A Match Made in Heaven: Entrepreneurship Among Evangelical Immigrants in the UK

Abstract

Evangelical immigrants from the Global South have a high degree of confidence in their own ability to start a business in the UK, and they report a significant amount of entrepreneurial engagement within their communities. This article explores how these Christians developed their skills and dispositions, how they are launching businesses in the UK, and—most importantly—how the action of God can be perceived through their experiences. The author constructs a metanarrative which begins in the Global South. Through their encounter with evangelical faith, women and men are developing the ‘spiritual capital’ that has historically been proven to foster entrepreneurship. In many instances, however, this potential for success lies latent in a societal context that hampers and threatens entrepreneurial enterprise. The story then shifts to the UK. When these evangelicals immigrate, many find success in business as they choose to put their spiritual capital to work. It is here argued that the actions of God can be discerned within this story. In the same way that God acted in Biblical times to raise the helpless and to bless exiles in a foreign land, so he seen by his people to be working today.

1. Introduction

The notion that the Protestant/evangelical worldview fosters entrepreneurship among its adherents is now axiomatic among the social scientists and economists who have studied the subject.1 Equally unsurprising—especially among those of us who live in the UK—is the economic research showing that there are very high levels of entrepreneurship among the immigrant populations of this country. And so it would seem that a research article on the business activities of evangelical migrants in the UK would struggle to uncover anything particularly new or exciting.

My aim in this project, however, is to introduce some new twists to our understanding of the topic. The first involves a move toward genuine theology. When social scientists talk about evangelicals, they often display a satisfactory level of theological literacy. Many can describe the beliefs of individuals and communities, and make reasonable connections between these beliefs and human behaviour. But God, as a person, can only be treated as an object of human belief. The social scientist cannot speak directly to the actions of God himself.

The overarching aim of this Special Issue of Religions is to explore how the activities and practices of evangelicals in the UK might disclose God’s own action. In line with the current trends in British practical theology, practice is here considered a ‘site’ of theological discovery.2 This is to say that human behaviour, particularly among Christians, does not just teach us about people. It has the potential to say something about God. And so in this project my aim as a theologian is to better understand how God is being revealed through evangelical practice.

The second twist in this project is that I am not just exploring evangelical practice as it relates to Christian ministry, but rather evangelical practice as it relates to entrepreneurship.3 This may ruffle some theological feathers. Among many British practical theologians, for-profit business activities will not seem like an obvious place to go looking for sites of divine revelation. Perhaps if the word social is tacked on—social enterprise or social entrepreneurship—the quest might be redeemed. But the general sentiment seems to be that God is only active in a business project where no personal enrichment is involved, and where the aims are purely for the benefit of the needy.

My research is not limited to social entrepreneurship. Rather, I am exploring how evangelical migrants are starting businesses, how they are making money, how they are integrating the pursuit of filthy lucre into their Christian calling, and how all of this discloses the work of God in British society.

I am interested in this topic for many reasons. I come from a line of entrepreneurs. My grandfather was a pioneer in the American trucking industry, who in the 1930s was probably the first person to build a ‘double-decker’ trailer for hauling automobiles. My father was also a pioneer in the American shipping industry, who managed to outprice industry giants like UPS and FedEx via the consolidation of small parcel shipments. My dad came to faith just as his career was taking off, and he has always been ready to explain why his Christian worldview and ethos were so essential to the success of his business.

I did not follow my father and grandfather into business. I chose a path that first led me into global missions and then into academia. But to be honest, I have never discerned an innate conflict between free-market capitalism and the Chrisitan faith. I have witnessed too many examples of righteous entrepreneurs (like my dad) who served the needs of their society, created jobs, generated wealth, enjoyed that wealth, and utilised it to bless others and to advance the kingdom of God.

Since coming to the UK (as I have hinted above) I have found that many of my Protestant/evangelical academic colleagues do not necessarily share my warm disposition toward ‘American style’ capitalism. It is a different story, however, when I talk about ‘business’ with my students. Most of them, like me, were born outside of the UK. And many, in addition to serving as Christian ministers, also run businesses. And so much of my interest in this subject stems from the relationships that I have with them.

