Pilgrimage on the Camino de Santiago as a Path to Repair: Morally Grounded Self-Actualization and Prosocial Value Shifts

Abstract

This study investigates how the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage influences personal value systems and self-actualization in the context of late modernity, where individualism and instrumental rationality often constrain moral and communal development. Drawing on Schwartz’s value theory and Kaufman’s scale of self-actualization, we conducted an online survey of 500 pilgrims to examine self-reported value changes following the pilgrimage. Factor analyses tested whether these changes aligned with theoretical value structures and how they related to self-actualization. The findings suggest that pilgrimage fosters a shift from self-enhancement toward self-transcendence, with self-direction aligning more closely with universalism and benevolence—indicating a socially oriented form of autonomy. Increases in self-actualization correlate positively with self-transcendence values (universalism and benevolence), self-direction, and conservation values (tradition, conformity, and security) while showing negative associations with power and achievement. The pilgrimage experience appears to realign values toward altruism, moral engagement, and sustainability. By integrating personal growth with ethical and communal orientations, the Camino de Santiago emerges as a meaningful context for multidimensional repair. In this way, the pilgrimage can be understood as a journey of repair—mending value hierarchies fractured by late modern life and restoring a sense of belonging, care, and transcendent purpose.

1. Introduction

In late modernity, self-actualization is increasingly constrained by instrumental rationality and competitive individualism. Classical sociologists such as Weber ([1922] 1978) and Tönnies ([1887] 1957) described modern societies as balancing Gemeinschaft values—communal identity and shared tradition—with Gesellschaft values, which prioritize efficiency, rationality, and impersonal market relations. As Gesellschaft values prevail, self-actualization becomes an individualistic, goal-driven pursuit, often stripped of moral depth and authentic social engagement. Giddens (1991), echoing Weber’s (2004) analysis, argues that the calculating mindset of late-modern individuals erodes the ethical dimension of identity construction. Similarly, Bellah et al. (1986) identified a tension between utilitarian individualism, which emphasizes economic self-interest, and expressive individualism, which seeks fulfillment through emotional and personal meaning. Gergen (2009) further notes that competition has become the dominant social mode, reinforcing values of power and achievement while undermining altruism and solidarity.

Within this context, opportunities for self-transcendence, deep social connection, and moral repair are increasingly rare. As Malfitano et al. (2019) argue, collective transcendence does not arise spontaneously in everyday life; rather, it requires specific triggers, rituals, and collective actions (Zumeta et al. 2020).

The Camino de Santiago pilgrimage offers such a space. It has emerged as a unique social and spiritual phenomenon that fosters shifts in personal values (Brumec 2022a) and provides an alternative path to self-actualization (Brumec 2024a). More than a religious or touristic endeavor, the Camino creates a liminal environment where individuals may disengage from hyper-competitive norms and re-evaluate their values through embodied movement, solitude, community, and reflection.

Yet it remains unclear whether these value shifts are consistently prosocial or how they relate to broader processes of self-actualization. While Schwartz’s theory of basic human values (Schwartz 1992; Schwartz et al. 2012) offers a comprehensive framework of ten basic values and four higher-order dimensions, few empirical studies have explored how transformative experiences like pilgrimages impact these value structures. Despite sociological interest in the relationship between modernity, individualism, and self-actualization, there is limited empirical evidence linking value shifts during pilgrimage to self-actualization as conceptualized in contemporary psychological theory (e.g., Kaufman 2020).

To help fill this gap, the present study approaches the Camino pilgrimage from an interdisciplinary perspective grounded primarily in sociology while integrating theoretical and methodological insights from psychology and anthropology—particularly in the analysis of value change, identity transformation, and liminal experience. It examines whether reported value changes among pilgrims align with Schwartz’s value theory—specifically whether shifts in the ten basic values consolidate into the four higher-order dimensions: self-transcendence (universalism, benevolence), openness to change (self-direction, stimulation, hedonism), self-enhancement (power, achievement), and conservation (tradition, conformity, security). This study further investigates whether these value shifts are associated with increased self-actualization. By exploring how non-ordinary, liminal experiences such as pilgrimage foster value realignment and self-transcendence, this research contributes to the sociological and psychological understandings of self-actualization in socially embedded contexts:

H1. 

