De-Centering the Gaze on Peripheral Islams—New Forms of Rooting and Community Building Among Albanian Muslims in Italy

Abstract

An analysis of Albanian Muslims in Italy provides a compelling case study of communities perceived as marginal. Studies of Muslims in Italy tend to focus on the majority and chronologically older groups within the country’s Islamic landscape, particularly those from Asia and Africa. In addition to providing a better understanding of Islam in Italy, a study of the identity and community-building issues of the Albanian community of origin offers many insights into that community’s complexity. Albanians in Italy have a very specific historical and religious heritage; so, analyzing their roots and community-building processes helps us to better understand the development of Islam on the margins of large national organizations and majority groups. This article presents the results of the first national study of Albanian Muslims in Italy. Online interviews and field observations were conducted in 2024 within the Union of Muslim Albanians in Italy (Unione degli Albanesi Musulmani in Italia—UAMI), using the ethnographic method. The Association has fewer members compared with national level organizations. It was founded in 2009 to address specific issues related to the management of Muslim Albanian religious identity. The Association has sought to address the fragmentation of religion and Albanian nationalism, a consequence of a long period of state atheism, and to counter the literalist and radical tendencies in the interpretation of religion that have emerged in Albania since the collapse of the communist regime. In addition to these challenges, the Association has also tackled issues related to the Islamic religion in its local and global dimensions. The analysis of these challenges and the ways to deal with them offers a new framework in the Italian Islamic panorama, despite its marginality. The results of this research point to the emergence of new forms of rooting and belonging characterized by spirituality over orthopraxis. These forms adopt a religious approach open to diversity and pluralism.

1. Introduction

The scholarly literature on Islam in Italy, which spans more than three decades, has underscored the dynamics, evolutions, and changes within a multifaceted and evolving landscape. Research on the subject has expanded from the sociological field of the early 1990s, stimulating debate in various disciplinary fields, including anthropology, law, the history of religions, Islamic studies, and geography (see below). Despite this extensive research, there remain significant limitations in how Islam and Muslims are framed. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it aims to fill a gap in the existing literature by providing a comprehensive analysis of the understudied Muslim community of Albanian origin. In doing so, the article seeks to catalyze a paradigm shift within the study of Muslims in Italy, expanding the focus to peripheral communities and groups.

One of the biases under investigation is linked to the conceptions of center and periphery. The article employs the concept of a center in Islam to delineate the geographical origins of Islam, the establishment of its legal tradition, and the ongoing centers of dissemination and elaboration of religious scholarship. Consequently, the periphery is delineated as the regions, communities, and cultures that receive irradiation from the purported center. The intellectual challenge posed by the examination of these concepts far surpasses the limitations of the conventional geographical paradigm and encompasses the debate on religious authority in Islam. Sunier’s argument posits that the process of authority-making assumes particular salience, vibrancy, and visibility under what are termed ‘frontier conditions’. It is within these conditions that new encounters, new circumstances, and unprecedented developments generate new possibilities (Sunier 2023, p. 13).

In this context, the geographical “heart of Islam,” delineated by the Arabian Peninsula and its surrounding Arab countries, constitutes merely a fraction of the broader issue. This concept has been a subject of scrutiny in recent scholarly discourse (Bano 2018, 2022; Sunier 2023; Sunier and Buskens 2022). Nevertheless, the significance of regions such as Central Asia in the dissemination of Islam beyond the Middle East has been previously underscored by scholars (Hodgson 1970). Indeed, the processes of globalization and technological advancement have profoundly altered the dynamics of networks and relations within and beyond the Muslim world (Green 2020). These alterations encompass the dissemination of religious knowledge, the formation of identities and communities, and the sense of belonging. Nevertheless, throughout Islamic history, the centers and peripheries of Islam have faced challenges from Muslims themselves in a variety of forms, as evidenced by several examples. An illustration of this phenomenon can be seen in the trajectory of Albanian Islam since the late 19th century when the rise of nationalism coincided with a significant shift in its religious landscape. Prior to this period, when the process of institutionalization and nationalization of Albanian Islam was underway, the capital of the Ottoman Empire was regarded as the epicenter of its dissemination (Sciarra 1996; Clayer 2008; Jazexhi 2018). Indeed, the centralization of Islamic religious authority that took place during the nationalist period and following the attainment of independence has, in essence, redirected the reference point of Albanian believers, even towards European ideologies.1 These adherents continue to draw upon the tenets and legacy of prominent religious figures who are widely regarded as instrumental in establishing and shaping Albanian Islam, such as the renowned imam Vehbi Dibra (1867–1937). Albanian Muslims residing in Italy contribute to the existing body of knowledge concerning the “fathers” of national Islam by offering supplementary points of reference that pertain to the Italian context, as well as to the European and global dimensions (see below). This refutes the dichotomy of center and periphery, thereby underscoring the presence of multiple connections and complex identities.