The broad storyline that this article aims to elucidate is as follows: Over the past century, in the Global South, hundreds of millions of women and men have discovered an evangelical faith which is innately functional. Their religious conversion was not driven so much by the embrace of abstract, propositional truth, but rather by the desire to find a faith that works in their daily lives. As a result of their conversion, they began to accumulate what social scientific studies often refer to as ‘spiritual capital’. Evangelicals have experienced a transformation of personal character, resulting in various ‘fruits’ such as self-control, love toward their neighbour, perseverance, and trustworthiness. They have experienced transformed relationships in their homes and communities. And they have an improved sense of self-esteem and security in who they are.

What many evangelicals in the Global South often do not appreciate, however, is that this same spiritual capital has given them the potential to be successful entrepreneurs. Given that many find themselves living in developing nations where entrepreneurship can be easily stifled, this potential is often unrealised. However, when these same Christians migrate to an economically developed, institutionally strong nation like the UK, the dynamic changes. Many immigrants perceive the UK as a good place for doing business. There is support available from the government. And they see other immigrant businesses flourishing.

When evangelical immigrants bring their spiritual capital to the business-friendly context of the UK, there emerges a ‘match made in heaven’. The right person with the right skills now finds herself in a place where she can flourish. And this, in very broad strokes, is the story of those individuals and communities who are the subject of this research.

This is the broad storyline that we will follow here. Admittedly, the metanarrative will emerge in something similar to a ‘connect-the-dots’ progression. As we move from theme to theme—from Christian testimony—to theology—to economic theories—to development indices—to demographic data—the inter-relatedness of these ‘dots’ may not be immediately apparent. It is my hope, however, that by the end of this essay a clearer image will emerge.

This story will be developed in three stages: first, we will look at two major regions of the Global South where evangelicalism has exploded: Africa and Latin America. Our purpose here will be to gain a better understanding of the context in which evangelical migrants started to accumulate their spiritual capital. Then, we will look at the landscape of entrepreneurial practice among evangelicals in the UK. This will involve analysis of demographic reports, collected data, and first-hand accounts.4 And then, in the final section we will attempt to unpack the theological significance of our findings, namely, how does the story of these immigrants disclose the actions of God?

2. Evangelicalism in the Global South: Africa and Latin America

Since the beginning of the 20th century, Christianity has been exploding in the Global South.5 In 1900, there were under 100 million Christians in the region. Today, the figure is estimated to be 1.8 billion (Johnson and Zurlo 2024). The fastest growth has occurred among evangelical/Pentecostal groups.6 From 1970 to 2020, the number of evangelicals in Africa grew from 24.4 to 238 million. In Latin America, over the same period, evangelicals increased from 13.2 to 115.2 million (Johnson 2013, p. 17). In both regions, that is almost ten-fold growth in 50 years.

Despite the missionary origins of most churches in the Global South, evangelicals across the region have formed identities which are not mere replications of their counterparts in Europe and North America.7 In many instances, this is the case because evangelicals came to faith in a context that was entirely different than that of the Northern missionaries who first came to their lands. As we will see below, different socio-cultural and economic settings will foster entrepreneurship for different reasons.

2.1. Latin America

In Latin America, poverty has been an endemic problem for many generations. In 1970, for example, to be poor in Latin America meant that despite a man’s best efforts, he still did not earn enough to feed his family. He was most likely illiterate. His children had about a 20% chance of reaching age five. And he would be lucky himself to reach the age of sixty (Clark 2024, p. 1). In the latter half of the 20th century, it was among poor urban neighbourhoods and villages that the gospel spread most quickly. Offut (2015, pp. 5–6) notes that ’Evangelical conversions often occurred in moments of crisis. Frequently brought on by severe poverty, intense social conflict, or both. it was during this period that humble evangelical churches became fixtures in slums and poor villages across the developing world’.