Reported changes in the ten basic values align with Schwartz’s four higher-order value dimensions and consolidate into the overarching value poles: self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement and openness to change vs. conservation.

H2. 

Increases in self-actualization correlate positively with self-transcendence and openness to change and negatively with self-enhancement.

These hypotheses aim to clarify whether transformative experiences on the Camino de Santiago foster prosocial value realignment, offering a counterbalance to the individualistic ethos of late modernity.

1.1. Schwartz’s Theory of Basic Human Values

Schwartz’s theory of basic human values (Schwartz 1992, 1994, 2012), later refined by Schwartz and colleagues in 2012, identifies ten core personal values shared across cultures, organized into four higher-order categories based on motivational goals: self-enhancement, self-transcendence, conservation, and openness to change.

Self-enhancement (power, achievement) and openness to change (self-direction, stimulation, hedonism) are person-focused values that regulate how individuals pursue personal interests and autonomy. In contrast, self-transcendence (benevolence, universalism) and conservation (security, conformity, tradition) are socially focused values that guide social relationships and maintain cohesion and cooperation.

These higher-order values also differ in their orientation toward anxiety or growth. Conservation and self-enhancement tend to be anxiety-based, aiming to manage threats—either by preserving order or asserting control. In contrast, self-transcendence and openness to change reflect growth-oriented motivations, supporting empathy, creativity, and self-expression.

Schwartz’s circular value model (value circumplex) visually represents how adjacent values are compatible while opposing values may be in tension. For example, self-direction and universalism both support intrinsic growth, whereas power and benevolence often reflect conflicting motivations.

Benevolence refers to care for close others—helpfulness, loyalty, and forgiveness—while universalism extends this concern to all people and nature, encompassing values like equality, justice, and environmental protection. These values are central to spiritual and transformative experiences such as pilgrimages, where individuals often shift from ego-centered to altruistic concerns.

Empirical studies have supported these dynamics; individuals who prioritize self-transcendence and openness to change have reported greater well-being and prosocial emotions (Tamir et al. 2016; Russo et al. 2021; Sortheix and Lönnqvist [2013] 2014). Schwartz’s framework thus provides a useful tool for understanding value shifts during life-changing experiences such as the Camino de Santiago.

1.2. Self-Actualization

According to Maslow, the pursuit of self-actualization involves realizing one’s fullest potential and experiencing peak moments in which the highest human values are expressed. Initially positioned at the top of his 1943 hierarchy of needs, Maslow later revised this framework in his later writings (Maslow [1971] 1993), introducing self-transcendence as a motivational level beyond self-actualization. This stage reflects a shift from personal growth toward engagement with goals and needs that transcend the self—often manifesting in experiences of unity, interconnectedness, and spiritual communion.

Koltko-Rivera (2006) supports this reinterpretation, arguing that placing self-transcendence at the apex of the hierarchy better reflects Maslow’s evolving thinking and provides a more comprehensive account of human motivation and personality development.

Challenging the rigidity of the original pyramid metaphor, Kaufman (2020) offers a more fluid model. He likens personal development to a sailboat navigating life: the hull (safety, connection, and self-esteem) provides stability, while the sail (exploration, love, and purpose) drives self-actualization and beyond. This metaphor captures the interplay between foundational needs and the dynamic pursuit of growth and transcendence.

Wong (2016) further expands this perspective, emphasizing meaning-seeking and self-transcendence as core expressions of the human spiritual impulse. He argues that the more individuals “forget themselves” in service, love, or dedication to a cause, the more fully human they become—and through this, truly actualize their essence. Wong thus critiques the notion of self-actualization as an end in itself, proposing that genuine actualization occurs through transcendence.

Kaufman’s (2018) empirical research lends support to these claims. Reassessing Maslow’s theory through the lens of personality psychology, he found a strong correlation between self-actualization traits and frequent experiences of unity with others or the world. This suggests that self-actualizing individuals not only maintain a stable sense of identity but also regularly engage in self-transcendent experiences. In this light, self-actualization may serve as a developmental gateway to transcendence.