The Islamic religion, comprising religious knowledge, practices, a sense of belonging, and symbols of identity, is predicated on a unidirectional axis, namely, a progression from one or multiple centers to the peripheries. This conceptual framework disregards the principles of polycentrism and circularity, accentuated further by contemporary social, political, and technological transformations. In the context of the case study presented here, with regard to Albanian Muslims in Italy, the centrality attributed to some communities (Maghreb and Middle Eastern) in the construction of the Italian Islam has, in fact, obscured the complexity of the umma present in the country and has impeded our ability to grasp the nuances. This bias can also be attributed to the perception of mosques and other places of worship as the primary and exclusive centers of community building.2 Nevertheless, the processes of establishing roots and the search for identity can use alternative spaces and occasions, as will be demonstrated in the following sections. This endeavor encompasses spaces and events that integrate religious objectives with diverse activities, including sports and leisure pursuits. An analysis of community-building processes occurring outside of mosques and Islamic centers is pivotal in understanding the multifaceted trajectories of the umma in Italy. This analysis emphasizes the intricate nature of their social interactions and religious expressions.

Within the context of European Islam, it is imperative to expand the perspective by exploring contexts that do not typically delineate the paradigm or are often underestimated. The majority of research that stimulates the discourse on the evolution of Islamic religion in Europe is based on case studies situated in countries where the preponderance of Islamic communities in Europe is concentrated: namely, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, and the United Kingdom. While there are extant studies that have sought to broaden the scope of inquiry by encompassing experiences in countries with smaller Muslim communities than those found in Central Europe (Mapril et al. 2019), or by shifting the geographical focus towards Eastern Europe and incorporating the study of indigenous Islam (Račius 2017, 2020), it is imperative to extend the analysis by including Muslim populations with diverse characteristics. In this sense, broadening the view means including the study of communities such as the Albanian-speaking one, which is considered peripheral and largely secularized, in a country, Italy, that has a Muslim population relatively younger than Northern Europe and with an Islamic religious field still in formation.

This article presents the findings of the first study of Albanian Muslims in Italy from the perspective of Islamic studies. In 2024, a total of twenty online interviews and three field observations were conducted within the Union of Muslim Albanians in Italy (Unione degli Albanesi Musulmani in Italia—UAMI), employing the ethnographic method. The findings presented herein demonstrate the intricate relationship between Islam and Albanian Muslims in Italy, as shaped by their historical legacy and the context of their arrival. The unique characteristics of their beliefs and practices are essential for a comprehensive understanding of the development of Islam in Italy, despite their representation of a relatively small community in comparison to the most prominent associations.

2. Being at the Margins and the Muslim Minority in Italy

The existing scholarly literature on Muslims in Italy has seldom encompassed the study of the Muslim Albanians, preferring to focus on majority and chronologically older groups within the Islamic landscape of the country, particularly those from Asia and Africa.3 Current studies on Islam in Italy, even though claiming a plural presence, still refer to the arrival of Arab migrant workers over the past four decades and analyze Muslims mainly by categorizing them as immigrants (Perocco 2024, pp. 117, 127; Ambrosini et al. 2018), while the rate of the believers with Italian citizenship is growing rapidly.4

Studies of the Muslim presence in Italy have been undertaken in various fields, including social sciences, Islamic studies, law, and the history of religion. The study of Muslims in Italy was pioneered by sociologists in the early 1990s, with researchers at the forefront of conducting groundbreaking research in this field (Allievi and Dassetto 1993; Schmidt di Friedberg and Saint-Blancat 1998). The extant literature on the relationship between the Italian state and religious communities is extensive (Aluffi 2004; Cardia and Dalla Torre 2015; Ferrari 2020; Alicino 2023). It offers important insights into the institutional agreement, the status of Islamic places of worship, the role and recognition of religious guides, and other relevant topics. The body of literature examines the claims and activities of prominent Islamic organizations in Italy, or specific local cases, by analyzing their relationship with municipalities or regions. The local dynamics of these organizations have been a focal point of geographic studies, particularly concerning Islamic spatiality in Italian cities (Chiodelli 2015; Morpurgo 2023; Amato and Di Mauro 2024). A recent dialogue between religious studies, geography, and architecture commemorated the fiftieth anniversary of the Great Mosque of Rome (Giorda 2024). This monument, the largest and most conspicuous symbol of the Muslim presence in Italy during that period, served as a notable point of institutional representation, despite the prevailing societal neglect of Muslim workers and students from diverse backgrounds. New generations of Muslims in Italy are also a well-represented category in the scholarship, with recent studies dealing with Tunisian, Moroccan, and Bangladeshi experiences (Grimaldi and Vicini 2024), studying their activism and political participation (Mezzetti and Ricucci 2019) or analyzing the first youth Muslim association in Italy (Frisina 2007; Giacalone 2011; Vicini 2021). New generations of Muslims in Italy have typically raised the issue of Islamophobia, a phenomenon that has been explored at various levels in the field of social sciences (Bachis 2018; Proglio 2020; Vicini 2022; Panighel 2023).

