Religious Pluralism and Identity Among Descendants of Bosnian Migrants in Slovenia

Abstract

This article examines the religious practices of descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia, a country that stands out as one of the most secular in Europe. While Bosnia and Herzegovina is known for its complex religious pluralism, where religious institutions play a crucial role in nation-building, Slovenia presents a contrasting context of secularization. Applying Peter Berger’s theory of religious pluralism, which suggests that pluralism weakens traditional religious authority, this study explores how descendants of Bosnian migrants navigate their religious identities in a secular environment. Although their identities have been shaped by the Yugoslav wars and the post-war redefinition of ethnicity through religion, younger generations are also influenced by broader social processes in Slovenia, including secularization, integration, and exposure to multiple belief systems. Using a qualitative research approach based on semi-structured interviews, this case study investigates the preservation and transformation of religious traditions among Bosnian migrant descendants and how these practices influence their identity. The findings highlight how migration and adaptation to a different socio-cultural environment shape religious practices across generations, contributing to broader discussions on religious choice, identity, and pluralism in contemporary societies.

1. Introduction

This article examines the religious practices and identity of descendants of Bosnian migrants living in Slovenia, a country often characterized as one of the most secular in Europe (Črnič et al. 2013). While Slovenia’s secular landscape is reflected in its weak religious affiliation, low church attendance, and a dominant public discourse that largely relegates religion to the private sphere (ibid.), the descendants of migrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina bring with them a cultural and historical legacy deeply shaped by religious diversity (Poulton 1991). Bosnia is marked by a complex interweaving of religion and ethnicity, where Islam, Eastern Orthodoxy, and Catholicism are not only faith systems but also pillars of group identity and political expression (Bringa 1995; Bougarel 2007). In this context, religious institutions have long played a significant role in nation-building and in articulating ethnic belonging.

The juxtaposition of these two national contexts—Bosnia’s historically embedded religious pluralism and Slovenia’s highly secularized social environment—creates a unique setting for exploring how migrant descendants negotiate their religious and cultural identities. This study is situated at the intersection of these contrasting paradigms, asking how descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia engage with religious beliefs, practices, and identities in an environment where religion is often marginalized in public life.

The analysis is theoretically grounded in Peter Berger’s (1996, 2014) framework of religious pluralism, particularly his later argument that pluralism does not necessarily lead to secularization in the sense of religious decline, but rather to the fragmentation and decentralization of religious authority. In pluralistic settings, individuals are increasingly compelled to choose their beliefs from a menu of competing worldviews, which often results in the privatization of religion and the emergence of more individualized, reconfigured forms of religiosity. The Slovenian context, in which public religious expression is rare and Catholicism maintains a latent cultural hegemony, exemplifies this tension. At the same time, the descendants of Bosnian migrants, whose religious identities are deeply entangled with the post-Yugoslav legacy of ethnic conflict and migration, are navigating not only this broader shift toward secularization but also inherited narratives of religion as a marker of ethnic distinction.

In this qualitative research, we conducted interviews with descendants of the immigrant community from Bosnia and Herzegovina in Slovenia, through which we examined their lived experiences, relationship to religious practice, and identity. The goal of this research was to find out what kind of religious rituals descendants preserve and practice, and how religion is articulated in their everyday life. We also wanted to explore if and how religion influences their identity construction. We used the qualitative method of semi-structured interviews. Through excerpts from these interviews, we present their attitudes towards faith, religious institutions, feelings of belonging, and identity perception. We also test Berger’s (2014) concept of “cognitive contamination” to see how religious pluralism and secularism influence their acceptance of other belief systems.

This article is structured as follows: it begins by briefly explaining the contextual background that traces key historical developments related to identity construction, the role of religious institutions, and an overview of migration dynamics within the former Yugoslav space. This is followed by an outline of the conceptual framework, focusing on religious pluralism, secularization, and identity formation. The subsequent section presents the methodology and interview sample, leading into a thematic analysis of the empirical findings. The discussion then situates these findings within broader academic debates, and the article concludes by reflecting on the implications for understanding religion, identity, and integration in the context of secular and pluralistic Europe.

2. Contextual Background

The Balkans are characterized by a complex and historically layered religious landscape, shaped by centuries of imperial rule under the Byzantine, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. This region hosts a unique coexistence of major religious traditions, including Eastern Orthodox Christianity (dominant in Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Greece, Bulgaria, and Romania), Islam (particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Kosovo, and parts of North Macedonia, Serbia, and Bulgaria), Catholicism (notably in Croatia, Slovenia, and parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and small but historically significant Jewish communities in countries such as Serbia, Bosnia, and Bulgaria (Poulton 1991, pp. 7–10). Under Ottoman and Habsburg rule, religious pluralism was institutionally maintained through systems like the millet, which allowed religious communities relative autonomy while reinforcing their separateness (Mazower 2000). However, the decline of imperial structures and the concurrent rise of nationalism in the 19th and 20th centuries transformed religious affiliation into a primary marker of ethnic and national identity, often exacerbating divisions and fueling intercommunal tensions and conflict (Perica 2002). In this context, religion in the Balkans evolved from a primarily spiritual domain to a deeply politicized element of identity and belonging.

2.1. Bosnia and Herzegovina: Religious Diversity and Ethnic Identity

Bosnia and Herzegovina represents one of the most complex and illustrative cases of religious diversity in the Balkans, where religion is deeply intertwined with ethnic identity and political affiliation. The country is home to three major ethno-religious communities: Orthodox Christians (primarily Serbs), Catholics (primarily Croats), and Muslims (primarily Bosniaks), who share a long and entangled history of coexistence and conflict (Bougarel 1997). During the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina was the site of some of the region’s most brutal atrocities. In response to these tensions, the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established within Yugoslavia with the aim of enabling a modus vivendi among the three dominant groups (Poulton 1991, p. 41). The republic thus epitomized the broader ethnic mosaic of Yugoslavia, where the three main religious traditions intersect most visibly.