Thus, while self-actualization is primarily self-oriented, concerned with personal fulfillment and growth, self-transcendence is other-oriented, grounded in empathy, altruism, and broader concern for humanity and the world. This distinction echoes Schwartz’s (1992, 1994) theory of basic human values, which situates self-enhancement and self-transcendence at opposing ends of a central motivational dimension. Self-enhancement values are rooted in self-interest and control, whereas self-transcendence values reflect care for others’ welfare and global responsibility.

1.3. The Camino de Santiago Pilgrimage

The Camino de Santiago (in English, the Way of St. James) is arguably the most popular pilgrimage in the contemporary Western world. Rooted in medieval Christianity, it consists of a network of pilgrimage routes that converge at the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in northwestern Spain, believed to house the remains of Saint James the Apostle. While originally a religious act of penance and devotion, the Camino today draws both religious and non-religious pilgrims seeking spiritual, psychological, and existential renewal (Costa et al. 2025).

The exponential rise in interest in the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage can be interpreted as a cultural counterbalance to dominant societal trends in late modernity—particularly rationalization, competitiveness, and self-enhancement values. McGilchrist (2009) has offered a neuropsychological framework for understanding this shift. He argues that Western society has become increasingly dominated by the left hemisphere of the brain, which prioritizes abstraction, categorization, and mechanistic thinking at the expense of the right hemisphere’s more holistic, intuitive, and embodied ways of knowing. In this light, the revival of pilgrimage—especially the immersive, physically demanding journey of the Camino de Santiago—may be seen as a collective attempt to reclaim marginalized dimensions of human experience.

This interpretation is supported by Brumec and Roszak (2024), who have framed the Camino’s growing popularity as a sociologically significant response to broader cultural transformations. They have emphasized a renewed cultural emphasis on experiential knowledge and emotional awareness as defining features of contemporary life—a view also shared by Platovnjak and Mutanen (2023). Similarly, Challenger (2014) has attributed the Camino’s enduring appeal to a deep-seated human longing for spiritual connection. Schnell and Pali (2013) have identified a widespread “yearning for rituals” in modern society—a yearning clearly reflected in the dramatic growth in Camino pilgrims, from fewer than 3000 in 1987 to over 499,200 in 2024 (Pilgrim’s Office 2025).

The motives for undertaking the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage have been extensively studied and are recognized as complex and often mixed (Amaro et al. 2018; Brumec et al. 2023a; Chemin 2011; Farias et al. 2019; Fernandes et al. 2012; Frey 1998; Kim et al. 2016, 2019; Lois-González and Santos 2015; Lopez 2013; Lopez et al. 2017; Oviedo et al. 2014; Schnell and Pali 2013). Schnell and Pali (2013), working with prospective pilgrims to control for post hoc reinterpretations, found that while some pilgrims travel for explicitly religious reasons, the majority embark on the Camino with more open-ended motivations such as seeking clarity or life reflection. Interestingly, value transformation and strengthened self-actualization were observed regardless of the initial intent. Similarly, Brumec et al. (2023a), using a mixed-method approach, found that pilgrimage motivations are rarely singular: religious intentions are often interwoven with secular or spiritual ones. Their findings challenge the notion of “purely religious” pilgrims, suggesting instead that secular motivations—especially those connected to exploration and introspection—may resonate strongly with the foundational impulses of self-actualization.

Anthropologist Frey (1998), who walked the Camino multiple times, offered a typology of motivations—religious, spiritual, and cultural–historical—and emphasized their dynamic nature. Many pilgrims experience evolution in purpose as the journey progresses, often undergoing unanticipated personal transformation. Frey poignantly captured this shift by writing “I did not go on the pilgrimage to change, nor did I want to create a rupture in my life, but that was one of the results.” This underscores the transformative potential of the Camino, even among those not explicitly seeking such outcomes at the outset.

Recent psychological studies have provided further insight into the emotional and cognitive mechanisms that may support transformation during pilgrimages. Emmons and McCullough (2003), for example, found that the intentional practice of gratitude—common among pilgrims reflecting on their journeys—enhances prosocial behavior, subjective well-being, and openness to meaningful life changes. Similarly, Marsh (2016) explored the neural and evolutionary foundations of human altruism, offering evidence that states of heightened empathy and moral concern—often described by pilgrims—are rooted in brain processes that support prosocial action. These findings align with observations that pilgrimages foster not only personal insight but also increased compassion and moral awareness.