Studies on the economic impact of conversion to evangelicalism in Latin America highlight two predominant themes. First, evangelical conversion often results in a personal, moral and psychological reform that has economic consequences. And second, evangelical conversion leads to a worldview transformation that is congruent to the capitalistic, free-market system that has become predominant in the region.

With regard to power of inner reform, Martin (1990, p. 284) describes evangelical conversion as a ‘new cell taking over from scarred and broken tissue’. Conversion

renews the innermost cell of the family, and protects the woman from the ravages of male desertion and violence. A new faith is able to implant new disciplines, re-order priorities, counter corruption and destructive machismo, and reverse the indifferent and injurious hierarchies of the outside world. Within the enclosed haven of faith a fraternity can be instituted under firm leadership, which provides for release, for mutuality and warmth, and for the practice of new roles.

Empirical research among the poor in Latin America supports this analysis. For example, from 2011 to 2013, Bobby Lynch studied the impact of conversion to evangelical/Pentecostal faith among 285 Quichua residents in Quito’s infamous San Roque barrio (Lynch et al. 2023, p. 186). He discovered that their evangelical faith enabled them to overcome destructive behaviours and ethnic self-stigma as they took steps toward the betterment of their personal and family lives. He observed, for instance, that the evangelical practice of reading Scripture played a particularly important role in life transformation:

My research presented Scripture as a core element of personal identity transformation. Quichua Pentecostals consistently demonstrated that their perceived affective experiential relationship with divine Scripture functioned as a healing balm that enhanced the way that many converts viewed themselves. Furthermore, this perceived affective-experiential relationship with the Word of God associated with liberating acts, like better engagement with the formal economic sector and even self-professing that they were living and feeling ‘blessed, prosperous and in victory’.

(Lynch 2020, p. 312)

The picture that emerges from studies across the region is that when a poor person in Latin America comes to evangelical faith, the moral and psychological changes they experience have the potential to positively impact their personal economy (Offut 2015). Freedom from alcoholism, the empowerment of women, the repudiation of corruption, renewed self-esteem and the development of new social networks are all factors that can contribute to economic development (Harrison 2010). But as noted above, personal reform is not the only outcome of evangelical conversion that has economic consequences. There are also major shifts that occur in a person’s worldview.

Since the beginning of the 20th century, the vast majority of converts to evangelicalism in Latin America are people who have left the Roman Catholic church (Pew Research Center 2014). Martin argues that beyond a change in religious affiliation, the movement away from the Catholic church represents a re-ordering of the way society is understood. Conversion ‘represents a walkout from society as presently constituted. The evangelical believer is one who has symbolically repudiated what previously held him in place, vertically and horizontally. He cannot overturn the actual structures and is, in any case, committed to non-violence, but he can emigrate from the ecclesiastical symbol of its all-inclusive claims: Catholicism’ (Martin 1990, p. 285). Evangelical identity leads to a fundamental change in the way a person views the social order. A man or a woman does not have to merely accept their ‘place in life’ as a cross to bear. The social order might not change, but individuals have the freedom to take charge of their own destiny.

All of these factors combined lead to an outlook that is rather congruent to free-market capitalism, as Martin (1991, p. 83) explains:

Protestantism in Latin America is a fissile, highly adaptable phenomenon which is part of the breakup of organic wholes and of the antecedent religiopolitical system. It represents a mutation from religious monopoly to religious competition, from a territorial, automatic, and passive faith to the voluntary and mobile congregation. To that extent, it is at least congruent with competition and choice in the economic sphere. Add to that a discipline of person, of family, and of work, and there exists a psychology apt for capitalistic industry.

In Latin America, many evangelicals will be ‘wired’ for entrepreneurship. This does not mean that they will actually start a business. There are other factors at play, which we will consider further below. What we seek to emphasise at this point is that the worldview of many evangelicals in Latin America has become fertile soil for entrepreneurial engagement.

