The Protection of Religious Freedom in the Polish Penitentiary System: Between Tradition, Pluralism, and Secularization

Abstract

This study examines the exercise of religious freedom within the Polish penitentiary system, focusing on the intersection of legal frameworks, religious pluralism, and secularization. While Poland’s Constitution and penal legislation guarantee inmates the right to practice their faith, the practical implementation of this right faces systemic challenges. This research draws on legal analysis, demographic data, and existing empirical studies to assess how pastoral care operates in prisons. The findings reveal that although the prison system is formally open to various denominations, access to non-Catholic chaplaincy is often limited and misaligned with the evolving religious composition of the inmate population, especially following increased immigration. The number of chaplains and volunteers remains low relative to the needs of inmates, and pastoral services vary widely across regions. Despite these issues, religious involvement is shown to support rehabilitation by fostering moral development and reducing recidivism. This study concludes that a more inclusive, pluralistic, and flexible approach to prison ministry—one that accounts for both declining religiosity and growing diversity—is essential. Chaplaincy must adapt not only as a provider of religious rites but also as a facilitator of ethical reflection, emotional support, and reintegration into a secular and pluralistic society.

1. Introduction

There is a number of scientific studies that explore the relationship between religiousness and lower crime (Ellis and Peterson 1996, p. 765). “In contemporary resocialization programs, spiritual life is often confined to the area of artistic expression or reception of the works of high art. Rehabilitation assumptions in individual rehabilitation programs seem to be limited to purely scientistic objectives, thus seeking their justification in the existing concepts of social sciences such as: modeling, conditioning, facilitation, self-psychocorrection” (Bernasiewicz 2017, p. 28).

In the scientific literature, there is a noticeable interest in the processes of religious experience (Wiliam 1958), as well as the role of religion understood as a force through which positive changes in personality can be achieved (faith as a force for positive change) (Gardner 2011, p. 22), and even a reduction in crime rates (faith can play a positive role in reducing or mitigating crime) (Gardner 2011, p. 26)

According to Kazimierz Pierzchała, the primary function of prison pastoral care is its salvific function. Prison pastoral care, by appealing to the conscience, guilt, the need for forgiveness and reconciliation, and maintaining active engagement in religious practices, can foster rehabilitation. Prison pastoral care aims at achieving in the convict a threefold reconciliation: with God, with society, and with oneself (Sikorski 1994, p. 208).

Forgiveness is closely linked to the acceptance that offenders expect from those coming to pastoral care in prison. The basic task of the chaplain is to perform the following functions out of spiritual solidarity with the convicted person: preaching the Word of God, celebrating the sacraments, organizing prayer-formation meetings, performing the service of love, and witnessing with one’s own attitude (Pierzchała 2013, p. 94).

In the period immediately after the political transformation of 1989, a high group of inmates using religious services was recorded. Masses were sometimes organized several times a day so that all those who wished could attend. Liberalization of imprisonment caused a decrease in interest in participating in religious life (Pierzchała 2013, p. 95).

The question of religious freedom within penitentiary systems lies at the intersection of fundamental human rights protection and the practical realities of imprisonment. Prisons, as total institutions, inherently impose severe limitations on many aspects of personal autonomy. Within such constraints, the protection of religious freedom takes on particular importance, both as a safeguard of human dignity and as a core component of lawful democratic governance.

In Poland, this issue is of particular relevance due to the country’s historical, legal, and cultural context. Historically shaped by Catholic dominance, the Polish prison chaplaincy system has evolved into a complex structure that formally accommodates multiple religious denominations while still reflecting the demographic predominance of Roman Catholicism. The constitutional and statutory provisions adopted after 1989 offer extensive guarantees of religious freedom for inmates, but the practical implementation of these rights raises important questions regarding access, pluralism, and proportionality of available services.

This study focuses primarily on the legal and organizational dimensions of religious freedom in Polish penitentiary institutions. It seeks to analyze how the prison system operationalizes the constitutional right to freedom of religion for inmates, how pluralistic accommodation is managed, and how systemic challenges such as demographic shifts, increasing religious diversity, and gradual secularization affect the practical functioning of prison chaplaincy.

Although numerous authors suggest that religious practice may contribute to the moral and psychological rehabilitation of inmates, this article does not attempt to empirically assess the criminological effectiveness of religion as a resocialization tool. Rather, its objective is to examine the institutional framework within which religious freedom is exercised and to assess whether the system adequately protects this right for all inmates, regardless of their religious affiliation. In this respect, this paper positions religious freedom not as an instrument of correctional policy but as an intrinsic, non-derogable element of fundamental human rights, even within the context of incarceration.

2. Historical Evolution of Prison Chaplaincy in Poland

The traditions of institutionalized chaplaincies in the army, in hospitals, and in prisons have a long history in Poland (Stanisz 2019, p. 87). The beginning of religious assistance in Poland is connected to the legal regulation of the spiritual assistance made in the Instruction of 18 September 1550 issued by the Chancellor of Poland (Bedyński 1994, p. 11). This instruction was very progressive, and its goal was to improve the spiritual life of prisoners (Nikołajew 2012, p. 20).

The establishment of the House of St. Michael in Rome became an inspiration to creating similar correction houses for juvenile delinquents in Warsaw (Bedyński 1994, pp. 13–14; Nikołajew 2012, p. 21; Czelny 2019, p. 24). In 1767, Stanisław Lubomirski, the Grand Marshal of the Crown, established the Marshal’s prison in Warsaw. The prison regulations highlighted that unrestricted access to religious practices and clergy was considered essential for the moral rehabilitation of inmates. A Catholic chapel was available within the prison, and ongoing spiritual support from Catholic clergy was provided. However, prisoners of other faiths were not compelled to participate in Catholic religious activities (Czelny 2019, pp. 24–25). The Marshall prison was functioning until 1795 (Maleszyk 2016, p. 21; Bedyński 1994, p. 4; Nikołajew 2012, p. 22).