Given the presence of majoritarian groups within the Italian umma, there has been a substantial body of research dedicated to the analysis of specific foreign communities from Muslim majority countries. In this context, Muslims of Balkan origins have received disproportionately less attention or have been characterized as either predominantly atheistic or highly susceptible to radicalization. A notable example of extensive research and studies is the Moroccan Muslim community in Italy, which has been the largest non-European Union community residing in Italy for decades.5 A substantial corpus of studies on this community has emerged since the late 1990s, with seminal works including Schmidt di Friedberg and Saint-Blancat (1998) and Giacalone (2002). These studies have explored various facets of the Moroccan community in Italy, including the institutionalization of a particular strain of Moroccan Islam within the Italian context (Di Mauro 2021), the comparative religious practices of Moroccans in Turin and Morocco (Fantauzzi 2009), and the intersection of religion and sexuality among Moroccans in Italy (Fidolini 2017). While these issues are noteworthy, they constitute a select subset of the extensive body of scholarship dedicated to understanding the religious practices and beliefs of Moroccan communities.

Similarly, the Albanian community in Italy6 has been analyzed under many focuses, among them the socio-economic conditions, the families and the intergenerational issues, the education and the integration patterns (King and Mai 2008; Zinn 2005; Elliot 2009). Religion, and Islam in particular, is little or no explored in this scholarship, except for a few contributions (Molteni and Dimitriadis 2021; Negri 2005; Romania 2004; Capo 1997–1998). These few studies acknowledge that religiosity is still alive among Albanians also in comparison to other minority groups in Italy, as Molteni and Dimitriadis state:

What emerges is that Moroccans and Albanian Muslims are by far the most religious groups. They practice more, pray more, and give the highest importance to religion both compared to other immigrant groups and the native population.

(Molteni and Dimitriadis 2021, p. 1494)

However, according to the sample studied by Romania, Albanian Muslims do not transmit their religion to children and prefer to dissimulate their belonging to Islam as a form of mimicry in order to separate themselves from other Muslim groups in Italy, usually stigmatized (Romania 2004, pp. 145–48).

Conversely, Muslims from Albania, and also from Macedonia and Kosovo, are very present in international security studies scholarship linked to religious radicalization and terrorism (Dyrmishi 2017; Spahiu 2017, 2020; Kanellopoulos 2023). However, it is acknowledged that this phenomenon is marginal, and the influence of the Jihadi-Salafi movement among Albanian-speaking Muslims is limited (Öktem 2010, p. 18).

Thus, why are Albanian Muslims are underrepresented in the scholarship and kept at the margins of studies and research Muslims in Italy? There could be many factors involved. Generally speaking, decades of state atheism in the aftermath of WWII have resulted in deep secularization within society in Albania, leading to the common idea that religious traditions are no longer important to any Albanian either in the homeland or abroad. The rich scholarship on the complex relationship between nationalism and religions in the Land of the Eagles (Clayer 2001; Endresen 2013; Clayer 2017) has shed light on the fracture still present among Albanians, a feature that may be misunderstood as an absolute detachment from religiosity—perhaps especially within the diasporic communities. Notwithstanding the prevalence of the individualization of faith during the 1990s, religion remains a significant value for Albanians (Clayer 2003, p. 9).

