The process of population aging in highly industrialized countries is particularly intensified today, as the percentage of people reaching senior age has increased significantly. Since 1950, life expectancy has increased by more than two decades. According to the World Health Organization, the number of people over 60 in almost every country is growing faster than in any other age group. In Poland, seniors are projected to make up 32% in 2035, while in 2050, their share will rise to more than 40% of the entire Polish population (
Central Statistical Office 2024). Similar trends are predicted in other societies in Western countries. This reflects a combination of influences from a variety of factors, including technological advances creating more favorable living conditions and better medical treatment than in the past, which is conducive to prolonging the life of the senior generation. A factor responsible for aging is also the decline in fertility in the generations entering adulthood. Paradoxically, these changes are accompanied by the cult of youth, attractive appearance, and unwavering physical condition spreading in Western societies, which leads to the perception of aging people as less valuable compared to young people or people in middle adulthood. At the same time, in many countries, there are attempts to activate aging adults, for example, by involving them in a variety of activities such as tourism (
Zhang et al. 2022). Educational activities for aging adults are carried out, for example, by Universities of the Third Age, enabling the inclusion of the elderly in the system of lifelong learning, offering informal education that provides rich, diverse knowledge.
1.1. Positive and Negative Aspects of Old Age
Establishing an unambiguous threshold of old age can be very difficult due to the lengthening of human life and the shifting boundaries of successive developmental stages and the individual rate of aging, which is why the formal boundary—retirement—is most often accepted as the moment that begins the period of senior age, which in many societies is 60/65 years of age.
Today, both positive and negative aspects of senior age are pointed out. People who reach retirement age are in good physical condition and declare activity sustained at the current level, but are focused on other spheres of life: family life, developing interests, and pro-social activities, as well as expanding their knowledge through continuing education. Involvement in the realization of goals unrelated to the duty of professional work, but autonomously formulated, is usually associated with high life satisfaction (
Bar-Tur 2021). However, it should not be overlooked that the period of old age is associated with a different range of regressive changes in the efficiency and capacity of organs and systems, as well as a greater risk of simultaneous occurrence of multiple somatic diseases (polypathology). Typical problems in old age include hearing loss, cataracts and refractive defects, back and neck pain and osteoarthritis, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, diabetes, depression, and dementia. Most often, the standard of seniors’ material conditions and the extent of their social contacts decline with the end of their working lives. Sooner or later, they are faced with the loss of a spouse and close peers, as well as experiencing the passing and inevitability of their own death, which is often a trigger for the manifestation of depressive disorders (
Grenade and Boldy 2008). As many authors of the life-span development trend point out, senior age is a time of taking stock of life and increased reflection on its meaning (
Erikson 1959;
Charpentier et al. 2008;
Hupkens et al. 2018). According to
Havighurst (
1972), the acceptance of deteriorating health and generally weaker physical condition is one of the basic developmental tasks of senior citizens. As this author’s concept shows, successful coping with the developmental tasks characteristic of this period of life, as well as any of the others, is associated with experiencing satisfaction and motivates further development. It should also be remembered that the state of health itself, as one of the most important determinants of any life activity, can significantly determine the level of satisfaction with life. A characteristic feature of the aging period is the occurrence of a large inter-individual variation resulting from differences in genetic predispositions, life experiences, and self-activity (
Bee 2004). This diversity is a characteristic of older age. This means that some 80-year-olds may represent a level of both physical and mental fitness similar to many 20-year-olds (
Oliver et al. 2014). In terms of physical fitness, this regularity is indicated by the results of a study of Polish seniors, because 39.0% of the total number of respondents said they had no significant problems, but at the same time nearly one in four respondents (23.4%) indicated poor health (
Center for Research on Old Age and Aging. Reference Research Center 2024). Thus, old age can have different faces; it can be creative and cheerful and also sad and troublesome, which is determined by inter-individual differences, as well as the dynamics of intra-individual changes (
Rembowski 1984).
In modern societies, there is an emphasis on making this positive side of aging predominate, and this is possible provided that the basic health-related and psychological needs of seniors are met: autonomy and experiencing self-efficacy, self-esteem, positive social relationships, and meaning in life. As
Ryff (
2014) noted, these needs and their fulfillment determine the so-called successful aging, which was then defined as human psychological well-being. A single, universal definition of successful aging is lacking, and various studies have used different operational definitions of the concept. Referring to the classic concept of
Rowe and Kahn (
1997), successful aging is defined here as the functioning of seniors at a high level in the physical, psychological, and social spheres without serious illness.