Given the overlapping national and religious claims of both Serbs and Croats over the Slavic Muslim population, a distinct ‘Muslim’ category was introduced. Historically, the term ‘Muslim’ had been used to describe South Slavic populations who converted to Islam during the Ottoman period (Poulton 1991, p. 13). Throughout much of the Yugoslav era, the status of Slavic Muslims remained ambiguous, raising questions about whether they constituted a separate nationality. In 1971, they were formally recognized as a distinct ‘Yugoslav nation’ (ibid.), marking a critical moment in the ethno-religious classification of the region.

The violent dissolution of Yugoslavia in the 1990s, particularly the Bosnian War, resulted in widespread ethnic cleansing and the further entrenchment of religious and ethnic divisions. Religious institutions, far from remaining neutral, often reinforced nationalist ideologies and played influential roles in shaping the sociopolitical landscape (Sells 1998; Bringa 1995). In this context, religion was no longer simply a private or communal matter of faith but became a powerful mechanism for asserting collective identity and delineating boundaries of exclusion.

Peter Berger (1996, p. 11), however, cautioned against interpreting the Bosnian conflict solely through a religious lens. He argued that although religious institutions and symbols were mobilized during the war, the root causes of the conflict were primarily political and ethnic, rather than theological. Nevertheless, the entrenchment of religion within ethnic identity continues to shape Bosnia’s political and social landscape, reinforcing divisions and complicating post-war reconciliation (Zalta 2020b).

2.2. Slovenia: Secular Society and Religious Marginalization

Slovenia presents a distinctive context for examining religious pluralism within a predominantly secularized European framework. Following its independence from Yugoslavia in 1991, Slovenia institutionalized a liberal democratic order that constitutionally guarantees religious freedom while maintaining a formal separation between church and state. Despite a historical affiliation with Roman Catholicism, reflected in both cultural heritage and public rituals, the Yugoslav era introduced a top-down secularism all across the country (Poulton 1991, p. 7; Črnič et al. 2013, p. 211), and religion was pushed into the private sphere. Although the Catholic Church in Slovenia aspired to reestablish its position and influence across all spheres of public life (such as education, culture, and politics), that had been lost during the communist era (Zalta 2020a), the Slovenian post-socialist transition did not witness a huge rise in religious affiliation and practice as in other Central–East European countries, aligning Slovenia with broader European secularization trends (Tomka 2006; Črnič et al. 2013, p. 218). The last population census in Slovenia that measured religious identity was in 2002 and indicated a marked reduction in declared religious identity (Šircelj 2003, p. 68), underscoring the fragmentation of traditional religious authority. At the same time, the religious landscape has diversified due to increased migration and global religious flows, giving rise to emergent communities including Muslims, Orthodox Christians, Buddhists, and various New Age movements (Črnič et al. 2013, p. 212). However, public discourse and policy often continue to privilege the Catholic majority, complicating efforts toward full religious pluralism and equity in representation (Dragoš 2024). This ambivalence reflects a broader tension between Slovenia’s secular legal–political framework and its culturally embedded religious narratives (Črnič et al. 2013, p. 218).

In contemporary Slovenia, the Orthodox Church and Islam represent two of the most visible religious minorities, largely associated with migrant communities from other former Yugoslav republics (Šircelj 2003, p. 68). The Serbian Orthodox Church maintains several parishes across the country, primarily serving ethnic Serbs, Montenegrins, and Macedonians who migrated during the socialist era or following the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. Similarly, the Muslim community, primarily Bosniaks and Albanians, constitutes the second-largest religious group in Slovenia. Despite formal constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and equality, these communities often encounter institutional marginalization and social ambivalence1 (Mandelc 2024). While the state upholds a legal framework of religious neutrality, its policies and public rhetoric frequently reflect a preference for the Roman Catholic tradition, often framing religious minorities within the context of cultural integration and national identity politics (Smrke and Hafner-Fink 2008). Moreover, minority populations from the former Yugoslavia are at times perceived through a securitized or assimilationist lens, reinforcing their symbolic marginality in a society that continues to negotiate its post-socialist, post-Yugoslav identity (Kržišnik-Bukić 2014).

2.3. Migration History: Bosnian Migrants in Slovenia

To situate our research, it is important to briefly outline the history of internal migration in Yugoslavia, as parents of our interviewees were part of this movement. After the Second World War, Slovenia attracted a large number of labor migrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, primarily Bosniaks and Bosnian Serbs, due to rapid industrialization and labor shortages. The Yugoslav state facilitated internal migration under the banner of “brotherhood and unity,” promoting inter-ethnic cooperation while enabling economic mobility across republican borders (Božić and Kuti 2016; Malačič 2008). Industrial centers such as Jesenice and Velenje became home to Bosnian workers and their families, who settled in Slovenia throughout the 1970s and 1980s (Kržišnik-Bukić 2010).

The breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991 transformed these internal migrants into foreigners, affecting both their legal status and social position.2 Those who gained Slovene citizenship were culturally and socially integrated, but they were excluded from recognition as autochthonous national minorities in Slovenia. Scholars have described them as “unconstitutional national minorities,” reflecting their lack of formal rights despite their long-term presence (Kržišnik-Bukić 2014). While the Slovenian Constitution formally recognizes Italian and Hungarian national communities as autochthonous minorities with specific collective rights, including cultural and linguistic protections, other sizable groups such as Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats, Macedonians, and Albanians are excluded from this legal framework.3 These populations, many of whom migrated during the Yugoslav era for economic or political reasons, have established long-standing communities within Slovenia, yet they continue to be denied official minority status. These communities have been working toward gaining recognition, but for now, the Slovenian state has only taken a small step in this direction. In 2011, the Parliament adopted a declaration on the position of national communities belonging to the peoples of the former Yugoslavia nations. It was not until 2024 that the National Assembly adopted the Law on the Implementation of Cultural Rights of Members of National Communities of the Nations of the Former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the Republic of Slovenia, which also provides for financial support to associations and cultural organizations of these communities in Slovenia.

As a response, many of these communities have formed cultural associations that serve as platforms for advocacy, cultural expression, and claims for legal recognition (Medvešek et al. 2023). The most visible form of officially organized and recognized community has been the religious one. Bosniaks and Serbs registered their religious communities—Muslim and Orthodox, respectively—through which they organize themselves as communities, keep their transnational ties with their homelands and migrant communities around the world, and receive financial support from the Slovenian state, but have no political influence (Ješe Perković 2024).

3. Conceptual Framework

This chapter outlines the conceptual framework that guides the study of religious pluralism and identity among descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia. The analysis draws on sociological theories of religious pluralism and secularization, and incorporates perspectives on identity construction in migration contexts and the context of post-socialism. For the purposes of this analysis, we will engage with four central concepts: religious pluralism, secularization, cognitive contamination, and identity. These conceptual categories will serve as the foundational framework through which the subject matter will be examined. In articulating the definitions and nuances of these terms, we will draw primarily on the work of sociologist Peter Berger, whose contributions have been pivotal in shaping contemporary understandings of religion in modern societies.

3.1. Secularization and Religious Pluralism

The central premise of secularization theory is that “modernity necessarily leads to a decline of religion, both in society and in the minds of individuals” (Berger 1996, p. 4). Secularization refers to the diminishing societal influence of religion, typically manifesting in institutional disaffiliation, declining religious participation, and the privatization of belief (Wilson 1982).

While modernization has undeniably produced secularizing effects, it has also sparked robust movements of counter-secularization. As Hervieu-Léger (2000) argues, secularization does not equate to the disappearance of religion; rather, it signifies its transformation. In modern societies, religion often shifts toward individualized, reconfigured, and less institutionally bound expressions of belief. In the 1990s, Berger (1996, p. 7) pointed to two exceptions where “the old secularization theory seems to hold”. The first exception was Western Europe, and the second an international subculture composed of people with Western-type higher education, especially in humanities and social sciences, which was and still is the principal “carrier” of progressive, Enlightenment beliefs and values (Berger 1996, p. 8). Contrary to early expectations, the world in the twenty-first century remains as religious as ever. Indeed, Peter Berger (1996) himself revised his earlier position on secularization. In his later work, he reframed the discussion through the lens of pluralism. Rather than forecasting the disappearance of religion, Berger (2014) highlighted the modern condition of religious diversity and relativization. In pluralistic societies, traditional religious institutions no longer hold a monopoly on meaning, and individuals are compelled to actively choose among competing worldviews—a situation Berger termed the “heretical imperative” (Berger 1979).

The experience of post-socialist European countries illustrates these dynamics well. During the communist era, these societies underwent top-down secularization, as state authorities pushed religion into the private sphere and suppressed public expressions of faith (Poulton 1991, p. 7). However, with the fall of the Iron Curtain, many of these countries experienced a resurgence of religiosity and religious practices (Tomka 2006). These developments underscore a critical insight: neither the state nor religious institutions can fully control the trajectories of modernity, secularization, or personal religiosity. Historical examples of religious regimes affirm the limits of institutional control over secularization, while communist regimes demonstrate the limitations of suppressing religious sentiment among the population. Slovenia serves as a compelling case of exception in this regard. Although historically shaped by Catholicism, the country has experienced rapid secularization, with religion largely relegated to the margins of public life (Črnič et al. 2013).

As previously noted, modernity has not resulted in the secularization of societies globally, but rather only in specific contexts. What it has undeniably fostered, however, is an increasing degree of religious pluralism. While religious diversity is not a new phenomenon—historical examples abound—what distinguishes the contemporary period is the unprecedented speed at which ideas are exchanged, largely due to advances in communication technologies. This acceleration has contributed to the rapid emergence and global dissemination of new religious movements.

Religious pluralism refers to the coexistence of multiple religious and non-religious worldviews within a given society. It often leads to greater individual autonomy in matters of belief, as traditional authorities lose their exclusive claim to truth. This pluralization introduces a competitive dynamic among belief systems and undermines the taken-for-granted legitimacy of any single tradition. Berger (2014, p. 1) further underscores that pluralism is not merely the presence of diversity, but a specific kind of social arrangement grounded in peaceful coexistence and meaningful interaction. He writes:

Pluralism is a social situation in which people with different ethnicities, worldviews, and moralities live together peacefully and interact with each other amicably. The last phrase is important. It makes little sense to speak of pluralism if people do not talk with each other—for instance, where people do interact but only as masters and slaves, or where they live in sharply segregated communities and only interact in exclusively economic relations. For pluralism to unleash its full dynamic, there must be sustained conversation, not necessarily between equals, but extended in time and covering a broad range of subjects.

In this view, the vitality of pluralism depends not only on diversity itself, but also on the quality and depth of interpersonal and intercultural engagement. Furthermore, a secular state needs to facilitate this peaceful coexistence among different religious structures and practices by implementing suitable mechanisms and needs to adapt its approach to uphold the secular system (Jureković 2024).