Furthermore, contemporary Albanian immigration to Italy started in the aftermath of the fall of the communist regime, in 1990. At that time, Muslim communities in Italy were already organizing themselves and claiming institutional recognition from the State. If we consider the genesis of contemporary organized Islam in Italy, Albanians were not among the first pioneers, even though they have become very active since the beginning of the new millennium.7

The concept of visibility or recognizability constitutes an additional factor, which is associated with social stigmatization. The Albanian population in Italy experienced a significant social stigma. During the 1990s and the subsequent decade, prevalent stereotypes encompassed criminal activities such as burglary, thievery, prostitution, and illicit smuggling. According to my interlocutors, being Muslim was not the primary or most significant form of stigma experienced by the Albanian population in Italy. Discrimination and inequality experienced by Albanian Muslims are frequently attributed to their nationality rather than their religious affiliation. Researchers have employed the concept of asymmetric assimilation to elucidate a series of paradoxes inherent to the Albanian context (King and Mai 2008, p. 133). On the one hand, the phenomenon of early assimilation among Albanians indicates that they frequently acquire the language, customs, and traditions of their host country prior to migration, particularly through the influence of Italian television. Conversely, the pervasive social stigma, accompanied by a multitude of discriminatory stereotypes, has given rise to a phenomenon of internalized stigma, characterized by poor self-representation of the community, accompanied by a concomitant rise in individualism and a concomitant decline in collectivism (King and Mai 2008, pp. 126, 135).

3. From Immigrant Students to Religious Activists—The Path of the Union of the Muslim Albanians in Italy (UAMI)

In light of the extensive discourse surrounding Islam in Italy, which has predominantly overlooked or underrepresented Albanian Muslims, it is crucial to acknowledge the long-standing experiences of these individuals within both local and interregional contexts.8 These experiences have spanned over fifteen years and have been shaped by a variety of factors. The Union of Albanian Muslims in Italy (Unione degli Albanesi Musulmani in Italia) was officially established in 2009.9 Prior to its official establishment, informal gatherings among Albanian students and laborers had been taking place for several years. These gatherings primarily comprised individuals between the ages of 20 and 30, predominantly male, though female participation has also been documented. Notably, many of these migrants had arrived in Italy since the late 1990s, primarily for educational or professional purposes. The majority of these individuals were acquainted with each other through family connections or shared geographical origins, such as the same neighborhood, village, or city.

This informal network was scattered throughout central and northern Italy. These gatherings took place in private residences or Islamic centers and were dedicated to collective prayer and spiritual enrichment. The events frequently featured the presence of an imam or a religious guide from Albania. Individuals who participated in these gatherings often hold nostalgic memories of these informal events, particularly due to their youth and the absence of the responsibilities associated with adulthood. These gatherings also served as a means of fostering a sense of belonging to a religious and national community. The events were characterized by a combination of religious devotion, educational instruction, and the sharing of traditional Albanian customs, fostering a sense of communal belonging. These gatherings attracted individuals with divergent approaches to Islam, some of whom adhered to a stringent interpretation of religion. Bilen, an Albanian medical doctor who resided in Italy for over a decade and was among the pioneering leaders of the association, recounts that the inspiration to found UAMI came from meeting Albanian students who were influenced by orthodoxy and radicalism, both of which were imported to Albania in the 1990s10:

For example, there were some people who wanted to leave the university because they had met someone in some centers who said that it was not good to study law because it was not the law of Allah. I felt sorry for them because in Albania there was the same mentality, which was then transported to Italy. In fact, in Albania in the 2000s, a lot of people dropped out of law or some other faculties, like philosophy or sociology, because they thought that these were sciences that were not in line with Islam. We, in Italy, felt sorry for them and wanted to create something different to keep everyone together, to form a group and explain that these things do not make sense.11

The foundational group of the UAMI was primarily comprised students.12 By the year 2000, a considerable number of Albanian students were beneficiaries of scholarships and grants.13 Ermal, an Albanian researcher who arrived in Italy in 2002, underscores that the preponderance of these individuals as students constituted a pivotal factor in the establishment of UAMI. He further elaborated on the notion that their affiliation with the university milieu served as a crucial aspect of their identity, influencing their interpretation of religious practices and beliefs. Specifically, the role of the student engendered a milieu conducive to introspection on subjects such as their past, their affiliation with Islam, the Albanian religious heritage, and the concept of nationalism.14

Albanian Muslim students were in contact with other communities from Muslim-majority countries in Italy. These connections facilitated access to preexisting national and regional networks, places of worship, and Islamic centers in the northern part of the country. According to official records, as of 2001, the Italian government had documented 375 Islamic places of worship in the country (Gritti and Allam 2001, p. 50). However, Albanian Muslim students reported feeling specific needs linked to their common past, as Bilen explains:

We insisted a lot on this thing of Albanian identity, because there is a kind of conflict in Albanian nationalism where it is said—before, during and after communism—that those who are religious are people who do not love their homeland. We wanted to break this taboo and make it clear that religious people who care about religion are also people who care about their homeland, their nation and their fellow countrymen.15

The founders also recalled that there were other organizational needs. During this period, obtaining documents necessary for inviting imams or religious guides from Albania proved to be a difficult task, so a registered association was a means of facilitating the entry of foreign imams.16

As the process of stabilizing Albanian students and workers in Italy became more consistent, the need for religious exchange and guidance increased. At the time of its official establishment, many of the founders were unmarried or recently married. The majority of them were childless. Their aspirations and expectations were constrained by their immediate needs and personal perspectives as young Albanians in Italy, whether pursuing studies or employment. However, the progression of their professional stability in Italy, the establishment of familial relationships, and the subsequent birth of children have profoundly altered their perception of needs, thereby influencing the strategic direction of the association. The Italian context has also influenced UAMI’s performance over the years, as discussed below.