1.2. Health Condition and Well-Being of Seniors
The World Health Organization (WHO) states that well-being exists in two dimensions: subjective and objective. This division coincides with contemporary psychological accounts of well-being, which derive from two philosophical traditions: hedonistic and eudaimonistic. The first, referring to the philosophy of Aristippus of Cyrene, defines well-being as experiencing pleasure and subjective satisfaction with life (
Ryan and Deci 2001;
Diener 1984). It includes daily feelings and moods, such as perceived happiness, sadness, anger, and stress, or, in a slightly broader sense, also an individual’s overall assessment of quality of life at a certain stage, according to self-established standards (
Diener et al. 1999;
Ryff et al. 2004). Hedonistic well-being shows an increase with age; older adults tend to show a decrease in negative affect and an increase in positive affect until late adulthood, with external events being predictors of the level of momentary feelings of happiness (
Bar-Tur 2021). Eudaimonic well-being, on the other hand, is anchored in Aristotle’s eudaimonia and denotes the feeling that accompanies the realization of a person’s potential in life according to his or her nature (
Ryff 1989;
Waterman et al. 2010), and reflects the search for and possession of a sense of purpose and meaning in life. Compared to hedonistic well-being, it therefore requires more complex cognitive processing.
According to
Ryff (
1989), the author of the most popular psychological concept of eudaimonic well-being and an instrument for its study, this well-being can be described within six dimensions of positive functioning: (1) self-acceptance, (2) personal growth, (3) purpose in life, (4) autonomy, (5) environmental mastery, and (6) positive relations with others.
Self-acceptance indicates the degree of a person’s insight into his or her own weaknesses and strengths, as well as the ability to accept both his or her own successes and failures. The
personal growth dimension describes the intensity of the process of acquiring new skills and developing existing ones.
Purpose in life refers to the ability to formulate life tasks with which a person associates the meaning of his life and which he strives to achieve even in the face of adversity.
Autonomy is defined as independence and self-control and is revealed in resistance to external pressures. The dimension of
environmental mastery helps determine the degree of agency and ability to transform the environment based on values. The dimension
positive relations with others is defined as an empathic individual’s experience of positive benevolent relationships with other people, and the ability to enter into stable, deep social relationships based on friendship and love (
Ryff 1989). With age, especially in the lives of seniors, the level of eudaimonic well-being tends to decrease, especially in the evaluation of
purpose in life and
personal growth, and if it remains stable it means that aging people are using effective adaptive processes. The psychological literature sometimes distinguishes a separate type of well-being: social well-being, which is determined by the optimal functioning of a person in social life (
Keyes 1998). The aforementioned types of well-being relate to different areas of psychological experience; however, according to research, they are interrelated (
Robitschek and Keyes 2009).
According to research, the level of well-being is particularly important for the functioning of senior citizens, but at the same time, it is itself determined by numerous factors, such as material conditions, social and family relationships, social roles and areas, forms of activity, and quality of health. Most often, studies separately analyze their importance for positive aging. Considering several of these factors simultaneously, on the other hand, will make it possible to determine their importance for seniors’ well-being when they are put in the broader context of other conditions.
Health is one of the most important resources that people consider essential to well-being (
Dolan et al. 2008) and indeed, to a significant extent, health status (both physical and mental health) can affect well-being (
Wikman et al. 2011;
Sprangers and Schwartz 1999). Research findings indicate that both acute health problems experienced shortly before the study and long-term chronic ill health significantly reduce an individual’s level of well-being (
Shields and Price 2005). A bidirectional relationship between physical health and subjective well-being is indicated. Decreases in hedonic and eudaimonic well-being, for example, have been observed in a group of men and women struggling with the effects of stroke, or experiencing chronic lung disease and rheumatoid arthritis, as well as in people with diabetes and cancer, with a decrease in eudaimonic well-being occurring in those with several comorbidities (
Wikman et al. 2011). At the same time, it appears that the level of well-being affects the level of their physical condition and quality of health. The results of a study on a sample of aging women, for example, showed that those with higher levels of eudaimonic well-being compared to those with lower levels of eudaimonic well-being had lower physiological indicators of stress, or inflammation. Similar correlations were not reported for hedonic well-being (
Ryff et al. 2004). Additionally, in the Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA)
1, it was found that eudaimonic well-being is associated with longer survival. Thus, it can play a protective role in maintaining health and, to some extent, determine life expectancy. Therefore, in modern societies, maintaining the well-being of the elderly is an important goal of both economic and health policies.
The results of the MIDUS (Midlife Research, USA) study indicate that a number of psychosocial factors, such as purpose in life, activity, social relationships, proficiency at something, and pro-social behavior (i.e., making up eudaimonic well-being), predict better health, less disability, and better cognitive function in aging adults, even taking into account their disabilities and chronic illnesses (
Tse et al. 2024).