It is necessary to mention the legal regulations regarding chaplains in prisons when Poland was under partition (1795–1918). In 1810, the document titled Establishment of State Prisons established formal guidelines regarding the role of prison chaplains. It is regarded as an early example of modern legal legislation that recognized the importance of humanitarian treatment of prisoners (Bedyński 1994, pp. 18–20; Nikołajew 2012, pp. 23–24; Maleszyk 2016, p. 22; Czelny 2019, p. 25). Another significant legal act was the Instruction for the Prisons and Correctional Facilities of the Kingdom of Poland, published in 1859. This document addressed all functional aspects of prison operations, including the working conditions and remuneration of prison chaplains, the requirement for prisoners to participate in religious practices, and the procedures for establishing a permanent chapel (Bedyński 1994, pp. 24–25; Nikołajew 2012, p. 25; Maleszyk 2016, p. 23; Czelny 2019, p. 26).

According to the statistical data, in 1881, twenty prisons of the former Kingdom of Poland employed nineteen Roman Catholic priests, fifteen pastors, four Eastern Orthodox priests, and two deacons (Orthodox) (Bedyński 1994, p. 25).

After Poland regained independence, the first piece of legislation was a decree signed by Józef Piłsudski on 8 February 1919 on temporary prison regulations. The provisions were introduced to fight against the prisoners’ atheism (Maleszyk 2016, p. 26). The second legal act was the Regulation of the Minister of Justice of 20 June 1931 on Prison Regulations, which addressed issues related to the varying access of prisoners from different religious denominations to services held in the prison chapel. It also recognized religious care as a fundamental tool for education and rehabilitation. However, the regulation notably favored the Roman Catholic denomination (Maleszyk 2016, p. 27). In the 1930s, the number of prison chaplains taking permanent care of prisoners and being contract employees of the prison system exceeded 140. The legal regulations provided for appointing the priests of other denominations than the Roman Catholic Church as prison chaplains, mainly Orthodox and Jewish priests (Stanisz 2019, p. 88).

The situation dramatically changed after World War II in the period of the Polish People’s Republic. The change was caused mainly by the antireligious attitude of the communist authorities, who considered the Catholic Church an enemy of communism (Stanisz 2019, p. 88). Religious and moral values were replaced by the communist ideology of the state. Pastoral service was restored in 1946, and it was provided only by Roman Catholic priests (Zawiślak et al. 2020, p. 302). The scope of religious service was limited to the activities typical for a chaplain, and it was only reserved for the convicts. In accordance with the antireligious position of the government, the religious activity of the prisoners was limited to individual prayer and contemplation in prison cells (Nikołajew 2012, p. 39).

3. Religious Landscape of Prisons in Poland

After communism collapsed in Poland in 1989, the religious life of the prisoners was regulated by the two legal acts, the Act of 17 May 1989 on the Guarantees of the Freedom of Conscience and Religion and Act of 17 May 1989 on the Relations between the Polish State and Roman Catholic Church in the Republic of Poland.

Under Article 53, paragraph 2 of the Polish Constitution (1997), religious freedom includes the following:

(1)

The performance of religious practices;

(2)

The use of religious services;

(3)

Direct participation in the services held in the prison on public holidays;

(4)

Listening to services broadcast by the mass media;

(5)

Having the necessary books, writings, and objects needed to perform religious practices;

(6)

Participation in the teaching of religion conducted in a penal institution;

(7)

Taking part in the charitable and social activities of a church or other religious association;

(8)

One-to-one meetings with a clergyman of a church or other religious association.

The Polish Constitution of 1997 clearly states in art. 53 para. 2 that the freedom of religion includes the right of individuals, wherever they are, to benefit from religious services (Stanisz 2019, p. 89).

According to the Executive Penal Code of 6 June 1997, convicts have ensured the right to benefit from religious services and directly participate in services celebrated in prisons on feast days. Pursuant to Art. 67 § 1 of the Criminal Executive Code, the purpose of a custodial sentence is to arouse in the convicted person the will to cooperate in the formation of his socially desirable attitudes, in particular, the sense of responsibility and the need to respect the legal order and thus to refrain from returning to crime. In order to achieve this goal, individualized interventions are carried out on convicts, within the framework of the punishment enforcement systems defined in the Penal Code, in different types and types of prisons. The influence on the convicted persons, while respecting their rights and requiring them to fulfil their obligations, shall take into account, in particular, work, especially to foster the acquisition of appropriate professional qualifications, teaching, cultural, educational, and sporting activities, maintaining contact with the family and the outside world, and therapeutic measures (Dawidziuk 2013, p. 138).

From the perspective of the provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure, prison pastoral care is regarded as a guarantee for the realization of the right of inmates to freely practice the religion of their choice and to receive services in this respect. The ecumenical dimension of this ministry is expressed in the activities of the Prison Chaplaincy Council, established on 1 October 1997 on the initiative of the Central Prison Service Board. It is an advisory and consultative body to the Director General of the Prison Service, and its permanent members are the clergy of the three Polish Churches, i.e., Orthodox, Evangelical-Augsburg, and Roman Catholic. Pastoral activities in prisons and detention centers are also carried out by representatives of other Churches and religious associations (Głowik 2011, pp. 190–91; Niewiadomska 2007b, pp. 107–19).

The Roman Catholic Church is by far the most represented denomination, with 68.95 contracted chaplains, which aligns with the predominant religious affiliation in Poland. The Orthodox Church is the second most represented, with 11.63 chaplains, reflecting the presence of Orthodox communities, particularly in eastern regions such as Lublin and Białystok.

Minority denominations such as Evangelicals (2.27), Pentecostals (0.75), and Greek Catholics (0.25) are also present, though in significantly smaller numbers. Their limited representation may correlate with both lower inmate affiliation rates and resource limitations within these religious communities.