In order to fulfil its statutory objectives—including “to promote, encourage and support the cultural and religious identity of Muslim Albanians in Italy, to promote the principles of Islamic culture together with Albanian culture, to contribute to the social integration of Albanians in Italian society”17—UAMI provides its members, both individuals and associations, with regular events that include religious education, cultural activities, sports competitions and leisure activities. The members of the Board of Directors bear responsibility for the organization of these events, which predominantly take place in northern Italian towns and cities. These events entail various tasks, including the provision of accommodation, the invitation of guests, the promotion of religious guidance, and the coordination of activities for children, young adults, men, and women. The necessity to differentiate activities for each category was first identified a few years after the establishment of the network, and this issue still represents a challenge for the organizers. The new generation has expressed a desire for more space during the event, a sentiment shared by the women’s group.

Drawing upon their national and historical legacies, the founders of UAMI self-identify as “new-born Muslims”,18 as in the aftermath of the dictatorship’s collapse, they embarked on a journey of religious discovery, learning to practice Islam from the fundamental principles. This assertion is indeed valid in the context of the generation that migrated to Italy around the year 2000. However, it is noteworthy that children born and raised in Italy are largely unacquainted with the struggles their parents endured to practice Islam. The intricacies of the interplay between Albanian nationalism and religion are not typically a focal point of their contemplations. Nevertheless, the endeavor to practice Islam in Italy is often accompanied by the additional dimension of being of Albanian origin, thereby introducing an additional layer of complexity.19 Aware of this generational shift, the Board of Directors has organized specific activities for teenagers in recent years, sometimes differentiating between female and male participants.

With regard to the women’s section, difficulties have been documented in the organization of targeted and exclusive initiatives.20 The Board designated specific time periods for activities during the three-day annual meeting that were exclusively open to women and girls, as requested by them. However, the female members of UAMI raised the bar by petitioning the Board to organize an exclusive two-day event for women only. The request was not met with approval, and the event did not take place. The women’s section felt the denial badly, partly because they were not given proper motivation and partly because they felt robbed of the opportunity to enjoy time on their own.21 As demonstrated by research in the field, mosques and Islamic associations have been identified as discursive spaces and networks in which women’s empowerment has been a long-standing phenomenon (Bhimji 2009). Muslim women engage in social processes with a view to practicing Islam in socially conservative Islamic circles in Europe (Jouili 2015). In doing so, they negotiate spaces and opportunities, as evidenced by the Albanian community, even though they do not succeed on their initial attempts and even without intending to defeat male authority.

The issues concerning teenagers and women illuminate the internal challenges confronting the Union of Albanian Muslims. Furthermore, they underscore the impact of social transformation within the community on its trajectory.

4. Addressing the Challenges—New Forms of Rooting and Identity Building

As previously stated, one of the main objectives of the UAMI network was to counteract the radical and literalist approaches that spread in Albania in the 1990s and later among some Albanians in Italy. These approaches, imported through the interference of foreign Muslim-majority countries, led young students to abandon certain university studies, spread the use of the full-body veil for women and, in some cases, led to a transformation in which religion became a technique of practice.22 The acknowledgment of this contentious external influence prompted our interlocutors to reconsider Albanian Islam and the nature of the approach to the challenges posed by a minority, the Muslim, in a context where the majority is non-Muslim. The youngest leader of the UAMI group, Kledi, arrived at a solution grounded in the principle of gradualism:

I was born in the early 1990s and at first, I practiced religion as a member of the family, not consciously. Then, as I grew up, I began to be more conscious. My grandfather had been educated in Albania before communism, in a religious school, in a medrasa.23 […] After the 1990s, he started to teach his children and grandchildren about religion, about God, about morality, focusing on primary things, not secondary things like the veil. I really appreciated this approach; I think it is very far-sighted. […] Any normative fetwa is valid over time and in context, so I think the veil is not a necessary, fundamental thing in the Western context. This approach comes from the teachings of the Prophet. It is the principle of gradualism. Aisha, the Prophet’s wife, said that if the Prophet had forbidden alcohol to Muslims from the beginning, no one would have followed him in religion. Because it was necessary to consider the context, gradualism is necessary in everything. Like a rope, if you pull it too fast, it breaks. These are concepts I learned from my grandfather and during the intensive courses I attended.24