The Camino is widely regarded as a transformative journey, fostering personal growth and existential reorientation. It is not only a physical undertaking but also a deeply spiritual experience. However, some scholars have challenged this prevailing emphasis on the journey itself. Bailey (2023), for instance, has argued that the widespread Western understanding of pilgrimage as a slow, meaningful walk has been shaped more by modern cultural values than by historical or global religious traditions. Drawing on both medieval sources and contemporary Catholic practices, she has contended that pilgrimage has often been primarily a destination-centered ritual rather than a process-oriented spiritual path.

In contrast, Roszak and Mróz (2024) have emphasized that the Camino functions as a transcendental journey, offering a liminal space for spiritual awakening and reflective engagement that challenges and redefines contemporary forms of religiosity. Feliu-Soler et al. (2024) have reported significant improvements in “valued living” among pilgrims, affirming pilgrimage as a catalyst for meaningful personal change. Brumec (2024b) identified specific conditions that facilitate this transformation: awe-inspiring natural landscapes, visits to sacred sites, prolonged periods of silent walking, and ritual practices such as singing and physical exertion. These elements often culminate in heightened states of perception and reflection that provide fertile ground for inner transformation.

Such spiritual experiences tend to diminish self-centeredness and increase awareness of realities beyond the self—including concern for others, society, and the natural world (Castelo et al. 2021; Li et al. 2019; Platovnjak and Zovko 2023). Central to this transformation are the concept of embodied engagement and the liminal nature of pilgrimages. As liminal experiences, pilgrimages represent a threshold where ordinary social roles and identities are temporarily suspended. The concept of liminality, originally developed by Van Gennep (1960) and elaborated upon by Turner and Turner (1978), highlights this transitional stage in which individuals move between two social states—separation and reintegration—through a period of openness, ambiguity, and transformation. In this context, Turner introduced the concept of communitas, describing a temporary, unstructured community in which hierarchical distinctions are diminished and bonds of equality and solidarity are intensified. However, this idealized vision of egalitarian togetherness has been critiqued by later scholars. Eade and Sallnow (1991) have emphasized that pilgrimage spaces are also arenas of contestation, shaped by competing ideologies, commercial influences, and personal agendas. Indeed, the notion of communitas has been complicated by empirical findings that show both solidarity and occasional conflict among pilgrims (Havard 2018).

Zhang et al. (2024) identified the Camino as such a threshold, enabling access to communitas, though this outcome may vary depending on a pilgrim’s mode of travel, social identity, and expectations. Brumec (2023) found that among long-distance pilgrims—those who walk most or all of the route, travel independently, and stay in shared hostels—this sense of communitas tends to emerge most strongly. In such contexts, social status and roles often recede, giving way to feelings of equality, mutual support, and ontological insight. However, pilgrimages do not create identical conditions for all participants. Some may reinforce rather than suspend social roles, especially when traveling with family, religious groups, or commercial tours, where the experience may be shaped more by social belonging than by individual transformation. Additionally, the Camino itself reflects social stratification through variations in routes, accommodation types, and accessibility. Therefore, while communitas remains a useful framework for understanding certain shared transformations on the Camino, it should be seen as one of several possible outcomes, shaped by diverse sociocultural dynamics (Coleman and Eade 2004; Devereux and Carnegie 2006).

O’Mara (2020) notes that walking itself contributes to this dynamic—not only by improving physical and mental well-being, but also through rhythmic, collective movement that fosters social cohesion and shared purpose. Even solitary pilgrims often perceive themselves as part of a larger, imagined community. Scriven (2021) captures this synthesis in the term walking pilgrimage, which he defines as the dynamic interplay of physical activity, natural and spiritual landscapes, and personal and interpersonal encounters.

Despite extensive academic interest in the Camino, few studies have investigated its transformative effects through the lens of personal values or self-actualization. To date, only Kim et al. (2016) and Brumec (2022b) have directly explored value changes as an outcome of pilgrimages. Kim et al. (2016) found that while values tend to be stable over time, they can shift in response to profound and meaningful experiences. Brumec (2022b), employing a mixed-methods approach—including qualitative analysis of 32 travelogues and a survey of 500 pilgrims using the Short Schwartz’s Value Survey (SSVS) (Lindeman and Verkasalo 2005)—confirmed these findings. Her research revealed a reordering of value hierarchies among pilgrims, with increased emphasis on values oriented toward the welfare of others (e.g., universalism and benevolence) and a notable decline in self-oriented values such as power and achievement. Modest gains were also observed in openness to change and conservation, indicating a transformation that both challenges and preserves elements of the self.