The district of Warsaw reports the highest number of contracted chaplains (12.00), suggesting a higher inmate population or greater denominational diversity. Conversely, districts like Opole and Łódź report the fewest (3.55 and 3.50, respectively), which may reflect smaller prison populations or less religious diversity.

The data in

Table 1. Chaplaincy posts in Prison Service districts in 2010 (Pierzchała 2013, p. 85).

Prison District	Religious Affiliation/Number of Contracted Chaplains
	Roman Catholic	Orthodox	Evangelical	Pentecostal	Greek Catholic	Total
Białystok	5.00	1.75	---------	---------	---------	6.75
Bydgoszcz	4.50	--------	---------	---------	---------	4.50
Gdańsk	5.50	0.50	---------	---------	---------	6.00
Katowice	3.45	0.25	1.50	---------	---------	5.20
Koszalin	5.10	0.25	---------	---------	---------	5.35
Kraków	4.05	0.25	---------	---------	---------	4.30
Lublin	4.90	3.25	---------	---------	0.25	8.40
Łódź	3.50	-----------	---------	---------	---------	3.50
Olsztyn	6.70	0.50	0.50	0.25	---------	7.95
Opole	3.55	-----------	---------	---------	---------	3.55
Poznań	3.60	0.88	---------	0.50		4.98
Education	1.60	0.25	---------	---------	---------	1.85
Szczecin	4.05	-----------	---------	---------	---------	4.05
Warsaw	8.50	3.50	---------	---------	---------	12.00
Wrocław	4.95	0.25	0.27	---------	---------	5.47
total	68.95	11.63	2.27	0.75	0.25	83.35

illustrates an effort by the prison system to accommodate the spiritual needs of inmates across a range of religious affiliations. However, it also raises questions regarding equity in access for minority faith groups, which could be a subject for further qualitative study.

Since the political change in Poland in 1989, there has been a steady increase in the number of chaplains working in penitentiary units both on a full-time basis and on a purely consensual (voluntary) basis. In 2000, the prison ministry had 39 full-time employees (FTEs), while in 2007, the prison ministry had 72 FTEs. In 2010, penitentiary units had 84 posts for prison chaplains; 185 chaplains were employed, 27 of them full-time (Pierzchała 2013, p. 85). Most chaplains provided religious services on a voluntary basis.

In the Catholic Church, both diocesan and religious priests and nuns take an active part in prison ministry. Priests and nuns work as pastors in large cities, where they usually have their religious houses. The Warsaw, Olsztyn, and Lublin districts have the highest number of posts, while the Rzeszów, Łódź, and Opole districts have the lowest. The largest number of posts is held by pastors of the Catholic Church (68.95%) and the Orthodox Church (11.63%). In the Olsztyn district, all denominations are present, in the Wrocław, Poznań, and Katowice districts, only three. There are also districts where only representatives of the Catholic Church are employed on a full-time basis (Table 1).

Jacek Głuch reports that in 2007, there were 131 chapels, of which 35 were ecumenical. This means that 84% (131/156) of penitentiary units had chapels (Głuch 2007, p. 56). Another element specific to prison chaplaincy in Poland is an analysis of the average number of prisoners per full-time prison chaplain, regardless of religion (Pierzchała 2013, p. 89).

The figures in

Table 2. The average number of convicts per one prison chaplain position (Pierzchała 2013, pp. 85–87).

Prison District.	Number of Prisoners	Number of Contracted Chaplains	Average Number of Convicts for One Chaplain Job
Białystok	3777	6.75	559.6
Bydgoszcz	6870	4.50	1526.7
Gdańsk	4841	6.00	806.8
Katowice	8144	5.20	1566.2
Koszalin	4623	5.35	864.1
Kraków	5838	4.30	1357.7
Lublin	4365	8.40	519.6
Łódź	6311	3.50	1803.1
Olsztyn	4851	7.95	610.2
Opole	4706	3.55	1325.6
Poznań	7034	4.98	1412.4
Rzeszów	3953	1.85	2136.8
Szczecin	5145	4.05	1270.4
Warszawa	7296	12.00	608.0
Wrocław	7822	5.47	430.0
total	85,576	83.85	1020.6

show that, taking into account all full-time prison chaplaincies, there is an average of 1020.6 inmates per chaplain. In some districts of Warsaw, Białystok, Olsztyn, or Lublin, there are, on average, almost half as many convicted and pre-trial detainees per one full-time prison chaplain as the overall average. In districts such as Łódź, Katowice, Bydgoszcz, and Rzeszów, there is an average of between 1526.7 and 2136.8 prisoners and pre-trial detainees per full-time prison chaplain, which is well above average.

The distribution of chaplains across Polish prison districts reveals significant disparities in access to religious care. While the national average stands at approximately 1 chaplain per 1020 inmates, some districts—such as Rzeszów (2136.8 inmates/chaplain) and Łódź (1803.1)—exceed this by a substantial margin, indicating potential understaffing. In contrast, districts like Wrocław (430), Lublin (519.6), and Warsaw (608) offer comparatively higher chaplain availability, suggesting more consistent access to spiritual support. These discrepancies may reflect differences in inmate population sizes, religious demand, or institutional priorities, and they highlight the need for a more balanced allocation of chaplaincy resources across the penitentiary system (Table 2).

It has been pointed out in the literature that the highest quality of religious ministry can be ensured by maintaining pastoral contacts between representatives of different religions and cooperation in an ecumenical dimension (Pierzchała 2013, p. 90).

In Poland, prison overcrowding—defined as the number of incarcerated individuals exceeding the total capacity of prisons nationwide—first occurred after 1989 on 4 September 2000. On that day, the actual number of inmates surpassed the actual capacity of penal institutions and remand centers. Specifically, on 4 September 2000, the number of inmates was 63,994, while the total capacity was 63,771, resulting in an occupancy rate of 100.3%. In the following years, this rate continued to increase, reaching its peak around 2010. After 2010, the balance between prison capacity and the number of incarcerated individuals did not follow a consistent trend. For example, on 1 March 2013, the occupancy rate was again 100.3%, meaning that overcrowding was once more present in Polish prisons on that date (Nawój-Śleszyński 2013, p. 123).