1.3. Religiosity and Well-Being of Seniors
Seniors, depending on the type of psycho-physical resources they have, use a variety of strategies to cope with the challenges of the aging process. Religious strategies occupy a significant place among them. Religiosity is often defined as a person’s subjective, individual attitude toward God, expressed in the sphere of a person’s concepts, beliefs, feelings, and behaviors related to worship, which takes institutionalized and organized forms (
Miller and Thoresen 2003). One way of describing religiosity is the concept of
Huber (
2003,
2007), who characterizes religiosity in terms of Kelly’s personal constructs (
Zarzycka 2011). The position of religious constructs in relation to other personal constructs in the personality structure determines a person’s type of religiosity: a central position manifests intrinsic religiosity; a subordinate position in relation to other personal constructs indicates heteronomous religiosity; and a marginal position of a construct indicates a lack of interest in religious issues. The results of both cross-sectional as well as longitudinal studies indicate that older people tend to be more religious and represent a higher level of spiritual development than younger people (
Wilhelm et al. 2007;
Moberg 2005;
Wink and Dillon 2001;
Bengtson et al. 2015). Older people are more likely than younger people to reveal autonomous religiosity. They practice personal piety, do in-depth reflection, take an interest in religious issues, read religious texts, have religious authorities, and form stronger personal bonds with God. This is accompanied by a deeper sense of meaning in life and, over time, experiencing a decline in physical functioning less often than among peers who are not engaged in this way (
Krok 2014;
Krause and Hayward 2012;
Brzezińska 2011).
Seniors’ religiosity may underlie both positive and negative coping with the challenges of aging (
Steuden 2011). Negative use of religiosity involves inhibiting or avoiding selected activities due to religious values, mainly the image of a demanding God and a religious community (
Harrison et al. 2001). An example of negative use of religion in coping with the challenges of senior age can manifest itself in a person relying solely on religious prohibitions, withdrawing from daily activities in favor of increased participation in various forms of religious celebrations (bigotry). Positive uses of religiosity represent religiously motivated activities that support spiritual, social, or cognitive development. They can manifest themselves in behavioral activism aimed at helping others in various ways, or charitable activities, seeking individual support from clergy, concern for the development of one’s inner life, changing attitudes toward loved ones (e.g., forgiving difficult experiences), or reinterpreting the purpose and meaning of one’s own life (
Harrison et al. 2001). A study of American seniors two decades ago found that they were more likely than younger people to use positive religious coping strategies to deal with difficult challenges and the stress that comes with them (
Steuden 2011). Numerous studies indicate a positive relationship between religiosity and well-being in various age groups, including senior citizens (
Emmons et al. 1998;
Masters et al. 2004). Various mechanisms underpinning this relationship are mentioned, such as religion and religiosity as a source of comfort and joy in difficult moments of life (
Zulehner 2002), a protective effect through the support of a religious community and also religious practices in stressful times (
Bazarko et al. 2013;
Cohen-Katz et al. 2005;
Lutz et al. 2004), or as a factor in building one’s own identity by facilitating finding answers to the question of one’s place in the world (
Hood et al. 2009). The adaptive function of seniors’ religiosity can be seen in the process of searching for and discovering meaning in life and the meaning of life, one of the dimensions of well-being. This applies both to one’s own past, in which difficult and unexplainable experiences were present, and to the future, which remains unknown (
McLeod-Harrison 2020). Religious, sense-making reflection acquires particular importance in situations “approaching” the moment of inevitable death. Among Polish seniors, a sense of
omnipresent death has been noted quite widely, increasingly affecting themselves, but also more frequently occurring in the immediate environment of their peers. These phenomena often result in older adults taking stock of their lives (
Brzezińska 2011).
Characteristic of late adulthood reflection about one’s own life, experiences of successes and failures can naturally direct a person towards transcendence. Religious systems, by exposing salvation as the primary goal of believers, open up the possibility of development even at the end of life (
Gray 2019). According to Erik Erikson, individuals in the last phase of life can achieve the virtue of wisdom resulting from the integration of elements of identity built throughout life (
Erikson 1959). Spiritual and religious values play an important role in this process by allowing one to transcend increasingly weaker somatic and psychological dimensions (
Orenstein and Lewis 2022). Religiosity through involvement in worship practices, on the one hand, fosters the development of positive social relationships and, on the other, leads to the experience of greater social support, contributing to high levels of psychological well-being (
Bożek et al. 2020;
Valino 2021).