2.2. Africa

Across sub-Saharan Africa, the function of traditional religions was to help their adherents cope with their fears and navigate the insecurities of life. As the gospel has spread across the region, evangelicalism has not re-defined this functional understanding of religion. Rather, particularly in its Pentecostal expression, Christianity serves the same needs that religion has always served in African contexts. It meets people’s needs. The difference is that in the eyes of believers, Christianity does it better.8

African Christianity differs from historical European Christianity in many key areas. In its European expression, the Christian worldview incorporates certain elements of neo-Platonism. The present material world is ‘passing’ in nature, and the hope of salvation is eternal life in heaven. Our relationship with the material world may or may not reflect the state of our soul. A righteous person might experience poverty, sickness and challenges in this world. Our task in life is to ‘overcome the flesh’, and to grow ‘in the spirit’ as we await deliverance to the eternal home that awaits us in the heavenly realm.

Despite the fact that this may have been what many missionaries to Africa once believed, this neo-Platonic theology has not become predominant in African Christianity. In traditional African culture, if a religion does not help its adherents in the ‘here and now’, then it is not worth following. The gospel did not take hold in Africa on the basis of what it promised for the future, but rather on the basis of its ability to help people in their current areas of need. Omenyo (2014, p. 140) notes that

the popularity of the message was buttressed by its resonance with African indigenous concepts of salvation, abundant life, and the very practical African understanding of the goal of worship. In African traditional religion, salvation manifests itself in the transformation of material, physical, and psychic well-being. Every religious ritual seeks to preserve, enhance, and protect life. Abundant life to the African means peace with God, the gods, ancestors, fellow human beings, and the natural world. When a person is at peace with these agents, the natural forces cooperate by increasing their fruits.

The perception that converts to Christianity were experiencing immediate life improvements was essential to the growth of the church. Amidst his research among recent converts in Kenya and Nigeria, Okorocha (1992, p. 177) discovered that ‘one of the initial factors that attracted them to the new faith was the evidence of a better quality of life—in terms of health, social, and material well-being—among the adherents of this new way of life’. This does not mean that African Christians are not interested in the rewards of the afterlife,9 but in a very pragmatic sense, the question arises: Why would anyone entrust their eternal soul to a god who is unable to take care of them now? It thus comes as no surprise that many converts to Christianity in Africa expect that one of the outcomes of their faith will be material, economic betterment.

Research across numerous regions in Africa, including Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa and others, reveals that evangelical churches are very interested in entrepreneurship and development.10 It is to be noted that in many instances, this interest may also be packaged with the preaching of a ‘Prosperity Gospel’, which promises material wealth to the faithful.11 Whereas there may be a concern that this could lead to a reliance on ‘supernatural blessing’ which might preclude personal initiative, Heuser’s research demonstrates that prosperity-oriented churches in Africa are fostering the skills and attitudes that lead to entrepreneurial success. He highlights the tendency of these churches to be self-funded, with an emphasis on individual transformation, personal empowerment, the re-working of social networks, social participation, and a strong sense of identity formation ‘which has energising effects on a pr-capital or entrepreneurial ethos’ (Heuser 2016, p. 8).

In the Nigerian context, Burgess (2021, p. 64) notes two emerging trends among Pentecostal churches: ‘first, a shift from reliance on “miracles” to an emphasis on work and entrepreneurship; and second, a new understanding that the purpose of wealth is for it to be used for the common good rather than for personal enrichment’. Churches in this setting are offering their congregants the tools they need for entrepreneurship: microfinance programmes, business conferences and seminars, and courses on entrepreneurship. Burgess (2021, p. 65) further comments that ‘Pentecostals also publish books and magazines articles, and present TV and radio programmes, on entrepreneurship and Christian engagement with the financial sector. Business enterprise has become a popular profession for Nigerian Pentecostals in response to increasing unemployment, especially among the youth’.