Gradualism is a concept that has been referenced by Muslim thinkers and jurists dealing with the jurisprudence for Muslim minorities25. In 2004, the Egyptian Salah Sultan included gradualism among the ten rules to establish a methodology for jurisprudence for Muslim minorities (De Angelo 2009, pp. 187–93). In the field of fiqh al-daʿwa (jurisprudence of calling to Islam), the concept of gradualism was also invoked by Muhammad al-Ghazali (1917–1996) during the 1980s (Cascino 2021). The reference to gradualism, according to Kledi, is based on the distinction between primary and secondary matters. Among the primary things is the act of believing in the spiritual principles of Islam, while the secondary issues are those related to religious symbols, but also to the tendency towards orthopraxy, rigor in practice, and the “economy of sins”, as Ermal calls the strict and intransigent interpretation of the sources.26

The concept of a gradual approach to Islam is a valuable strategy for addressing the challenges associated with being an Albanian Muslim. The present approach acknowledges the significance of context and time in comprehending and engaging with the Islamic tradition. This strategy has been found to be effective in addressing not only radicalistic approaches but also a number of other challenges associated with being Albanian Muslims. The ongoing conflict between religion and nationalism has been identified as a salient issue by our interlocutors. During the Communist period, religion was widely regarded as an adversary, and after the regime’s collapse, being Muslim was perceived as representing a threat to progress, to Europe and to development. This is a legacy of the intense campaign against religions that took place during the dictatorship,27 as well as a consequence of the Albanian variant of Orientalism (Sulstarova 2015). The notion of escaping the East and coming closer to Europe had been a concept in circulation by the late 19th century, driven by a surge of nationalistic fervor. Islam constituted an integral facet of Albania’s orientalist past, particularly in its Ottoman incarnation. This historical pattern has recurred on multiple occasions throughout the nation’s twentieth and twenty-first centuries, playing a pivotal role in shaping the distinct characteristics of Albanian orientalism:

The Albanian elite has made enormous efforts since the 1930s to shake off this bad image of being Muslim, first in Albania, let alone abroad. Then came communism, which saw Islam as an imported element brought in by an occupier. To this day, in history books, the Ottoman Empire—which was a long rule—is defined by the word pushtim, which in Albanian means “occupation”, like the Italian occupation from 1939 to 1943. 500 years of Ottoman rule as 4 years of Italian occupation. All this is not a coincidence, it is a production of the communist regime, which wanted to invent a pre-Islamic Albanian, but also a pre-Christian, a history of original Albania without religious references […] So Albanians come from a school education that still insists on these concepts, that is, that the Albanians were Islamized by the Ottomans, by the occupiers, therefore the Ottomans are the enemy par excellence, with a capital E.28

A central tenet of UAMI is the endeavor to reconcile being a Muslim with loyalty and attachment to Albania. The Union underscores the connection with the homeland through a variety of means. This endeavor encompasses the preservation and celebration of Albanian traditions, including language, cuisine, and cultural practices. Additionally, adherents strive to demonstrate allegiance to national symbols, such as the Albanian flag, during designated national holidays. This Islamic network’s approach is characterized by its acknowledgment of a multifaceted identity, replete with contradictions. Notably, practices such as consuming pork and alcohol are prevalent among some Muslim families in Albania.29 The absence of certain religious observances, such as veiling or the belief in an afterlife, has also been common among Albanian groups with a Muslim tradition. My interlocutors were cognizant of this cultural milieu and acknowledge the integration of certain elements that are characteristic of Albanian culture. For instance, the practice of refraining from offering alcoholic beverages to guests in the home environment may be interpreted as a sign of disrespect or a lack of refinement, even within families with a Muslim background. However, their approach entails acknowledging these contradictions and striving to effect change, particularly as these customs are more pervasive among their parents’ generations. A high degree of tolerance has been observed towards such contradictions and pluralism, especially in relation to other religions.30 The historical and societal composition of Albania has fostered amicable and familiar relationships between interlocutors and adherents of both Catholicism and Orthodoxy.31 Nevertheless, no instances of mixed couples have been recorded during the UAMI meetings,32 and the younger members express a preference for marriage to an Albanian Muslim man or woman.33

