speak the language of contemporary media to reach modern audiences, yet do so in a way that does not betray their core tenets. This often entails making nuanced decisions: What aspects of the tradition can be adapted to new formats, and what must remain inviolable? How can one engage viewers’ emotions and imagination without lapsing into manipulation or sensationalism? As discussed above, in a “liquid” modernity (Bauman 2000) and a hyper-connected world, religion will continue to undergo self-adjustment, continually translating its timeless spiritual insights into the idiom of each new technological milieu. The mediatization process is fraught with both promise and peril. It can serve as a bridge—connecting faiths, linking past and present, bringing individuals into community—but if mishandled, it can also erect new barriers in the form of misinterpretation and conflict. Ultimately, how religions harness the power of media while mitigating its pitfalls will significantly influence their ability to provide meaning and spiritual sustenance in the digital era.

It is helpful to revisit the guiding questions we posed at the outset and summarize what our study found for each: First, we asked whether different faith traditions adopt distinct strategies and impacts in their use of digital media. Our analysis confirmed that they do: the Christian, Muslim, and Hindu contexts we examined each employed different media strategies (ranging from crowdsourced production to state-backed broadcasting to satirical storytelling) and experienced distinct outcomes—yet all leveraged digital media to greatly expand their audience reach and to reinforce the faith identity of their communities in new ways. Second, we asked if media convergence blurs the boundaries of religious experience. The findings suggest it has indeed blurred those boundaries: practices like online worship, virtual pilgrimages, and globally shared religious films have dissolved many traditional constraints of space and institution, allowing religious experiences to spill over into virtual spaces and cross-cultural spheres (for example, a single media event or platform can unite dispersed believers, and even engage non-believers, in a shared spiritual dialogue). Finally, we inquired what challenges digital mediatization poses to religious authority and authenticity. We observed that it poses significant challenges—such as undermining the monopoly of traditional leaders over interpretation and community guidance (evidenced by instances like religious authorities issuing warnings or bans against popular media depictions that they cannot fully control)—but it also spurs religious institutions to adapt by developing new modes of engagement to maintain authenticity (for instance, by creating sanctioned media content or offering guidance for consuming religious media critically). In sum, each question we raised was answered by the comparative evidence: different traditions do mediatize differently, digital media do redraw the boundaries of faith practice, and these shifts do test the old structures of authority while generating adaptive responses.

Looking forward, we suggest a few avenues for further research and reflection in this domain:

5.1. Collaborative Interfaith Media Projects

Future studies could examine cases where multiple religious groups co-create film or digital content and analyze whether such collaboration yields genuine dialogue and promotes peaceful coexistence. For example, what if filmmakers from different faith backgrounds jointly produce a series featuring characters of various religions? How might that process—and the resulting media—impact interreligious understanding among audiences?

5.2. Cross-Cultural Reception Analyses

It would be fruitful to investigate how audiences from different cultural or religious contexts interpret the same religious-themed media content. Do viewers in different parts of the world take away divergent messages from a show like The Chosen or Ertuğrul? Such comparative reception studies would illuminate the role of cultural context in media-based religious communication and help identify where misunderstandings arise.

5.3. Emerging Technologies in Religious Experience

As new technologies like artificial intelligence (AI) and virtual reality (VR) become more prevalent, research should explore their use in religious contexts. Already, we see experiments such as AI-driven chatbots for spiritual advice or VR simulations of pilgrimages and sacred sites. Studying these developments could reveal the next stage of religious mediatization and its implications for authenticity, authority, and community.

No matter how technology evolves, one constant remains: the human pursuit of meaning and transcendence. Media, in its many forms, are becoming an ever more significant companion in that journey. The question of how religion can—through the power of media—continue to nourish the soul and bind communities in an unpredictable era stands as one of the critical challenges and opportunities for faith in the 21st century.