The picture that emerges from Africa is that of evangelical Christians who are ‘wired’ for entrepreneurship. There is strong continuity between the pragmatic element of traditional African religions and the practice of contemporary evangelical churches. Religion must be effective in the here-and-now, and one of the key measurements of this efficacy is material and economic betterment.

2.3. A Final Question

As we have looked in this section at the entrepreneurial proclivities of evangelicals in Latin America and Africa, we may be asking ourselves the following question: If the evangelical church has been growing so much in these regions, why has not there been more economic development? While there is no simple answer to this question, Shah and Shah (2010, p. 64) suggest that evangelicalism has simply ‘proven too weak to thwart the negative consequences of wider cultural or social forces’ which are hindering economic development.

There are ample data to support this conclusion. The World Bank Group (2024) argues that an essential factor in economic development is governance: ‘Good governance helps countries improve economic growth, build human capital, and strengthen social cohesion’. The World Bank Group utilises six indicators to measure the quality of governance in individual nations: voice and accountability, political stability and the absence of violence, government effectiveness, regulatory quality, rule of law and control of corruption.

Unfortunately, many nations in the Global South that have significant concentrations of evangelicals still score very low across these indicators. We cite the following examples:12

• Nigeria, which is home to 58 million evangelical Christians, ranks globally in the bottom quintile for five out six indicators.
• Ghana, where approximately two-thirds of the population are Protestant/evangelical, ranks globally in the bottom half for five out six indicators.
• Kenya, which is 68% Protestant/evangelical, ranks in the bottom 40th percentile or lower for all six indicators.
• Brazil, which is home to 57 million evangelicals, ranks below the 50th percentile in five out of six indicators.
• Guatemala, where half of the nation’s 18 million Christians are evangelical, has seen some evangelicals reach the pinnacles of political power. However, this has failed to result in good governance. This nation ranks as one of the world’s least successful nations for the control of corruption (bottom 11%); the rule of law (bottom 13%); and government effectiveness (bottom 16%).

The explanation as to why evangelical churches have been so ineffective at improving governance in their respective nations will, of course, vary from country to country. The tragic story emerging from these data is that there are millions of evangelicals living in the Global South who are wired for entrepreneurship, but who may never know success in their business endeavours. They have the makings of successful entrepreneurs: the optimism, the vision, the personal confidence, and the networks. But too often they find themselves battling corruption, political instability, chaotic regulation and limited rule of law.13

Among the essential questions that we are exploring in this article are the following: What happens when these entrepreneurship-wired Christians re-locate to a more stable, business-friendly place like the UK? Do their business instincts and skills kick into gear? As we shall see in the section that follows, the answer is Yes.

3. Immigrant Evangelical Entrepreneurship in the UK

3.1. The Shifting Landscape

In order to set the stage for our exploration of entrepreneurship, we begin with a brief look at immigration and the changing face of the British church. It is here seen that immigration from the Global South is having a significant impact on British Christianity.

The global church is in the midst of a major shift. It is predicted that by the year 2050, 53% of Protestants will live in Africa, while less than 10% will be found in Europe (Johnson and Zurlo 2024). What we often do not appreciate when looking through these statistics is that this global shift is being significantly tempered by migration from the Global South to the Global North. In England and Wales, for example, there are nearly 2 million Christians who were born in the Global South.14 Immigration is a major factor affecting church growth and attendance. And given that it is becoming the centre of gravity for the global church, the cultural influence from the Global South continues to shape and transform British Christian identity (Clark 2022).

Given that the Office for National Statistics (ONS) census of England and Wales only measures Christian affiliation in the broadest sense, there is no readily available information available on the number of Global South evangelicals who have migrated to these regions. This said, if we combine the census data with other sources, we are able to make some reasonable estimates (see

Table 1. Top ten nations listed as ‘country of birth’ by Christian residents of England and Wales. The data in the centre column is taken from Office for National Statistics (n.d.), and the data in the right-hand column is taken from US Department of State (2023) and the Pew Research Center (2014).