Schnell and Pali (2013) further examined the Camino’s psychological impact in a study of 85 pilgrims who walked or biked an average of 646 km. Using the SoMe (Sources of Meaning and Meaning in Life) questionnaire, they found that the participants reported significantly greater meaning in life following the pilgrimage, with these effects still evident four months later. The pilgrimage also fostered increased commitment to self-transcendence and self-actualization, regardless of the pilgrims’ initial motivations.

Brumec (2024a) additionally investigated the Camino’s potential to promote self-actualization using Kaufman’s (2018) Characteristics of Self-Actualization Scale (CSAS). In a study of 500 pilgrims, she found elevated levels of appreciation, equanimity, self-acceptance, authenticity, and moral orientation following the pilgrimage. The journey enhanced pilgrims’ senses of personal mission, encouraged social responsibility, and stimulated a desire to contribute to the common good—all while fostering moments of self-transcendence and existential clarity.

Although the present article draws on quantitative findings from a large-scale survey, it builds upon a broader mixed-method research project originally developed by the author (Brumec 2022b; Brumec et al. 2023b). That foundational study used grounded theory and included qualitative analysis of 32 Camino travelogues, a group interview, and four online surveys, thereby integrating anthropological, psychological, and sociological approaches to the pilgrimage experience (Frey 1998; Jørgensen et al. 2020).

Together, these findings offer compelling qualitative and quantitative evidence that the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage facilitates value transformation and nurtures self-actualization. However, a deeper understanding of these dynamics requires more systematic analysis. The next section builds on this foundation by presenting further insights drawn from the same empirical dataset—a survey of 500 Camino pilgrims incorporating both the SSVS and CSAS (Brumec 2022a, 2024a). These additional analyses explore whether the reported value changes align with Schwartz’s value theory and whether such changes are associated with enhanced self-actualization.

2. Results

To explore our hypotheses, we conducted a factor analysis and a correlation test to examine changes in personal values following the pilgrimage and their association with self-actualization. A factor analysis revealed a four-factor structure of value transformation post-pilgrimage, which aligns with Schwartz’s theoretical framework of higher-order values. The following sections present the details of the value transformation structure and the relationship between these value changes and self-actualization.

2.1. Value Transformation Structure

The factor analysis produced a four-factor structure of value transformation post-pilgrimage, enabling a comparison with Schwartz’s theoretical value structure. As shown in

Table 1. Factor matrix of changes (Δ = from −2 to +2) in ten basic values (N = 500).

Δ Basic Values/Δ Higher-Order Values	Δ STR	Δ OPE	Δ SEN	Δ CON
Internal Consistency α	0.750	0.707	0.763	0.714
Δ Benevolence	0.842
Δ Universalism	0.827
Δ Self-Direction	0.713
Δ Hedonism		0.841
Δ Stimulation		0.860
Δ Power			0.889
Δ Achievement			0.867
Δ Conformity				0.862
Δ Tradition				0.856
Δ Security				0.809
Δ Total Variance Explained	0.95	0.23	0.63	0.48

Note: The principal component method with Varimax rotation was used. Factor loadings below 0.40 are not shown. Values represent factor loadings above 0.40. Internal consistency was measured using Cronbach’s alpha. Total variance explained is reported as the proportion of explained variance. Δ STR = Change in self-transcendence, Δ OPE = change in openness to change, Δ SEN = change in self-enhancement, Δ CON = change in conservation.

, the analysis yielded distinct groupings corresponding to the higher-order values: self-transcendence, openness to change, self-enhancement, and conservation.

Most notably, self-direction—traditionally classified under openness to change—loaded strongly on the self-transcendence factor (0.713), along with universalism (0.827) and benevolence (0.842). This reallocation suggests that in the post-pilgrimage context, self-direction reflects a socially engaged and morally grounded form of autonomy, characterized by creativity, meaningful relationships, and a commitment to collective well-being.