Maintaining the prison system in Poland is costly and continues to grow more expensive each year. In 2014, the budget amounted to nearly PLN 2.6 billion, while by 2024, it had exceeded PLN 5 billion. Despite this increase in funding, inmates are still housed in overcrowded cells, often falling below the national standard of 3 square meters per person. In many cases, the available space is even less, entitling prisoners to seek compensation for being held in inhumane conditions. Such lawsuits are increasingly common. Furthermore, the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture has repeatedly urged Poland to raise the minimum space per inmate to at least 4 square meters. On 31 December 2007, 156 prisons and 31 external wards in Poland had a capacity of 79213 places, which means that there was significant overcrowding. As of 10 May 2013, there are 156 prisons in the Polish penitentiary system, including those for mothers with children in Grudziądz and Krzywaniec (Pierzchała 2013, p. 83).

According to data from the Central Prison Service, as of mid-2023, Poland’s incarceration population stood at approximately 78,000 inmates, including nearly 69,000 sentenced individuals, 8500 in pre-trial detention, and around 1000 serving short-term sentences. Women comprised roughly 5% of the total inmate population.

Beyond legal and demographic considerations, ongoing structural changes in the Polish penitentiary system may also indirectly impact the provision of religious services. As a response to chronic overcrowding—historically exceeding 100% of capacity—prison authorities have advocated for the construction of new, modern, electronically controlled facilities, often located outside urban areas. A notable example is the construction of a pilot penitentiary complex along with the necessary accompanying infrastructure at the External Branch in Chmielów of the Prison in Dębica (Podkarpackie Province)1.

While such developments may address logistical challenges, they risk minimizing the essential personal contact required for meaningful chaplaincy and spiritual care. Union representatives have expressed concerns that the Prison Service is already under-resourced, and automation-driven reductions could substantially limit inmates’ access to clergy and pastoral volunteers. Without careful planning, these reforms may inadvertently undermine the human dimension of religious freedom and spiritual support in prisons.

On 31 January 2023, there were 1,330,838 persons under the supervision of 30 probation agencies2. This corresponds to a median probation population of 164 probationers per 100,000 inhabitants. The probation administrations with the highest probation population rates were Poland (636 probationers per 100,000 inhabitants), Türkiye (434), the Republic of Moldova (320), Latvia (290), England and Wales (UK) (284), France (283), Estonia (249), and Italy (210). The administrations with the lowest rates were North Macedonia (9.7 probationers per 100,000 inhabitants), Greece (17), and Montenegro (27).

On 31 March 2013, the Prison Service employed 27489 officers, including 4813 women and 2942 civilian staff employed in 1984 FTEs, including 1530 women employed in 1181 full-time employments (FTEs). Women accounted for 20.8% of the total number of people employed (Pierzchała 2013, p. 84).

The growing number of chaplain contracts (as seen in the previous table) may reflect increasing demand for spiritual care, even though there is no formal “prison chaplain” officer position in the system. Chaplains are employed under the same legal framework as other civil servants.

From 2015 to 2023 (see the

Table 3. Number of employment contracts of the prison chaplain3.

Number of Employment Contracts of the Prison Chaplain
Year	2015	2016	2017	2018	2019	2020	2021	2022	2023
Prisons and detention centers	82.80	84.20	85.65	84.90	86.25	87.15	89.50	91.35	91.15
Central Board of Prison Service	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00	3.00
Total	85.80	87.20	88.65	87.90	89.25	90.15	92.50	94.35	94.15

), the total number of prison chaplain contracts in the system showed a steady upward trend, increasing from 85.80 in 2015 to 94.15 in 2023—a growth of about 9.7% over the nine years. The Central Board of Prison Service remained constant at three contracts per year throughout the entire period. The growth is entirely driven by an increase in contracts at prisons and detention centers, which rose from 82.80 in 2015 to 91.15 in 2023. There was a slight dip in 2018, but the overall trend continued upward afterward. This suggests a consistent investment in chaplaincy services at the institutional level, possibly reflecting growing demand or prioritization of spiritual support in prisons.

When determining staffing limits in organizational units of the Prison Service, no division is made by function or position, such as chaplains. This means that the data from the previous table is based on actual employment contracts, not predefined staffing limits. Chaplains are employed under a work contract; they are not officers of the Prison Service—their position is not included in the regulation of the Minister of Justice concerning official positions and ranks within the Prison Service. The lack of centralized cost records means limited financial transparency regarding prison chaplaincy (Interpelacja numer 2851 Pani Poseł Anny Marii Żukowskiej i Pana Posła Włodzimierza Czarzastego 2024).

4. Religious Pluralism and Emerging Challenges

The protection of freedom of conscience and religion is the cornerstone of a state ruled by the law. Pastoral activities, including those carried out during imprisonment, are a guarantee for the realization of the constitutional right to exercise religious freedom. The right to religious freedom encompasses the freedom to follow or adopt a religion of one’s choice and to manifest one’s religion individually or with others, publicly or privately, through worship, prayer, participation in rituals, practice, and teaching (Kotowska and Romańczuk-Grącka 2017, pp. 139–56). The right to exercise religious freedom of convicts is listed in art. 102 pts. 3 of the Code of Criminal Procedure has been specified in art. 106 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