Furthermore, it is noteworthy that these Muslims continue to adhere to the guidance of Albanian imams and religious scholars in their religious practice. Meanwhile, it would be simplistic and incorrect to state that Albania is the only religious reference. It is worth noting that over the fifteen-year history of the association, Muslim scholars and activists of non-Albanian origin have been invited on multiple occasions to speak at their conferences and meetings. Prominent Italian Muslim leaders who have played a significant role in spreading Islamic knowledge include Roberto Piccardo and his son, Davide. The former has been involved in the development of Italian Islam since the early 1990s, followed by the latter, who has been an activist since his youth. Both are linked to European Muslim networks. Furthermore, scholars in the field of Islamic studies from the Italian and international university world have also been invited to the meetings and retreats, including Nathalie Clayer, who is a specialist of Balkan Islam and Albanian history, and Massimo Campanini, the renowned historian of Islam and philosopher, who passed away in 2020. This demonstrates not only a commitment to engaging with the Italian and European context, but also a necessity to expose Albanian Muslims to a variety of religious and intellectual stimuli.

This necessity, which is a salient issue within numerous minority Muslim communities, pertains to the multifaceted levels of involvement of the contemporary umma. The intersection of local and global scales has given rise to a range of adaptation strategies. Albanian Muslims residing in Italy draw upon their national and spiritual affiliation with Albania, while concurrently acknowledging the context of their residence. They demonstrate their support for a multifaceted sense of belonging by incorporating Italian references and cultural elements, notably the Italian language. Moreover, their religious practices are situated between Albania and Italy, as well as within the European context, as illustrated by one of our interlocutors who noted that she began observing the five prayers while studying in Belgium during a semester abroad.34 In addition, the dissemination of Islamic knowledge is characterized by both local and global dimensions. The UAMI network offers religious courses in both in-person and online formats, using the Italian language to ensure that children born and raised in Italy have full access to the teachings, as some of them may not possess a proficient command of Albanian. Nevertheless, this constitutes but one manner in which Islam is transmitted within the Albanian Muslim community. Bilen, a founding member of UAMI who has returned to Albania after residing in Italy for a period of ten years, hired an online teacher for his son:

I am now trying to teach religion to my children through a boy from Tunisia. He was raised in Palermo, Italy and now studies and works in England. He teaches my children religion in English. This shows that the world has become so globalized and mixed.35

The presence of numerous religious points of reference is an aspect of globalization, yet it can also be referred to the paucity of Islamic traditions experienced by Albanians in the aftermath of the regime’s collapse. The specific issues encountered in the context of Islamic practice among Albanians necessitate a re-evaluation of their identity and the nature of their relationship with religion. However, this ongoing process of negotiation has frequently been eclipsed by the challenges posed by exclusion, stigmatization, and racialization experienced by Albanians in Italy, particularly during the 1990s and the initial years of the 21st century. The interlocutors reported experiencing heightened stigma due to their Albanian origins in comparison to their Islamic identity. The empirical evidence collected indicates that the high rate of secularization of Albanian society, the somatic traits, coupled with the familiarity of Italian language among this group prior to migration, rendered them less visible in terms of their religious affiliation to Islam compared with other foreign communities.36

5. Peripheral Communities and the Construction of Italian Islam

In the context of Italy, it is imperative to acknowledge the unique interplay between religions, society, and the state. In Italy, the Catholic Church, which is predominant in the country, enjoys a privileged relationship with the State, as outlined in the Lateran Pacts of 1929, which are agreements between Italy and the Holy See. Conversely, for religious minorities, the Constitution stipulates the establishment of a distinct agreement (intesa). To date, thirteen such agreements have been established between the Italian State and various religious denominations.37 Islamic organizations have endeavored since the 1990s to establish similar agreements, but these attempts have not yet materialized. This particular context elucidates the impetus behind Muslim leaders’ endeavors to secure representation, whether through the establishment of national organizations, the request for official recognition, or the assertion of a comprehensive law that would safeguard religious freedom, inclusive of that of Muslims. This need has been articulated by Albanian Muslims in the context of UAMI’s establishment. The absence of an intesa has had a significant impact on the identity formation of Albanian Muslims in Italy, leading to their participation in the 2017 National Pact, which was signed by the Interior Minister and ten Islamic associations.38