Country of Birth	England/Wales Residents Self-Identifying as ‘Christian’15	Country of Birth, Percentage of All Christians Who Identify as Protestant/Evangelical16
Nigeria	229,044	76%
India	175,506	60%
Philippines	141,962	10%
South Africa	125,699	84%
Ghana	118,576	81%
Jamaica	112,939	96%
Zimbabwe	100,921	92%
Brazil	80,054	38%
Kenya	33,815	76%
Sri Lanka	30,364	19%

).

Once again, the ONS census does not collect data on specific Christian affiliation. Thus, the data in the centre column only reflect the number of foreign-born residents who identify as ‘Christian’. In order to extrapolate how many of these may be Protestant/evangelical, in the right-hand column I provide data on religious affiliation in their country of origin. With this information, we can reasonably conclude that (with the exceptions of the Philippines, Brazil, and Sri Lanka) the majority of the Christian immigrants from these nations are Protestant/evangelical.17

The case of African Majority Churches (AMCs) in England and Wales illuminates how these immigrants from the Global South are changing the character and makeup of the church. Between 2001 and 2011, the number of Christians with African heritage grew by 47.8%. From 2011 to 2021, the number grew by 10.9%.18 Four out the ten largest churches in England are AMCs: Kingsway International Christian Centre (weekend attendance 5500); Winner’s Chapel (3000); Glory House Plaistow (3000); and Jesus House Brent Cross (3000) (Cartledge 2019, p. 79). This all stands in contrast to the catastrophic numerical decline of white Christians.19

3.2. Attitudes and Entrepreneurial Activities of Evangelical Migrants in the UK

Immigrants are changing the landscape of the evangelical church in the UK, and they are also making an impact on the economy. If we look at the general immigrant population in the UK—across multiple religions and countries of origin—we find that immigrants have a particularly positive outlook on entrepreneurship. A report generated by the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (Hart et al. 2017) found that ‘Immigrants continue to be more entrepreneurial than the resident population’. The authors note that the rate of business start-ups for immigrants was 12.5%, while the rate for the life-long resident population was at 8.6%.20

Immigrants in general will tend to be more entrepreneurial than their UK-born neighbours. But what does this tell us about evangelical immigrants? Do they also follow this pattern? To answer this question, I put together an online questionnaire and invited participation from evangelicals who were born in the Global South.21 The stated aim of this survey was to learn ‘about attitudes and experiences related to starting a business in this country’. Twenty-seven people responded, and the key findings are as follows (see

Table 2. Immigrant evangelical attitudes toward entrepreneurship.

Statement	Percentage in Agreement
‘Here in the UK, there are good opportunities to start a business and make money’	100%
‘I personally know someone who has started a business’.	85%
‘I am confident in my own ability to start a business’.	74%
‘I would be reluctant to start a business in the UK because I fear it would fail’	12%
Participant reports having started a business in the UK	37%

).

While the sample of participants is relatively small, the indication seems to be that the attitudes and activities of evangelical immigrants is very much in line with those of the general immigrant population. Participants in my survey had a very positive outlook on the economic opportunities in the UK, and many of them have taken the step of starting their own business.

Research conducted by Nwanko, Gbadamosi and Ojo among African Pentecostals in London corroborates these findings. They conclude that ‘African Pentecostal churches have become a significant force in nurturing business start-ups and encouraging entrepreneurship among the population group’ (Nwanko et al. 2012, p. 14). African churches in London coordinate training for aspiring entrepreneurs. Entrepreneurial networking is strongly encouraged among the congregants. And many pastors see business enterprise as being entirely consistent with the mission of the church: it brings personal prosperity, it creates jobs and it leads to the material support of the church itself.

Empirical research thus indicates that many evangelical migrants in the UK will have a positive outlook on entrepreneurship. In order to complete the picture, I wanted to hear personal accounts. In the following section I report on interviews conducted with two evangelicals who have started businesses in London.