According to the content of the cited provision, the convicted person has the right to perform religious practices and to receive religious services and to participate directly in religious services held in the prison on public holidays and to listen to services broadcast by the mass media, as well as to possess the books, writings, and objects necessary for this purpose. He shall have the right to participate in religious instruction provided in the prison, to take part in the charitable and social activities of the church or other religious association, and to meet individually with the clergyman of the church or other religious association to which he belongs; such clergymen may visit convicted persons in the premises where they are detained. However, the exercise of religious freedom must not violate the principles of tolerance or disrupt the established order in the prison (Postulski 2017, art. 106, pp. 589–91). It relates to the scope of rights falling within the so-called prisoner’s facility status, and, for this reason, it suffers from certain limitations to this status resulting from the Code of Criminal Procedure and regulations issued on its basis. The standard of a prisoner’s exercise of religious freedom is to be the same, regardless of the type and type of prison. However, it should be assumed that the technical details regarding the exercise of this right may vary depending on the type of penitentiary (Postulski 2017, p. 590). Under Article 247 § 1 Code of Criminal Procedure, in cases justified by special sanitary or health reasons or a serious threat to security, the director of the penitentiary unit may, for a limited period of time, suspend or restrict, inter alia, the holding of religious services and the provision of religious services.

In defining the religious structure of Polish society, it must be stated that the Catholic Church plays a significant role due to the number of believers (approx. 86%). It is worth noting that religion is understood broadly. Objectively, it means a set of truths, norms of conduct, ritual activities, and institutions that explain and regulate the relationship of man as an individual or member of a social group to God (Pastuszka 1964, pp. 5–7). In subjective terms, religion is defined as “the belief, manifested in thought, feeling, desire and conduct, in the existence of supernatural, personal or impersonal powers on which man feels dependent, which he seeks to obtain for himself or towards which he tries to rise” (Buksik 2002, p. 482).

P. Stanisz points out that the number of Orthodox believers reported by this church may be underestimated (Stanisz 2019, p. 85). It is important to consider that Poland has recently accepted approximately 2 million war refugees from Ukraine, the vast majority of whom are Orthodox Christians. This demographic shift has not yet been fully reflected in official sociological data, which may lead to an underestimation of the current demand for Orthodox chaplaincy services, particularly within the correctional system. Additionally, although Jehovah’s Witnesses are officially recognized as the third largest religious denomination in Poland (approx. 120,000 believers), their representation in prison chaplaincy structures remains minimal or entirely absent, highlighting a possible disconnect between religious demographics and institutional religious provisions. However, it must be taken into account that this religious group does not keep public statistics on affiliation. Other religious organizations have very few congregations. Adherents of Islam are not officially affiliated with religious associations operating in Poland and remain outside official statistics, although it should be borne in mind that the number of Muslim students and workers in Poland is increasing, which is not taken into account by official data. As characteristic of Polish reality, it must be acknowledged that the decreasing number of people practicing religion does not have a significant impact on the growth of atheistic attitudes (Stanisz 2019, p. 86).

Religious organizations struggle with many social issues, using simple measures from the area of social work, but most of them offer for their members moral development. The prison community is, in a synergetic way, conducive to the emergence of opportunities for spiritual development, which is impossible in the conditions of individual experience of one’s faith (Bernasiewicz 2017, p. 30).

“Only in a community is it possible to celebrate religious services and give the sacraments; to awaken faith through homily, retreats, occasional religion lessons, religious chats, individual conversations, pilgrimages, sharing of active love—Caritas—in the form of counseling, consoling, caroling, material aid. Often, the possibility of personal participation in preparatory works for the liturgy is an introduction to cognitive and spiritual involvement, and builds a complete picture of religious experience. Entrusting a convicted person with a certain function in the performance of church services (e.g., altar server or organist) is often one of the few opportunities to present their special skills (e.g., musical abilities), which significantly increases their sense of value”.

(Kuć 2007, pp. 147–48)

Pope Benedict XVI notes that “if the heart of man is not good, then nothing else can become good. And the goodness of heart may ultimately come only from Him Who is Good—only Good” (Ratzinger 2008, p. 58). Such a change of heart may result from the experience of a community (influence of others).

A wide range of religious organizations are actively involved in the penitentiary system in Poland. Representatives of various religious associations provide regular pastoral and spiritual care within prisons and detention facilities. These include, among others, the Roman Catholic Church, the Orthodox Church, the Evangelical-Augsburg Church, the Evangelical–Reformed Church, the Evangelical Methodist Church, the Pentecostal Church, the Seventh-day Adventist Church, the Baptist Church, the Greek Catholic Church, the Free Christian Church, the Community of Churches of Christ, the Christian Church “Cenacle”, the Saturday Day Christians Church, the Church of God in Christ, and several denominations of the Church of Christians of the Evangelical Faith, including the Fylake Prison Mission and the “New Covenant” congregation. In addition, other religious communities such as the Evangelical Fraternal Union, the Jewish Community, the Buddhist Mission, the Muslim Religious Union, and Jehovah’s Witnesses also maintain a regular presence in penitentiary institutions. The involvement of these diverse religious bodies reflects the pluralistic character of spiritual assistance provided to inmates in Poland and highlights the role of religious care as an element of rehabilitation and moral support within the correctional system (Pierzchała 2013, p. 84).

Pastoral work in penitentiary units is carried out by organizations of a religious nature, these are the Prison Brotherhood, Society of Gedeonites, Christian Society for Rehabilitation Aid “Fileo”, Lay Missionary Movement “Epiphany”, Renewal in the Holy Spirit, Society of Catholic Families, Crusade for Human Liberation, Apostolate of Sobriety, KARAN Catholic Anti-drug Movement, Society for the Propagation of Christian Ethics, Society for the Propagation of Christian Ethics, Society for the Propagation of the Catholic Ethics, Society for the Propagation of Christian Ethics, Society of St. Brother Albert’s, the “Eleos” Foundation, and the Catholic Association “Legion of Mary” (Zawiślak 2017, p. 117).

The number of lay people involved in pastoral work in all penitentiary units is approximately 600 people. The aforementioned organizations carry out a wide range of evangelization activities, support for convicts during their imprisonment, and also carry out preventive, therapeutic activities in the field of addictions and readaptive activities—providing shelter after release (Głowik 2009, pp. 93–105).