In contrast, other openness-to-change values—stimulation (0.860) and hedonism (0.841)—remained within their expected factors. This pattern suggests that personal growth during a pilgrimage involves a fusion of novelty seeking with elevated ethical and relational awareness.

2.2. Relationship with Self-Actualization

To assess the relationship between value changes and personal development, we calculated a composite score from all ten subdimensions of the CSAS (Cronbach’s α = 0.943), representing overall self-actualization growth.

Table 2. Correlation coefficients between increases in self-actualization and changes in values.

	Δ POW	Δ ACH	Δ HED	Δ STI	Δ SEL	Δ UNI	Δ BEN	Δ TRA	Δ CON	Δ SEC
Δ S	−0.315 **	−0.165 **	0.042	0.064	0.435 **	0.538 **	0.495 **	0.329 **	0.388 **	0.275 **

Note. Δ S = Change in self-actualization; Δ POW = change in power; Δ ACH = change in achievement; Δ HED = change in hedonism; Δ STI = change in stimulation; Δ SEL = change in self-direction; Δ UNI = change in universalism; Δ BEN = change in benevolence; Δ TRA = change in tradition; Δ CON = change in conformity; Δ SEC = change in security. p < 0.01, p < 0.05 (two-tailed). ** indicates correlation is statistically significant at the 0.01 level (two-tailed).

presents the correlation results.

Correlation analysis revealed the following patterns:

• Strong positive associations were observed between self-actualization and socially oriented values, particularly universalism (r = 0.538, p < 0.01), benevolence (r = 0.495, p < 0.01), and the reclassified self-direction (r = 0.435, p < 0.01).
• Moderate positive correlations emerged with conservation values such as tradition (r = 0.329, p < 0.01), conformity (r = 0.388, p < 0.01), and security (r = 0.275, p < 0.01), suggesting a coexistence of moral expansiveness with psychological rootedness.
• Negative associations were found with self-enhancement values, particularly power (r = −0.315, p < 0.01) and achievement (r = −0.165, p < 0.01), indicating a decline in competitiveness and status-oriented motivations.
• Non-significant associations were observed with hedonism (r = 0.042, ns) and stimulation (r = 0.064, ns), implying that these values are not central to post-pilgrimage self-actualization.

3. Discussion

This study aimed to test two main hypotheses: first, that reported post-pilgrimage value changes would organize into theoretically coherent structures aligned with Schwartz’s value model; and second, that increases in self-actualization would correlate positively with self-transcendence and openness to change and negatively with self-enhancement. These findings contribute to the growing body of research suggesting that profound experiences—such as the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage—can reconcile the often-perceived tension between individualism and prosocial orientation.

In support of our first hypothesis, the data indicate that values traditionally associated with personal focus, such as self-direction, underwent a meaningful reorientation during the pilgrimage. While self-direction is typically located in the quadrant of Schwartz’s model emphasizing autonomous and growth-oriented motivations, our findings suggest that it shifted toward a more socially focused and morally expansive position, aligning closely with self-transcendence values such as universalism and benevolence. This shift suggests that personal autonomy, when cultivated in a liminal and communal setting such as pilgrimage, may serve socially generative ends rather than exclusively self-focused goals.

This reorientation may also account for the diminished conflict between openness to change and conservation values, as reported in Brumec (2022b). In Schwartz’s model, these values typically reflect a motivational opposition—growth vs. anxiety avoidance. However, when self-direction is reinterpreted as morally engaged rather than individualistic, its oppositional role weakens. Pilgrims appear to integrate openness with a renewed appreciation for stability and tradition, facilitating a more harmonious motivational structure.

This value reconfiguration is supported by the revised factor structure emerging from our analysis, which revealed stronger post-pilgrimage clustering of universalism, benevolence, and self-direction into a socially oriented dimension. The post-pilgrimage value constellation reflects increased openness, social connectedness, and moral concern—suggesting that long-distance pilgrimages foster not only individual growth but also deepened senses of relational and ethical engagement. These findings echo Maslow’s ([1971] 1993) understanding of self-actualization as a dual process: it involves personal fulfillment and an expanded capacity to contribute meaningfully to others.