Berger also introduces the concept of “cognitive contamination”, which he defines as “a commonly observed fact: if people keep on talking with each other, they will influence each other” (Berger 2014, p. 2). He advances two key propositions in this regard: first, that cognitive contamination leads to relativization; and second, that pluralism fosters cognitive contamination as a continuous and enduring condition (ibid.). Building on Berger’s notion of cognitive contamination, it becomes evident that sustained interaction among individuals from diverse religious backgrounds can serve as a catalyst for profound shifts in belief systems and religious identities. In pluralistic societies, where peaceful coexistence facilitates regular and meaningful encounters across religious boundaries, cognitive contamination operates as a mechanism of mutual influence. This process not only promotes greater understanding and tolerance among different religious communities but may also encourage individuals to engage with different religious practices, reinterpret inherited traditions, or even synthesize new forms of religiosity. As traditional religious monopolies erode in the face of pluralism, belief becomes increasingly subject to individual negotiation and contextual adaptation. Consequently, the boundaries between religious traditions can become more porous, contributing to both the diversification of religious expression and the emergence of hybrid spiritual movements. Berger’s framework thus highlights the dynamic and transformative potential of religious pluralism in shaping contemporary religious landscapes.

This theoretical framework is especially relevant for understanding the lived experiences of Bosnian descendants in Slovenia. These individuals navigate a complex terrain between inherited religious traditions and the secular, pluralistic context of the host society. Berger’s insights into pluralism illuminate how fixed religious identities may be destabilized, making room for hybrid, reinterpreted, or selectively adopted forms of belief.

3.2. Identity and Belonging

Theories of identity and belonging explore how individuals understand themselves in relation to social, cultural, and spatial contexts, emphasizing the dynamic and relational nature of selfhood. Identity is not fixed nor singular but is shaped through ongoing interactions with others and the broader social environment (Hall 1996). National identity is a specific type of social identity based on a collective’s self-identification as a “nation” in the sense of an “imagined community” (Anderson 1991). Identities are primarily historical in nature, which means that they arise, endure, and disappear in history depending on social, economic, and political circumstances, and the process of identity formation depends on the size of the community (Čapo Žmegač 1994, pp. 19–20). The larger the community, the more likely the identity will be constructed, secondary, and imposed (ibid.)

Identity construction encompasses both conscious and unconscious dimensions, involving the cognitive and social processes through which identities are shaped and continuously reshaped over time (Schwartz 2001). While essentialist perspectives conceptualize identity as stable and intrinsically linked to individual well-being (Behtoui 2019), this study adopts a non-essentialist approach that views identity as fluid and context-dependent, shaped by social, cultural, and psychological influences (Barkhuizen 2016). From this standpoint, identity acquires meaning primarily in relation to other identities (Rattansi and Phoenix 2005). As Jenkins (2014) argues, identity is not solely a matter of self-perception but is also constituted through the recognition and classification imposed by others. Individuals are embedded within broader economic, political, and social structures that condition their life opportunities—constraints that are especially pronounced for descendants of migrants, who often face systemic barriers to full inclusion within the dominant society (Chimienti et al. 2019). For descendants of migrants, identity negotiation often entails managing multiple, sometimes conflicting affiliations—such as ethnic, national, and cultural ties—while striving to establish a sense of belonging in their immediate social environment.

Belonging, closely tied to identity, refers to the emotional and symbolic attachments individuals form with communities, places, and cultural narratives (Antonsich 2010). Belonging can be defined as the subjective sense of being an integral part of one’s family, community, and broader environment (Hagerty et al. 1992). It is a fundamental human need rooted in biology, as human survival has historically depended on the formation of social bonds (Boyd and Richerson 2009). Belonging may also be understood as an act of self-identification or identification by others (Yuval-Davies 2011, p. 12). Yuval-Davies (ibid.) differentiates between three key analytical dimensions in which belonging is constructed: 1. social locations; 2. people’s identifications and emotional attachments to various collectivities; and 3. the ethical and political value systems through which people judge their own and others’ belonging. These concepts are particularly salient in contexts of migration, diaspora, and multicultural societies, where individuals often negotiate multiple, and sometimes conflicting, identities.

Theories of identity and belonging are particularly relevant in the context of religious pluralism, where individuals encounter a multiplicity of belief systems and practices within a shared social space. In pluralistic societies, religious identity becomes increasingly fluid, negotiated, and subject to reinterpretation. Belonging, too, is implicated in these dynamics, as individuals seek emotional and symbolic connections not only with religious communities of origin but also with new or hybrid forms of religiosity encountered in pluralist settings (Antonsich 2010; Yuval-Davies 2011). Berger’s (2014) concept of cognitive contamination underscores how interactions across religious boundaries foster mutual influence, relativization, and the emergence of new religious expressions. In such contexts, identity and belonging are no longer tied solely to inherited religious traditions but are reshaped through continuous engagement with religious diversity, leading to both individual transformation and broader shifts in the religious landscape.

In the post-Yugoslav context, religion has become tightly linked to ethnic and national identities. The wars of the 1990s politicized religion, aligning it with ethno-national categories: Islam with Bosniaks,4 Catholicism with Croats, and Orthodoxy with Serbs (Bringa 1995; Bougarel 2007). For many Bosnian migrants, religion thus carries symbolic weight as a marker of belonging and memory. For many first-generation migrants, religion serves as a cultural anchor and source of community. However, for their descendants, religious identity becomes a site of negotiation shaped by local integration, peer influence, and societal norms. Identity is increasingly seen as fluid and performative, constructed through ongoing interactions with both origin and host cultures (Hall 1996; Giddens 1991).