The survey conducted on the religiousness of convicts shows that the majority of them declare a positive attitude towards belief in God and religion (66.3%). An ambivalent attitude was declared by 19.3% of convicts, and a negative attitude by 13.2%. At the same time, involvement in the practical dimension of pastoral ministry was confirmed by only 20.3% of prisoners (Kotowska 2023, p. 197; Świętochowska 1995, p. 97).

The effectiveness of pastoral interventions in the spiritual renewal of inmates has already been the subject of empirical research carried out in penitentiary units. The researchers note that a high frequency of religious practice co-occurs with an increase in pro-social behavior. It is also indicated that inmates with high religiosity are more disciplined, less likely to commit crimes during their sentence, and less likely to get involved in conflicts with other inmates or officers (Niewiadomska 2007a, p. 174). Prisoners with high religious sensitivity relative to non-religious prisoners are characterized by a higher sense of guilt for their crime and a more positive attitude towards moral norms (Skrzypaczak 1997, p. 75; Machel 2003, p. 28; Kotowska 2023, p. 197).

Prisoners, therefore, differ in their need to engage in religious practice, which is a natural phenomenon. These differences may be due to the location in the criminal subculture, the type of offences committed, or the frequency of previous convictions, as well as to the convicts’ worldview. As the researchers point out, the most negative and ambivalent attitudes towards pastoral activities are found in recidivists in prison. The reluctance to engage in religion in this group may have various causes, including reduced sensitivity resulting from repeated stays in prison, the use of strong defense mechanisms, difficulties in admitting one’s own mistakes, or fear of exclusion from the prison subculture (Niewiadomska 2007a, p. 174).

While general trends in Polish society indicate a gradual decline in religious belief and practice, data specific to the prison population show distinct patterns. A study by Kotowska (2023) indicates that 66.3% of prisoners declare a positive attitude toward belief in God and religion. An ambivalent attitude was declared by 19.3%, while 13.2% expressed negative attitudes. However, actual participation in pastoral and religious activities is much lower: Only 20.3% of inmates actively engage in religious practice during their incarceration. Similar observations were made in earlier studies by Świętochowska (1995), confirming that regular involvement in religious services and pastoral programs remains limited even among those expressing nominal belief.

This discrepancy suggests that while a significant proportion of inmates still identify with religious belief, relatively few engage consistently in structured religious practice within the penitentiary system. It also underlines the need to distinguish between cognitive religiosity (belief) and behavioral religiosity (practice), a distinction particularly relevant in institutional settings where participation may be affected by factors such as peer subculture, personal coping strategies, or fear of stigma.

While Hunt (2024) focuses on the UK, where a multi-faith chaplaincy is institutionally established, her critique remains pertinent to Poland, where religious provision in prisons is not only less plural but also structurally Christianized. Her emphasis on the alienation of non-religious individuals—despite formal pluralism—highlights the need to move beyond mere inclusion of multiple religions toward truly inclusive spiritual and psychosocial support, including for the religiously unaffiliated.

5. Secularization in Prisons

P. Stanisz argued, “The numbers concerning the denominational structure of Polish society make it natural to speak of the Catholic majority and treat all the remaining religious organisations as minorities” (Stanisz 2019, p. 85). However, the religiosity of Poles is changing rapidly. The religiosity of Polish society is described and analyzed primarily—although not exclusively—on the basis of declarations of faith and religious practices, treated as a kind of “building block” of religiosity. However, it is worth remembering that this is only part of a larger whole, with a diverse theoretical and empirical background. The concept of religiosity as a multidimensional attitude was first formulated by Charles Y. Glock, distinguishing five of its dimensions: religious belief, knowledge, religious experience, practices (private and public), and the consequential dimension (Glock 1962, pp. 98–110).

There is a slow decline in the level of religious belief and a faster decline in the level of practicing: From March 1992 to June 2022, the percentage of adults describing themselves as believers fell from 94% to 84%, while practicing regularly (once a week or more often) from nearly 70% to almost 42%, and at the same time, the percentage of those who do not practice increased from less than 9% to 19%. The decrease in the level of religiousness, especially practicing, is unevenly distributed: The fastest among the youngest people (aged 18–24) is relatively fast—in big cities and among educated people. The relationship of levels of religious belief and practice to basic demographic and social characteristics remains constant. Women are more religious and practice more regularly than men (Polski pejzaż religijny 2022, p. 4).

The age dependence of religiosity is also documented in the Pew Research Center study (The Age Gap in Religion Around the World 2018). Recent international comparative studies involving 106 countries, including data from Central and Eastern Europe collected between 2015 and 2017, reveal a marked generational decline in religiosity. Globally, younger individuals (under 40) are consistently less religious than older generations. Poland, however, exhibits some of the most pronounced generational differences among all countries analyzed. The gap between younger and older Poles in terms of viewing religion as “very important” in their lives stands at 23 percentage points—the largest in the study. Similar trends are evident in daily prayer (25-point difference) and weekly church attendance (29-point difference), suggesting a significant secularization among younger cohorts. These findings are particularly relevant for institutions such as the prison system, where religious services have traditionally played a central rehabilitative role. As inmate demographics evolve, including both generational change and the influence of immigration (e.g., Orthodox Ukrainian refugees), religious provision policies may need to adapt to reflect these shifts in spiritual needs and identities.

The trend of declining religiosity in Poland has not only persisted but intensified in recent years. This is clearly evidenced by comparative data examining religious beliefs and practices across different segments of the population. Surveys conducted among the general public, individuals aged 18–24, and final-year secondary school students (the majority of whom—94%—were aged 17–19 at the time of the October 2021 survey) reveal a consistent and marked decrease in declared religious belief and participation. The data indicate a significant drop in the percentage of individuals identifying as believers, alongside a growing share of non-practicing respondents. These findings confirm that the process of secularization, especially among the younger generation, is not only ongoing but accelerating. This has direct implications for institutional religious structures, including prison chaplaincy, which may need to reconsider both the scope and nature of their services in light of a population that is increasingly religiously unaffiliated or disengaged (Polski pejzaż religijny 2022, p. 7).