Our second hypothesis was only partially confirmed. As expected, increases in self-actualization showed strong positive correlations with self-transcendence values (universalism, benevolence, and the reclassified self-direction) and negative correlations with self-enhancement values (power and achievement), suggesting that pilgrims have increasingly prioritized moral concern and relational sensitivity over egoic pursuits. However, contrary to expectations, self-actualization was not significantly associated with other openness-to-change values such as stimulation or hedonism. This suggests that while novelty-seeking and pleasure remain part of the pilgrimage journey, they may not be central to the kind of deeper, reflective self-actualizing growth that becomes evident after a pilgrimage.

While many scholars argue that a defining feature of prosocial or altruistic behavior is that it benefits others at a cost to the self (e.g., Wittek and Bekkers 2015), our findings—and the theoretical perspectives of Maslow ([1971] 1993) and Bauman (2005)—challenge this cost–benefit framing. In contrast, both thinkers have proposed that genuine moral and altruistic behavior can emerge from an expanded and integrated self. From this view, acting for the benefit of others is not experienced as a loss but as a deepening of one’s identity and purpose. This insight is one of our key findings; the strong positive associations between self-actualization and self-transcendence suggest that for many long-distance pilgrims, the Camino may foster a form of prosociality that is psychologically enriching rather than depleting—indicating that personal growth and altruism are not mutually exclusive but mutually reinforcing.

Kaufman’s (2020) interpretation of Maslow’s legacy reinforces this conclusion. He argues that self-actualization inherently involves a balance between individualism and communal orientation and that the integration of these qualities defines psychologically mature individuals. The Camino pilgrimage, as an emotionally rich and liminal experience, seems to facilitate precisely this integration (Roszak 2020). Our findings that increased self-actualization is positively correlated with both growth-oriented (e.g., self-transcendence) and stability-oriented (e.g., conservation) values further affirm this synthesis. Based on self-reported experiences, many pilgrims appear to have emerged from the journey not only with a greater appreciation for moral and spiritual dimensions of life but also with a reinforced commitment to preserving communal and ethical norms.

These insights also resonate with Bauman’s (2005) critique of modern morality as a calculated negotiation between self-interest and altruism. Instead, Bauman argues, morality originates from a primordial sense of responsibility toward the Other. The observed realignment of self-direction toward self-transcendence reflects precisely this relational view: personal development during pilgrimage is not framed in isolation, but emerges through deepened moral sensibility and responsiveness to others.

In a broader context, these findings underscore the potential of transformative experiences like pilgrimage to promote psychosocial maturity and reorder motivational hierarchies. Such experiences may help reconcile contemporary tensions between autonomy and community or openness and conservation by enabling integrative value structures that are both personally fulfilling and socially attuned. In a time marked by rising individualism and social fragmentation, the Camino pilgrimage may offer a template for reconciling inner growth with collective responsibility—an insight with implications far beyond the trail.

Despite these insights, several limitations should be acknowledged. First, the reliance on self-reported measures has introduced potential biases such as retrospective reinterpretation, social desirability, or memory distortion. Given the deeply reflective nature of pilgrimages, the participants’ accounts may reflect post hoc meaning-making rather than direct causal effects. Second, the data were collected exclusively through an online survey, potentially excluding less digitally connected individuals and skewing the sample toward younger or more technologically comfortable pilgrims. Third, the recruitment through Camino de Santiago-related Facebook groups may have attracted respondents who had particularly meaningful or positive experiences, limiting the generalizability of the findings to the broader pilgrim population. Additionally, since the sample primarily reflects pilgrims from the Western world, future research should investigate whether similar patterns of value transformation and self-actualization occur in other cultural and religious contexts. Studies focusing on pilgrimages such as the Hajj, Kumbh Mela, or Arbaeen could offer valuable insights into how spiritual journeys shape personal development globally.

Future studies should address these limitations by adopting longitudinal and mixed-method designs, including pre- and post-pilgrimage assessments, offline recruitment, and more diverse samples across age and cultural backgrounds. Qualitative methods—such as in-depth interviews, narrative analyses, or ethnographic observation—could further illuminate how pilgrims interpret their value transformations and the roles of cultural, spiritual, and interpersonal dynamics in this process. Comparative studies across different pilgrimage traditions may also shed light on whether similar value shifts occur in non-Camino contexts, thereby clarifying the mechanisms through which transformative journeys foster psychosocial and moral development.