Notwithstanding its limited representativeness, the Union of Albanian Muslim Italians (UAMI) was invited to the institutional table by one of the most prominent organizations in Italy, the Union of Italian Islamic Communities (UCOII). This invitation is particularly noteworthy given that several of the Albanian leaders of UAMI are also involved in this organization. Our interlocutors underscored the necessity of having Albanian representatives at the national level, a necessity stemming from the fragmented Muslim landscape in Italy on one hand, and from the contradictory stance of the Italian State on the other. However, concerns have been raised by one of the founders of UAMI regarding the 2017 Pact, citing various reasons. Primarily, the Pact was presented as a preliminary measure leading to the development of an intesa, but after 2017 there has been no progress on this issue. Moreover, he underscores the absence of inclusive consultation in the Pact’s formulation, noting the limited involvement of Islamic associations in the process.39 This impasse has implications for the entire Italian umma, yet Albanian Muslims have articulated both national demands for representation and the preservation of their cultural and religious practices, which draw from Albanian traditions. This complexity, rather than being presented as a compromise or a struggle, is indicative of the multifaceted nature of Muslim identities.

The Italian context also presents significant challenges to the processes of establishing roots and fostering community building. Albanian Muslims residing in Italy encounter a variety of stigmatization. A salient aspect of the experiences of my interlocutors pertains to the selection of the least harmful course of action, whether that entails asserting their Albanian roots or their religious affiliation. As King and Mai expound, a paradox emerges in the Albanian context, wherein this national group has been the most rejected by Italian society, despite the considerable similarities between the two nations and other migrant communities within Italy (King and Mai 2008, p. 118). It is important to note that Albania endured an occupation by Fascist Italy during the years 1939 to 1944. However, this aspect of Italian history, which pertains to the Land of the Eagles, as well as other former colonies such as Libya and the Horn of Africa, is conspicuously missing from the broader discourse surrounding contemporary Muslim communities in the Peninsula.

Indeed, discourses and narratives concerning Islam in Italy are intricately intertwined with orientalist portrayals of Muslim nations that took shape during the colonial era (Baldinetti 1997), thereby insinuating an intrinsic incongruity between Islam and democratic and liberal principles. These discourses have served as a foundation for Islamophobic sentiments, which have been primarily fostered by right-wing populist parties. This anti-Muslim agenda has been observed to extend to Albanian Muslims as well, as reported by my youngest interlocutors (around 18 years old), many of whom were born and raised in Italy. These interlocutors have reported instances of Islamophobic rhetoric permeating their daily lives, creating an environment replete with challenges.40

Conversely, the generation that emigrated from Albania between the 1990s and the 2000s confronted Islamophobia in their country of origin. Upon their arrival in Italy, however, they encountered a different context, where religions, in general, were not perceived as threats to national identity, except for Islam, which has historically been perceived as both foreign and a potential threat to the established Christian order. Consequently, the experience of Islamophobia among Albanian Muslims took on a distinct form within the context of the migratory journey. Muslim migrants were no longer regarded as adversaries of the nation because of their religious identity; rather, they were viewed as bearing multiple social stigmas. However, my interlocutors recalled a sentiment of affection for Italy, which often predated their migratory experiences and was often attributed to exposure to Italian culture through television. This cultural affinity, cultivated pre-migratory, influenced their sense of identity, including their Muslim identity. This phenomenon is unique to the context of the Italian Muslim community, and it stands in contrast to the experiences of other prominent Muslim communities.

6. Conclusions

Muslims from Albania have been excluded or portrayed as different in the scholarship about Islam in Italy for a considerable period of time. The complex relationship of Albanians with the religious history of their country renders them a challenging case study in the Islamic landscape of Italy. By focusing predominantly on the majority and more visible Muslim community, there is a risk of overlooking a significant segment of the Muslim population residing in Italy. This may impede the exploration of the diverse manifestations of Islam and its practical implementation across different groups. Furthermore, this narrow focus risks reinforcing the notion that Islam is not a significant part of Europe, despite the centuries-old Islamic tradition in many regions of Eastern and Southern Europe.

The findings of this research demonstrate that pathways pertaining to the development of community building and identity reconstruction are not unidirectional, but rather multidirectional. This reinforces the notion that the peripheries of Islam do not simply receive the religious influence from the center. Instead, the concept of circularity is foundational to the processes of community building and identity reconstruction. In terms of mobilizing the past, circularity is expressed through references to the Islamic legacy of al-Andalus and to the founding figures of Albanian Islam. The invitation extended to religious guides from the Albanian diaspora residing in Switzerland is consistent with the Italian and European dimensions, given their propensity to disseminate their influence in multiple directions.

An examination of communities such as Albanian Muslims reveals how they contribute to the dissemination of religious practices, multiple identities, and Islamic knowledge within Italy in a distinctive manner. A shift in perspective entails acknowledging the role of seemingly peripheral communities in shaping the Italian Islamic landscape across multiple domains.