The younger respondents are, the less often they declare themselves to be believers and regular practitioners, and more often as non-believers and non-practitioners. Residents of the largest cities are less likely to declare themselves as believers and regular practitioners and more likely to declare themselves as non-believers and non-practitioners, while those living in rural areas do the opposite (Polski pejzaż religijny 2022, p. 7).

The latest research on the religiosity of post-pandemic Poles must be taken into account. In 2020, the share of people practicing out of an inner need at least once a week was 46%, very close to the 2018 result (49%). So, while the situation was fairly stable before the pandemic, two years of dispensations—imposed and lifted in various waves of the pandemic by the bishops—resulted in the percentage of Poles attending church every Sunday seriously declining (from 46% to 37%). It is worth noting that the share of those practicing more than once a week or daily remained unchanged between 2020 and 2022. Also, the percentage of Poles practicing more or less once a month or only on Christmas remains at a similar level as before the pandemic, at 18% and 13%, respectively. There has been an increase in the last two years in the proportion of people who say they go to church less often than at Christmas and/or Easter—from 11% before the pandemic to 15% now. In May 2022, more than four-fifths of adult Poles (82%) stated that they do not attend and have never attended meetings of any community, prayer group, or religious movement. Fewer than one in ten people (9%) said they had once been a member of a community or prayer group, and a total of 7% said they belong to such a group now. Of these 7% of respondents, more people (4%) attend regularly and slightly fewer (3%) do so only occasionally (Zmiany religijności Polaków 2022, pp. 4–5).

The COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the processes of secularization in Poland. On the one hand, there has been a decline in the number of people regularly practicing religion; on the other hand, there is a noticeable increase in religious self-awareness within society. In the longer term, this may lead to a growing interest in spirituality and religiosity while at the same time moving away from traditional forms of religious practice. The decline in religious participation may give rise to a new kind of social sensitivity, referred to as secular postmodernism. In this model, believers are expected to be more consciously and actively involved in the life of their religious communities, embodying the principle of “less is more.”.

Pope Francis emphasizes the need for an open, „portable” Church rooted primarily in the personal witness of faith rather than in external institutional structures. He speaks of a “portable” Church—one that goes out to meet people and, perhaps most strikingly for many, one that “has no structure.” This does not imply a rejection of institutions but rather their subordination to the spiritual presence of Christ within the faithful. An open Church is a Church that lives within us, manifesting itself through relationships, mercy, and encounters with others—as though the “visible structures” were merely tools and not ends in themselves (Pope Francis 2013). This vision challenges the traditional understanding of religiosity based on practices and institutions while also responding to the ongoing process of secularization, particularly among the younger generation.

Recent research also indicates a change in approach to understanding the church as a public purpose institution. The largest group, 27%, believes that the Church is a community where their faith is fulfilled. Almost the same number of adult Poles (26%) see the Church through the prism of priests and bishops who discourage them with what they say and do. One-fifth of the respondents (20%) are closest to the statement that the Church is a parish where they feel good; the same percentage (also 20%) identifies with the statement that the Church is not adapted to today’s times and therefore does not attract them. Nearly 7% of respondents refused to answer this question. To sum up, for almost half of Poles (47%), the Church is a place where they truly find themselves, and for a slightly smaller group (46%), it is a distant institution (Zmiany religijności Polaków 2022, p. 6).

The coronavirus pandemic has undoubtedly left its mark on the religiosity of Poles. This can be seen above all in the exodus from the Church of those who previously practiced regularly and the increase in the percentage of respondents declaring that they never go to church. The issue that divides Poles more is the attitude to the Church as an institution or community, rather than the attitude to God or personal faith. It can therefore be assumed that the weakening of the religious practices of some people was also influenced by events that came to light during the pandemic (e.g., scandals involving the church hierarchy). At the same time, the prolonged restriction of the possibility to attend mass, caused by the coronavirus, among people who, before the pandemic, went to church for cultural reasons to preserve the customs handed down by their parents, caused some of them to change their habit—and thus to stop the practice. Those who returned to the church after the pandemic were mainly those who had a bond with it stronger than the tradition itself. (Zmiany religijności Polaków 2022, pp. 7–8).

The pandemic and other social circumstances (pedophile scandals, the union of the Catholic Church with the ruling party in 2015–2023, etc.) have accelerated the process of institutional secularization. The Church is not treated as an institution of public trust but as an institution that manages the faithful. This can be seen above all in the exodus from the Church of people who previously practiced regularly and the increase in the percentage of respondents declaring that they never go to church.

As Hunt (2024) argues, even multi-faith chaplaincy environments can alienate non-religious individuals through implicit microaggressions, spatial symbolism, and institutional bias. Her proposal for recognizing secular worldviews as legitimate belief systems, including the employment of non-religious pastoral carers and redesigning chaplaincy spaces, offers a compelling model for more inclusive spiritual care (Hunt 2024, pp. 4–10). This is especially relevant in the Polish context, where prison chaplaincy remains heavily dominated by a single religious tradition and the presence of alternative belief-based services is marginal or absent.

Certainly, the decline in religiosity in society will reduce the degree of religious sensitivity of prisoners who are part of a society that is undergoing gradual secularization. The effects of secularization processes will still have to wait many years. Currently, the effectiveness of pastoral activities depends on the frequency of religious practice. The more religiously committed a prisoner is, the greater the chance of his rehabilitation. Certainly, the Polish penitentiary system is ecumenical in nature and accessible to various religious groups. At the same time, the system does not take into account all the religious needs of prisoners of non-Catholic faiths. This is due to the fact that Polish society is religiously homogeneous and lacks adequate protection for religious minorities. The activities undertaken by the chaplains are not only religious in nature (support of inmates by organizing Christmas Eve evenings, Children’s Day in order to maintain ties between inmates and their families, etc.) but take into account the need for neighborly, closeness to family and friends and preparation for life in society. Progressive secularization has so far not negatively affected the process of rehabilitation of prisoners. The model of state–church relations with a strong emphasis on maintaining an equal position for all churches makes the pastoral care system open to different religious groups and modern forms of religious influence.