4. Materials and Methods

4.1. Study Design and Objectives

This study was designed to test two main hypotheses:

(1)

That reported changes in the ten basic values among pilgrims after walking the Camino de Santiago would align with Schwartz’s four higher-order value dimensions—specifically, that changes in universalism and benevolence would consolidate under self-transcendence; self-direction, stimulation, and hedonism under openness to change; power and achievement under self-enhancement; and conformity, tradition, and security under conservation;

(2)

That increases in self-actualization would correlate positively with self-transcendence and openness to change and negatively with self-enhancement.

4.2. Participants and Recruitment

The participants were recruited through international Facebook groups related to the Camino de Santiago. The final sample consisted of 500 long-distance pilgrims who had completed at least 500 km of the Camino. The data were collected between July and September 2020. Of the valid responses, 257 were from English-speaking, 183 from Slovenian-speaking, and 54 from Spanish-speaking participants.

4.3. Procedure

The online survey was administered using the 1KA platform, a secure and widely used research tool in Slovenia. To accommodate the participants’ linguistic backgrounds, the survey was translated from English into Slovenian and Spanish. The invitation to participate was distributed through the following Camino-related Facebook groups:

• English-speaking: American Pilgrims on the Camino (26,000+ members), Australian Pilgrims on the Camino de Santiago and beyond (4300+), and Camino de Santiago All Routes (55,700+);
• Slovenian-speaking: Pot sv. Jakoba—Camino Slovenija (8500+);
• Spanish-speaking: Camino de Santiago (30,300+).

The author obtained permission from the Facebook group administrators to share the survey invitation. All participants were informed about the purpose of this study and gave their informed consent by clicking to begin the survey. No identifying personal data were collected, and participation was entirely voluntary and anonymous.

4.4. Measures

• Value changes: Assessed using the Short Schwartz’s Value Survey (SSVS; Lindeman and Verkasalo 2005), which measures ten basic values. The participants rated the perceived change in the importance of each value after the pilgrimage on a 5-point scale (from +2 = “much more important” to −2 = “much less important”).
• Self-actualization: Measured with the Characteristics of Self-Actualization Scale (CSAS; Kaufman 2018), a 30-item instrument representing ten traits based on Maslow’s theory. The items were rated on a 5-point change scale (from +2 = “strongly increased” to −2 = “strongly decreased”).

4.5. Data Analysis

Exploratory factor analysis was conducted to determine whether the reported value changes aligned with Schwartz’s higher-order value dimensions. A composite self-actualization score was computed, and Pearson correlation coefficients were calculated to examine the associations between this score and the changes in each of the ten basic values.

5. Conclusions

In sum, this study offers empirical support for the hypothesis that profound, liminal experiences such as the Camino de Santiago pilgrimage can lead to coherent value reconfigurations consistent with Schwartz’s theoretical framework. These changes suggest a meaningful shift toward moral expansion and social embeddedness, with personal autonomy reinterpreted in relational and ethical terms.

Our second hypothesis was only partially confirmed: while increases in self-actualization were strongly associated with self-transcendence values and negatively with self-enhancement values, no significant associations emerged with other openness-to-change values such as stimulation or hedonism. This suggests that the growth fostered by pilgrimage may be more ethically and relationally oriented than novelty-seeking or pleasure-driven.

While these findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the psychosocial effects of long-distance pilgrimages, they also raise important questions for further inquiry. Specifically, it remains to be explored how these effects may vary by age, nationality, or life stage—factors that likely shape both motivations and outcomes. Moreover, the persistence of these transformative changes over time remains unknown, as this study relied on post hoc self-reports.

Future research should adopt longitudinal designs and stratified samples to investigate how demographic, cultural, and temporal factors influence the depth and durability of pilgrimage-induced transformation. Qualitative follow-ups and repeated-measures studies could shed light on whether value shifts and heightened self-actualization endure months or even years after a pilgrimage.

Overall, this study suggests that the Camino de Santiago can cultivate psychosocial maturity by integrating personal growth with social concern. It offers a model of self-actualization that balances autonomy with moral responsibility—an integrative framework with potential relevance far beyond the trail itself.