In the diaspora, this religious-ethnic link may persist, but it is also subject to redefinition. In Slovenia, a country with minimal institutional recognition of minority religions and a secular public sphere, descendants of Bosnian migrants face different pressures and opportunities for identity construction. Their engagement with religion reflects not only inherited ethno-religious meanings but also new interpretations shaped by pluralism, integration, and generational change. In secular Slovenia, young Bosnian descendants are exposed to diverse belief systems and cultural expectations. As a result, religious identity may be selectively maintained, transformed, or downplayed. This process reflects broader patterns of individualized religiosity and the decoupling of religion from ethnicity, often observed in post-migration generations (Levitt 2007).

4. Methodology

In our study, we focus on the descendants of immigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina living in Slovenia, the so-called ‘second-generation’. The goal of this research was to find out what kind of religious rituals descendants preserve and practice, and how religion is articulated in their everyday lives. We also wanted to explore if and how religion influences their identity construction. Moreover, we wanted to explore how the secular environment in Slovenia influenced their religiousness.

4.1. Design and Procedure

A life story method was implemented in this research. This method enables direct contact with the studied subjects and offers them an active role in shaping and communicating their story. Through a personal narrative, they have the opportunity to accurately describe different ways of celebrating religious holidays and explain their views on their identity. Personal stories provide us with an insight into the experiences of individuals and, at the same time, an understanding of cultural changes in societies and the relationships between them. Moreover, the role of a researcher in collecting life stories is not merely a distant academic one; through conversations and the narration of the researcher’s experience, a trustworthy and meaningful relationship can form (Bužinkić 2023, p. 8). In our case, I shared my memories with the interviewees from the town of Jesenice, where my ancestors come from, and a major migrant community from BIH as well.

As pointed out by Passerini et al. (2010), the problem with personal stories is that they are filled with projections and stereotypes that are part of the individual’s frame of mind, e.g., stereotypes about nationality and gender. The cultural stratification of memory, ideology, and experience together forms a complex narrative that indirectly corresponds to complexities in the social processes of geographic mobility (Passerini et al. 2010, p. 6). However, the perception of these stereotypes, which equip the personal story of individuals with some broader social factors, is important for understanding personal experiences and shaping identity.

We employed a qualitative research strategy, using semi-structured interviews. The ten prepared questions provided a basic structure for the conversations, but we adjusted their order and emphasis based on the interviewees’ responses. The interviews were conducted in 2020 and 2021. Due to COVID-19 restrictions, eight interviews were conducted in person, each lasting for two hours or more, while four interviews were conducted online via Zoom and were shorter, as the lack of personal contact made the atmosphere less relaxed, resulting in more succinct answers. To ensure anonymity, different names were assigned to our interviewees. The participants were informed about the study’s aim, voluntary participation, the right to withdraw, and confidentiality. All interviews were conducted in Slovenian, audio-recorded, transcribed, and securely stored.

4.2. Participants

We used the snowball sampling method to access this population; first, we used personal contacts that led us to new interviewees. People recruited through this method may feel more comfortable and trusting in the study, leading to more in-depth data. Additionally, we attended an event organized by the Union of Unions of Cultural Associations of Former Yugoslavia’s Constitutive Nations and Nationalities in Slovenia (ExYumco) and the newspaper Dnevnik, where representatives of Serbian and Bosniak associations were present, providing further contacts for interviews.

Although the sample size is relatively small, efforts were made to ensure internal heterogeneity among participants. The twelve interviewees selected for this qualitative study varied in terms of gender, age, educational background, ethnic origin (Bosniak and Bosnian Serb), and religious affiliation (Muslim, Orthodox Christian, and atheist). The sample comprised six individuals of Bosniak descent and six of Bosnian Serb descent. Notably, no descendants of Bosnian Croats were identified through the snowball sampling method employed. In terms of religious identification, five participants identified as Muslim, three as Orthodox Christian, and four as atheist. The age of participants ranged from 32 to 57 years, with an average age of 41.5. The gender distribution included nine women and three men.

We also considered geographical diversity within Slovenia, selecting interviewees from Ljubljana, Jesenice, Velenje, and Mengeš, the first three cities being the main industrial centers since the 1960s, where most internal migrants moved. All interviewees are descendants of economic migrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina who came to Slovenia between 1960 and 1990 during the Yugoslav era. We focused on the descendants of economic migrants for comparability and left the analysis of refugees from the 1990s Bosnian war for future research. Although the interviewees do not represent a single generation due to the time gap between them, their parents shared the same economic motivation to migrate to Slovenia—a better life.

4.3. Limitations

Given that the research was conducted by a single researcher, the inherently interpretive nature of qualitative analysis lacked the benefit of multiple perspectives, which may have limited reflexivity and introduced subjective bias. The small sample size presents additional limitations, particularly due to the use of snowball sampling, which constrains the representativeness of the wider population and may result in a more homogenous data set. Furthermore, the predominance of female participants introduces a gender imbalance, which restricts the transferability of the findings across broader demographic groups. These methodological constraints raise important concerns regarding objectivity, generalizability, and the broader applicability of the results, thereby requiring a cautious and context-sensitive interpretation of the study’s conclusions.

4.4. Analysis

There were two main themes in the analysis, with four subthemes:

• Religious practices:
  • Family traditions;
  • Celebration across different religious communities—cognitive contamination.
• Ethnic identity and national belonging:
  • Bosnian identity and Slovenian belonging;
  • Multicultural, European, cosmopolitan identity.

Patterns were identified through an inductive approach, emphasizing narratives relevant to religious practices, ethnic identity, and belonging (Maguire and Delahunt 2017).