Public Attitudes Toward Religious Freedom in Prisons

While Polish law provides robust constitutional and legal guarantees for inmates’ freedom of religion, empirical studies suggest that public opinion may not fully support such expansive rights. A recent detailed survey (Sitarz et al. 2022, pp. 135–40) demonstrates that Polish respondents often hold a restrictive and punitive view toward prisoners, including significant reservations about the exercise of religious rights.

The study, conducted via an online anonymous survey among 307 respondents during the pandemic, revealed several important patterns: Although 73.6% declared in principle that prisoners should retain the right to practice religion, 22.5% allowed it only partially, while 2% rejected it entirely. In contrast, almost unanimous support (96.7%) was expressed for prisoners’ access to libraries, suggesting that religious practices are not seen as essential to personal development. A strong preference was shown for officially registered religions: 36.8% supported access to all religions, 50.5% limited it to registered ones, while 4.9% would permit it only for Roman Catholicism. Concerning proof of religious affiliation, 69.7% accepted prisoner declarations, while 21.2% demanded additional proof. Only 8.8% favored unlimited religious practices in prisons; many supported restrictions tied to organization (58.6%), costs (51.1%), hygiene (40.4%), or security concerns. Significant reluctance existed toward constructing chapels: 32.2% opposed Roman Catholic chapels; 38.1% opposed those for other denominations. Permission to attend religious services (e.g., Holy Mass) was widely conditioned: 30% supported full access; 45.6% limited access to non-dangerous prisoners; others linked it to conduct, prison rule compliance, or offense type. Dietary accommodations also revealed ambivalence: 64.8% supported Catholic fasting observances, while 55.7% supported Muslim or Jewish dietary rules. Greater support existed for private possession of religious objects than for dietary or infrastructural accommodations. Most respondents (59.9%) rejected financial compensation for violations of prisoners’ religious rights. Many spontaneous comments revealed strong penal populism, skepticism toward rehabilitation through religion, and a view that religious accommodations should not entail significant state expense.

These findings reveal that despite formal legal protections, religious freedom for prisoners remains vulnerable to societal attitudes that prioritize punishment, cost-saving, and majority religious norms. Public skepticism is particularly strong toward minority faiths, expensive accommodations, or practices viewed as potentially disruptive. Moreover, many respondents explicitly rejected any special role for religion in rehabilitation, viewing imprisonment primarily as a punitive experience (Sitarz et al. 2022, pp. 135–37).

This data demonstrates the critical role of legal safeguards in ensuring that prisoners’ religious rights are protected against majoritarian bias and penal populism. Left solely to public opinion, many of these rights might be significantly curtailed.

6. Conclusions

The Polish penitentiary chaplaincy system, historically rooted in a mono-confessional Catholic paradigm, currently finds itself at a paradoxical crossroads: While its legal framework is formally inclusive and ecumenical, its operational structure remains disproportionately shaped by historical Catholic dominance. In the context of accelerating secularization and emerging religious diversification—fueled by generational shifts and migratory dynamics—the system risks becoming increasingly anachronistic unless it actively redefines the role of prison chaplaincy as a pluralistic, psychologically informed, and socially adaptive mechanism of rehabilitation, rather than merely a transmitter of confessional identity. The analysis of religious chaplaincy in Polish penitentiary institutions reveals a system rooted in long-standing historical traditions, deeply embedded in the country’s Catholic heritage and formally supported by robust constitutional and legal protections of religious freedom. Yet, beneath this normative structure, new dynamics are unfolding that challenge the conventional paradigms of prison ministry.

While the Polish legal framework presents a formally ecumenical and pluralistic approach to religious care, in practice, the overwhelming predominance of Catholic chaplaincy remains the defining feature of prison ministry. This structural asymmetry does not fully reflect the increasingly diversified religious and cultural composition of Polish society, particularly in light of new migration waves, generational secularization, and the changing religious self-identifications of younger cohorts.

At the same time, the steady rise in secularization—notably among younger generations—redefines both the role of religion in public life and the psychological landscape of those entering the penitentiary system. As traditional confessional adherence declines, the rehabilitative function of religion in prisons can no longer rely solely on institutional religious affiliation or inherited cultural norms. Instead, prison chaplaincy must increasingly function as a flexible moral–therapeutic resource, offering existential meaning, guilt processing, reconciliation, community belonging, and emotional support. Inmates often experience crisis points that create unique opportunities for deep personal transformation—opportunities that can be addressed not only through doctrinal religious instruction but through broader forms of spiritual care, ethical dialogue, and restorative practices.

The Polish penitentiary system is thus situated at a crossroads. It may either preserve an increasingly anachronistic mono-confessional dominance or consciously embrace a more inclusive, flexible, and pluralistic model of chaplaincy that reflects the evolving spiritual needs of the incarcerated population. The continued relevance of prison ministry will depend on its capacity to transcend purely institutional loyalties and reorient itself toward universal aspects of human rehabilitation—conscience, responsibility, empathy, and reintegration into society.

Prisons, as concentrated microcosms of broader societal transformations, may in fact serve as critical testing grounds for emerging models of post-institutional spirituality, ecumenical cooperation, and new forms of ethical resocialization. In this respect, the future of prison chaplaincy in Poland is not merely a question of denominational balance but one of conceptual reinvention—redefining spiritual care as an adaptive, human-centered, and evidence-based component of modern rehabilitation in an increasingly secularized and pluralistic world.