1.4. Needs of Seniors Determining Their Activities as a Source of Well-Being
According to the self-determination theory (SDT) by
Deci and Ryan (
1985,
2017), the satisfaction of universal needs (i.e., competence, autonomy, and relatedness) is important for intensifying intrinsic motivation (
Deci et al. 1991), which in turn promotes psychological well-being (
Tang et al. 2021). The need for competence refers to an individual’s personal belief that he or she has the right set of skills to perform the tasks facing him or her. As a result, he takes on daily challenges and has a desire to improve his skills. Autonomy is a person’s natural need to direct his or her own life and make decisions in accordance with his or her own desires and values. When an individual has the ability to choose and make decisions, he feels more motivated and engaged in his activities. Relatedness refers to the desire to have close relationships with other people, to cooperate, to accept support from others, and to belong. These relationships make it easier for an individual to take actions that are in line with his values and goals. Satisfying the aforementioned needs enables an individual to act effectively, adopt an active attitude and maintain it despite difficulties that arise, and develop intrinsic motivation to act. Motivation is defined here as “the driving forces responsible for the initiation, persistence, direction and strength of goal-oriented behavior” (
Colman 2015, p. 412). Intrinsically motivated behaviors are undertaken for the pleasure and satisfaction of performing them (
Deci 1971). They are voluntarily performed in the absence of material rewards or constraints (
Deci and Ryan 1987). Intrinsic motivation stems from the need to feel competent and self-determined (
Deci and Ryan 1985). Activities that lead an individual to feel competent and/or self-determined internally satisfy and are likely to be performed again. Extrinsically motivated behaviors are performed in order to receive or avoid something after the activity has ended (
Deci 1975). A positive relationship between the intensity of intrinsic motivation and the level of well-being has been discovered in numerous studies on various forms of young adults’ activities (
Blais et al. 1990;
Deci and Ryan 1987;
Kobasa 1979;
Vallerand et al. 1993), and in the case of seniors, in selected spheres of their activities, such as tourism (
Vallerand and O’Connor 1989;
Zhang et al. 2022;
Tang et al. 2021). Thus, it is indicated that it is not so much the activity of elderly people per se, but the type of motivation and underlying needs that trigger and sustain this activity that seems to be related to their level of psychological well-being. Therefore, it was of interest to us to see if the needs distinguished by Ryan and Deci that guide seniors undertaking education at a Third Age University similarly determine their psychological well-being.
1.5. Universities of the Third Age as a Space for Seniors’ Activity
A special form of seniors’ activity is participation in Universities of the Third Age (UTA), i.e., organizations created on the initiative of universities, local authorities, or cultural centers whose purpose is the education and stimulation of mainly retired members of the community, those in their third ‘age’ of life. The program and form of activities offered there are adapted to the capabilities and needs of the elderly. They focus on the development and maintenance of cognitive and motor competencies, the fitness of which decline in late adulthood, provide opportunities for the development of interests, develop the talents that seniors possess, educate on health and new technologies, and answer questions related to the meaning and purpose of existence (
Hasińska and Tracz 2013). Thanks to the wide range of different classes and activities that can be taken at the UTAs, they fulfill the function of continuing education for the elderly and thus facilitate the developmental tasks that occur during this period. Thanks to this, they work against the social exclusion of seniors, keep them active by delaying the negative consequences of old age seen primarily in the areas of mental and somatic health and daily resourcefulness, and facilitate independent functioning in an increasingly rapidly changing world (
Formosa 2019). One example of this type of institution is the UTA operating at Pope John Paul II University in Krakow, which is a Catholic university and also a public university. The classes that participants at this university can enjoy consist of lectures in theology, philosophy, psychology, history, sociology, pedagogy, cultural studies, art, literary studies, and biblical studies. In addition, seniors can take part in foreign language classes, practical workshops training them in computer science, art therapy, dance, singing, and theater. They also take part in joint pilgrimages and integration trips, and form volunteer groups to support people in need. Among the students of the UTA operating at Pope John Paul II University in Krakow, which is a Catholic university, people interested in religious issues predominate. Therefore, some of the lectures contain content referring to religion and the Catholic faith, which for the participating seniors provide a space for the development of mature religiosity that can be an important resource for well-being and holistic functioning (
Dziedzic 2018). It was the students of the UTW at Pope John Paul II University who were the respondents of the study analyzed in this article.
1.6. Aims of Research
The purpose of our study is to determine the importance of the selected predictors, the level of religiosity, health assessment, and the intensity of motivational needs of seniors and listeners of the University of the Third Age, for the level of their well-being. Usually in the literature, the conditions of “successful aging” are analyzed, which represent one group of factors, such as those related to fitness, physical activity, health assessment, or separately related to the activity of seniors. Meanwhile, in order to understand the mechanisms of “successful aging”, a more holistic approach that simultaneously takes into account the role of various conditions is important, and such an approach was used in the author’s study presented here. Therefore, in our study, we tested whether such variables, including health assessment, religious activity, and type of motivation in undertaking education at the University of the Third Age, are predictors of the level of psychological well-being of the seniors surveyed.