4.5. Linguistic Clarification

We need to clarify one linguistic characteristic in the interviews. To maintain the colloquial tone, we retained the specific word ‘down’. In Slovenian, ‘down’ refers to places in the south and ‘up’ to places in the north, depending on the speaker’s perspective. From the Slovenian perspective, Bosnia and Herzegovina is ‘down’, a term the interviewees frequently use to refer to Bosnia. When we say ‘Bosnia’, we mean Bosnia and Herzegovina.

5. Findings and Analysis

This chapter explores how descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia engage with religious traditions. Religious celebrations are powerful social practices that bind individuals to family, community, and broader cultural frameworks. Religious holidays and sacred spaces are “sharply differentiated and delineated from the secular by specific performative religious acts” such as praying or fasting (Yuval-Davies 2011, p. 116). However, in everyday life, these binary constructions are far more fluid. Ordinary practices, such as food preparation or moral judgments, can acquire religious significance and be imbued with sanctity. In a pluralist society, such religiously inflected practices need not originate from a single religious tradition but may instead reflect a confluence of diverse religious sources (ibid.). For diasporic communities, these rituals are more than expressions of faith. They are symbolic enactments of belonging, memory, and identity.

Drawing on interview data, the analysis examines how religious practices function as symbolic and interpersonal acts that affirm familial ties and cultural heritage, while also revealing the negotiation of multiple identities in a Slovenian context and cognitive contamination among the descendants and Slovenians. Among our interviewees, religious identity is largely detached from formal religious observance. The study shows that the main religious practices are celebrations of religious holidays. Only one participant reported attending mosque and praying weekly. The majority do not practice religion regularly, and four self-identified as atheists. However, three of these atheists still participate in religious holidays, particularly due to family traditions. Most participants see religion as part of their private life. The analysis also reveals that most participants celebrate religious holidays from multiple traditions together with their spouses, neighbors, or friends. This reflects what Berger (2014) terms “cognitive contamination,” whereby exposure to diverse belief systems influences personal worldviews.5 As a result, several interviewees articulate their identities as multicultural, European, or cosmopolitan.

5.1. Religious Practices: Celebration of Religious Holidays

The empirical findings of this study confirm broader theoretical perspectives on the transformation of religion in secularized, pluralistic societies. In line with the secularization thesis, most participants do not engage in regular religious practice. Only one participant reported praying and attending the mosque weekly, while four self-identified as atheists. Nevertheless, even among non-believers, religious holidays such as Bajram, Christmas, and Easter maintain significance as cultural and familial events. This reflects what Davie (1994) has described as “believing without belonging,” and what others frame as a shift from collective religious observance to individualized spirituality.

Religious identity among Bosnian descendants in Slovenia is increasingly detached from institutional structures and is instead rooted in personal values, cultural heritage, and social rituals. For example, Adnan remarked: “I don’t go to the mosque, but I consider myself a Muslim. I don’t drink alcohol, I don’t eat pork and I celebrate Bajram.” Lejla added, “Religion should help you in life, not make things more complicated.” These expressions highlight how religion functions more as an ethical or lifestyle orientation than as a doctrinal commitment. Religious engagement for many participants is therefore more about cultural continuity than religious obligation.

Religious holidays are central to this continuity. They serve not only as moments of symbolic reaffirmation of identity but also as active sites of social bonding. Participants such as Samira shared that they celebrate all holidays—Bajram, Catholic, and Orthodox Christmas—at home with family and friends of different religious and national/ethnic backgrounds: “We have two three-seaters in the living room, so that everyone can sit and socialize. Our friends really enjoy it.” In these private gatherings, religious boundaries are blurred, cognitive contamination occurs, and pluralism is lived through everyday hospitality and shared meals. The symbolic function of these celebrations fosters inclusion, trust, and mutual recognition among diverse communities.

Participants in mixed marriages often reported celebrating multiple religious traditions. Dušan explained: “Already during the former Yugoslavia we celebrated Orthodox Christmas, as both parents are Orthodox. Since I have a partner who is Catholic, in addition to Orthodox holidays, we also celebrate Catholic Christmas and Easter.” Marko, who is also married to a Slovene, echoed this experience: “We celebrate both Christmases, so we have more presents. But we also celebrate Saint Nicholas and Grandfather Frost.” Such practices exemplify cognitive contamination and lived religious pluralism, negotiated within the intimate sphere of family life. Vesna humorously summarized the challenge: “We celebrate everything. And it’s a logistical nightmare for me. If only church would decide on a single calendar.”6

Even those who identify as atheists maintain some connection to religious tradition through ritual practices. Marija explained, “We’re atheists, we didn’t preserve any customs. We never celebrated anything—not even Orthodox Christmas.” However, she noted that her mother had begun celebrating in old age. This suggests that religious tradition may resurface later in life or take on new meaning across generations.

For more religious participants like Emir, faith continues to be expressed through both belief and practice. “We celebrate Bajram twice a year—Ramazan Bajram and Kurban Bajram.7 During Bajram we go from house to house. We eat, drink and prepare sweets like baklava.” Emir attends the mosque regularly, prays on Fridays, and fasts throughout Ramadan. “I’ve fasted since I was a child. My daughter fasted the whole month this year. She’s only ten. I told her she didn’t have to, but she wanted to.” Emir emphasized that within his family, each member exercises autonomy: “It’s a personal choice. Even among five of us Bosnians, two won’t drink or eat pork, while the others do. I don’t judge anyone.”

Children also play a role in transmitting religious knowledge in informal ways. Samira described how her daughter presented Bajram at school when pupils were invited to share their family traditions. The teacher encouraged such engagement, demonstrating how religious pluralism is increasingly normalized within institutional settings like schools.