3.3. Jackson from Brazil22

Jackson first came to the UK at the age of 24. Like many of his compatriots in London, he first found work in the construction industry. Working hard and living within his means for several years, he was gradually able to set aside GBP 20,000 in his savings account. When his bank reached out to him offering a loan to match this amount, Jackson saw this a chance to try something new: ‘I want to work for me’, he said to himself. ‘I want to have my own business’.

With the funds he had borrowed from the bank loan, and his personal savings as a backup, Jackson opened his first business in North London. It was something of a ‘one stop’ locale for the Brazilian community: groceries, coffee, ethnic food and hairdressing. Within a short amount of time, Brazilians in the area were flocking to his locale. And then, as Jackson became more and more familiar with the needs of his community, he perceived opportunities to expand and diversify. In the years that have passed, he has gone on to start seven different projects, from grocery stores and butcher shops to restaurants and international currency exchanges. His current exchange business, known as Real Money Services,23 has grown to become a leading operator for services between the UK and South America. Along the way, he got married and had children. He also started a church (which he continues to lead) and earned a Bachelor’s degree in Theology at Roehampton University.

One of the key drivers in Jackson’s business strategy has been the desire to serve his community. He recognised from the beginning that his Brazilian shop in North London would be more than just a place of commerce. It was a place for Brazilians to strengthen their sense of community and to grow their relational networks. Jackson believes that his store played a key role in drawing Brazilian families to the neighbourhood, and thus revitalising the area. He fostered customer loyalty because the community felt that they had a stake in the business. Its success contributed to their well-being.

As the business grew, the Brazilian evangelical community became an important pool for recruiting employees. Beyond the language and cultural understanding that they shared, their common faith provided a foundation of trust. As Jackson described the relationship he had with his workers, it became clear to me that he viewed himself not just an employer, but as a pastor and a mentor. He gave opportunities to young people who would have otherwise struggled to find employment. For many of his employees, working for Jackson was a form of discipleship. They were challenged to look not only at their work performance, but at the development of their character and life skills.

Jackson’s account of his entrepreneurial experiences was consistently coloured with biblical references. He explained, for example, that he had started his businesses among the Brazilian community, then expanded it to the broader society in the UK, and that now his projects are international in scope. With a seamless reference to Acts 1:8, he explained ‘If you want to preach the gospel, start in Jerusalem, then go to Samaria, and then you can go to the other nations’. At another moment in our interview, he referred to the story of Joseph in Genesis, who advised Pharaoh to collect and store grain in preparation for the coming famine (Gen 41). ‘Save money’ was a principle Jackson had lived by, so that when the ‘rough harvest’ came, he would be ready. And a final biblical story to which he referred was the account of Abraham. In Gen 12: 1–2, God had spoken to Abraham, saying, ‘Go from your country and your kindred and your father’s house to the land that I will show you. And I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless you and make your name great, so that you will be blessing’. It was not difficult for Jackson to see the parallels between Abraham’s life and his own experience in the UK: ‘We trust in God. We practice faith. That’s exactly what the Bible says. When God says ‘Abraham I’m gonna bless you, you’re gonna be a big nation. So I believe when you have the blessing from God in your life, things become, I’m not going to say easy, but it’s like God opens doors in different ways’.

3.4. Solomon from Ghana24

It would seem that the Abrahamic metaphor of stepping into the unknown, walking by faith and trusting in the goodness of God is a common theme among Christians who have migrated to the UK and then taken the risk of starting a business. Solomon also compared his own experience to that of the Patriarch:

It’s just like Abraham, isn’t it? You’ve been sent out of riches—everything that your family had. And you’ve been told ‘Go, and I’ll make you a father of many nations. I’ll bless you’. You’re going into the wilderness unknown. So I had to use that courage—that this is from God. This is directly from God.

Solomon migrated from Ghana 24 years ago. Over this period, he has played professional football, managed flagship stores for Boots and ScrewFix, earned a Bachelor’s degree in Theology from Roehampton University, and started a church which he continues to lead.