However, pluralism also requires negotiation. Amila, for instance, noted: “I can’t say I’m not Muslim if my whole family is. I don’t know how religious I am, but I respect everything—even a cow, if necessary. As long as my mom is here, I’ll celebrate Bajram with her. When she’s gone, who knows.” This quote reflects both the tension and fluidity of religious identity, where personal belief, social expectation, and family ties intersect.

Finally, secularism in the Slovenian context shapes how religion is expressed and regulated. Most participants described religion as private and non-institutional, practiced at home rather than in religious institutions. Religious observance is framed as optional and negotiated within family units. As Samira noted, “Religion should help you in life, not complicate it.” This ethos resonates with the broader European trend of secularization, where institutional religion recedes but spiritual and cultural dimensions of faith remain influential.

In conclusion, the findings illustrate how descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia articulate and negotiate religious identity within a framework of secularism and pluralism. Despite the diversity of practices, a shared pattern emerges: religion, while often de-institutionalized, remains an important cultural and familial anchor. It shapes how participants relate to their past, their communities, and their place in Slovenian society. The findings reveal a pattern of individualized and situational religious identity, shaped by plural affiliations, cognitive contamination, and cultural practices rather than institutional religious life.

5.2. Negotiating Ethnic Identity and National Belonging

As already discussed above, in the case of Bosnian identity, religion plays a central symbolic role, often serving as the primary marker of ethnic differentiation, particularly between Bosniaks, Orthodox Serbs, and Catholic Croats. Even among atheists, religious affiliation tends to align with familial and ethnic heritage. As one participant put it: “I can’t say I’m not Muslim if my whole family is.” This suggests that religious identity, regardless of belief, remains a salient element of cultural and ethnic belonging.

The interviews reflect varying degrees of comfort, attachment, and negotiation with identity. Dušan expressed a pragmatic stance, noting: “I don’t think there’s anything particularly problematic here… I know who I am, I know what I am and I don’t make a big deal out of it. I work and live normally.” This suggests a form of normalized duality, where identity is stable and unproblematic due to the absence of overt societal conflict. Yet, Dušan also articulates a clear ethnic and linguistic distinction in defining himself as a Bosnian Serb and speaks Serbian at home with his children, showing how cultural continuity persists in familial contexts.

In contrast, Tamara reflected deeply on the tension of dual identity and societal expectations to conform to one category: “Just because my parents are from Bosnia doesn’t mean I have to be Bosnian… Society expected us to choose: are we Bosnians or Slovenians? I still have a problem with this today.” Her narrative highlights how identity is not only personal but also relational and shaped by institutional pressures and social labelling. However, Selma does not express any tensions in understanding her own identity, and proudly identifies as Bosnian: “I never hide where I’m from… I’m proud of that too.”

Samira and Leila both highlight the fluidity of national belonging, particularly when moving between Bosnia and Slovenia. “In Slovenia, I say I’m Bosnian; in Bosnia, I say I’m Slovenian,” Samira shared. Leila stated, “In Bosnia, I’m a Slovenian. Here, I’m from down there.” These narratives reinforce the notion of situational identity—contextually adapted, yet rooted in both belonging and difference. Home is relationally defined, often anchored in language, upbringing, and daily life rather than fixed national borders.

Amila’s story adds a perspective on different ways of living, noting that in Bosnia, she was perceived as Slovenian because she was born in Slovenia and had different habits. Her husband was born in Bosnia, and he continued self-identification as Bosnian, which contrasts with her view: “I tell him: ‘Not anymore. You came here when you were 18, and now you’re 56.’” The passage of time, daily routines, and place of residence become criteria for evaluating belonging, especially in contrast to origin-based identity claims.

Vesna, meanwhile, rejects the need for a fixed or “technical” identity altogether. “I feel equally Slovenian, Serbian and Bosnian,” she states, positioning plural identity as a form of cultural richness. Similarly, Marija represents an identity orientation that transcends ethnicity altogether: “I see myself as a human being… Where you’re from doesn’t matter.” For her, identity is grounded in ethical individualism, detached from national or religious categories.

Both Samira and Vesna noted that, in addition to identifying with multiple ethnic backgrounds, they also perceive themselves as European. They adopted a supranational identity, such as a European identity, as a flexible framework for navigating complex and shifting situational contexts. This form of identification allows individuals to transcend rigid national or ethnic categories and engage with broader, integrative narratives of belonging. As Delanty (2005) argues, European identity functions as a postnational construct that accommodates cultural diversity while fostering a shared sense of civic and political space. For descendants of migrants, such identities can serve as strategic resources, enabling them to mediate between local, national, and transnational affiliations and to articulate a sense of self that is inclusive, mobile, and responsive to plural social environments.

In the Slovenian context, where public discourse often emphasizes cultural homogeneity and linguistic assimilation, these narratives reveal both the challenges and potential of integration. They point to the resilience of personal and familial identity strategies and to the enduring negotiation between belonging, heritage, and everyday practice. Ultimately, the analysis affirms that identity among descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia is not a fixed attribute but an evolving, relational construct shaped by memory, community, and national imaginaries.

6. Discussion

Peter Berger’s (1967) theory of the “sacred canopy” argued that modern pluralism inevitably undermines the monopoly of religious authority. The findings in this study reflect this process: religious authority is no longer institutional or doctrinal for many descendants of Bosnian migrants but has instead shifted toward symbolic and cultural domains. While mosque attendance is rare and formal religious observance is minimal, religious holidays such as Bajram or Christmas remain meaningful as family-centered rituals. For many, belief becomes optional, while identity and tradition remain salient. This shift mirrors Berger’s later reassessment, where he acknowledged that pluralism leads not to secular irrelevance but to religious privatization and the decentralization of authority (Berger 1996).

The identities of Bosnian descendants in Slovenia are shaped by a complex interplay of memory, migration, and secular socialization. Religious identity, as shown, often functions less as a faith commitment and more as a link to family history and cultural origin (Levitt 2001). Narratives from participants such as Dušan and Tamara show how memory (of family, Bosnia, and Yugoslavia) coexists with present-day belonging in Slovenia. The result is neither full assimilation nor cultural detachment, but a dynamic hybridity shaped by lived experience (Hall 1996).

Religion, while de-institutionalized, still plays a key integrative function within the private sphere (Levitt and Jaworsky 2007). Celebrations like Bajram or Christmas are not only markers of heritage but also opportunities for strengthening kinship networks and affirming belonging within a multicultural setting. Participants such as Samira, Leila, Marko, and Dušan illustrate how religious holidays function as inclusive, domestic gatherings that bridge communities and subtly introduce cognitive contamination, fostering understanding, mutual respect, and peaceful coexistence among diverse ethnic, social, and religious groups. At the same time, the limited engagement with religious institutions reflects broader trends in European secularization, where belief and practice are increasingly individualized (Davie 1994). Religion becomes a personal resource for negotiating belonging rather than a public identity marker (Hervieu-Léger 2000).

The case of Bosnian descendants in Slovenia underscores the evolving nature of religious pluralism in contemporary Europe. Rather than a clash between belief systems, pluralism here reveals itself as a quiet coexistence of multiple affiliations—religious, ethnic, national, and cultural (Modood 2013). The findings challenge the binary of secular versus religious by revealing how individuals mobilize elements of both depending on context. This has broader implications for European integration policies, which often presuppose linear models of assimilation (Vertovec 2007). Instead, what emerges is a plural, negotiated landscape of identity in which religion serves less as doctrine and more as a symbolic, cultural, and emotional reference point.

Taken together, these insights highlight how the descendants of migrants creatively reconcile the religious heritage of their families with the secular, civic expectations of their national context. The result is not the disintegration of religious identity but its transformation into new, contextually relevant forms. Religious pluralism, when understood not only as institutional tolerance but as lived hybridity, offers a framework for recognizing the complex, often paradoxical ways in which belonging and belief are negotiated in modern Europe.

7. Conclusions

This study offers insights into the religious practices, religious affiliation, identity formation, and belonging of descendants of Bosnian migrants in Slovenia, illuminating the complex and evolving interplay between religious pluralism and secularization in contemporary European societies. The findings demonstrate that descendants’ identity is often grounded in cultural memory and enacted through shared rituals, such as religious holidays, that transcend doctrinal boundaries and serve as bridges between ethnic, religious, and national affiliations.

Using qualitative methodology based on twelve semi-structured interviews, this article explores the lived experiences of descendants of Bosnian migrants and their relationship to religious practice and belief. The interviewees, who include self-identified Muslims, Orthodox Christians, and atheists, offer insight into how religion is practiced in everyday life: often informally, selectively, and primarily within the private domain of family and community celebrations. Although most respondents report minimal institutional religious engagement, they continue to observe major religious holidays, a few of them maintain dietary or lifestyle choices linked to religious heritage, and pass on selected traditions to their children. In some cases, religious identity is explicitly decoupled from belief, functioning instead as a symbolic or cultural reference point that sustains familial bonds and preserves a sense of belonging to a transnational Bosnian community.

While secularization in Slovenia curtails the public visibility of religion, it does not erase its significance. Rather, religious expression increasingly assumes a de-institutionalized and individualized form. Formal religious practice is limited among the participants, yet religious celebrations persist as powerful symbolic practices that maintain familial bonds, reaffirm cultural continuity, and foster social cohesion. These private, domestic spaces of religious expression serve as vital arenas for living pluralism, where multiple affiliations are embraced and negotiated with subtlety and pragmatism.

This study confirms what theories of religious pluralism and secularization suggest: in contemporary societies, religion tends to shift from institutionalized, collective expressions to more private, personalized forms of belief (Casanova 1994; Davie 1994; Berger 2014). Moreover, this research contributes to broader debates in the sociology of religion and migration studies by illuminating how religious pluralism, secularization, and integration intersect in the lives of migrant descendants. It challenges dichotomous understandings of religiosity and secularism by demonstrating the persistence of religious meaning and ritual in de-institutionalized forms. It also speaks to the role of religion in migrant integration—not as a fixed identity but as a flexible, evolving set of practices that reflect wider processes of adaptation, memory, and belonging. As Hagerty et al. (1992) argue, belonging entails a subjective sense of connection to people and places, while Yuval-Davies (2011, p. 12) emphasizes that belonging is also an act of self-identification or identification by others.

This study addresses key questions about how migrants and their descendants negotiate religious difference, construct identities, and participate in pluralistic societies that increasingly expect the privatization of faith. These findings support theories of “believing without belonging” (Davie 1994) and the decentralization of religious authority (Berger 1996), while enriching scholarship on transnationalism, cultural hybridity, and post-migration identity (Hall 1996; Levitt 2001).

Future research could build on these findings by undertaking comparative studies across different European contexts with significant post-Yugoslav or other migrant populations. Longitudinal research would be especially valuable in tracing how cultural identities evolve over generations, particularly in light of increased digital communication and global mobility. Moreover, interdisciplinary approaches are needed to explore how religious pluralism intersects with public policy, civic inclusion, and the shaping of social cohesion in an increasingly diverse and secular Europe. Ultimately, this study lays the groundwork for a more refined understanding of religious identity as a dynamic and situated resource, both personal and collective, within pluralistic, post-migration societies. It invites further exploration into how individuals and communities negotiate belonging in environments where secularism, cultural diversity, and transnational connections increasingly converge.