One Sunday, about two years ago, Solomon was worshipping when he heard the Lord speak: ‘I want you to start shipping’. He quickly sat down to process. ‘Am I really hearing something?’ Solomon then replied to God, ‘So what is the name of the company?’ And he heard ‘One Stop Shipping’. He then determined in his mind that he would look for confirmation. If that name was not already registered in the UK, he would accept that the voice was from God. Later that afternoon he went online, found that the name was available, and registered his business.

The aim of One Stop Shipping is to forward freight from the UK to Ghana.25 From his own experience, Solomon knew that Ghanaian residents in the UK frequently ship goods such as electronics, furniture and appliances to their families back in Ghana. When building his own home in Ghana, he had used various shipping services, and found that the service was not good. So there seemed to be an opportunity.

He had no experience whatsoever in this line of business, but he had a high degree of confidence. ‘Having the background of being a branch manager in Boots and Screwfix, where it is very demanding in terms of customer service and making sure you’re giving legendary service. I’m like, OK, if I’m able to translate that into my own business, I’ll do that by the help of God’.

After launching the business, it was expected to actually take about one year before the operation started turning a profit. But through this time of trial Solomon and his wife would go back to the original word that they had received from God. A biblical passage that has been particularly meaningful for Solomon and his wife (who also runs her own business) is Habakkuk 2:2–3: ‘Write the vision; make it plain on tablets, so he may run who reads it. For still the vision awaits its appointed time; it hastens to the end—it will not lie. If it seems slow, wait for it; it will surely come; it will not delay’.26

Solomon has interpreted these verses to mean that he could have confidence in the original word that God spoke to him. The business was not his idea. It was not something born from his own initiative. It came as word from God. And through the different trials that he has experienced, he knew that all he really needed was patience. In time, things would get on track, and God would demonstrate his goodness.

Both Solomon and Jackson have clearly developed many of the essential skills and attitudes that make for an effective entrepreneur. Their evangelical faith and experience of God have played a key role in the launching and development of their respective businesses. But the final questions that we need to consider are these: What are the theological elements of the evangelical worldview that make it such an effective driver of entrepreneurship? And how do the activities of evangelical immigrant entrepreneurs in the UK disclose God in action?

4. Immigrant Evangelical Entrepreneurship: Looking Behind the Narrative

In this final section, I will first consider those general elements of the Protestant/evangelical worldview that foster entrepreneurship. I will then present my own theological interpretation of what we have observed among immigrant entrepreneurs in the UK.

4.1. Entrepreneurship and the Protestant/Evangelical Worldview

Why is it that Protestant/evangelical faith is so good creating entrepreneurs? To answer this question, we begin with an essay by Lawrence Harrison (2010) entitled ‘Do Some Religions do Better than others?’ The basic premise of this piece is that not all religions, and not all branches of Christianity, are equal when it comes to stimulating modernisation and progress among their adherents. Utilising the UN’s Human Development Index, he examined the developmental performance of 117 countries, each having a predominant association with one of the following: Buddhism, Catholicism, Eastern Orthodox Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, Protestantism, Confucianism or Judaism.27 Based on my analysis of his findings, Protestantism emerges as the clear winner.28 No other religion or branch of Christianity matches this group’s ability to stimulate industrial advancement among so many societies across the globe. A strong argument can be made that Protestant Christianity drives development because of the ‘entrepreneurial spirit’ embedded in its worldview and ethos.29

Harrison postulates that there are certain beliefs and values shared by nations and cultures that have experienced developmental progress. These include:

• The pursuit of ‘this worldly’ achievement and material advancement over against a purely spiritual or ‘other world’ orientation;
• Emphasis on personal agency rather than fatalism;
• The belief that wealth is the expandable product of human creativity;
• Placing value on education and self-improvement;
• Placing a premium on personal integrity, ethics and respect for the law
• Fostering investment, creativity and innovation;
• Treating competition as a factor that leads to excellence;
• Rewarding merit and achievement (Harrison 2010, pp. 26–28)30.

Over the 120 years that have followed Weber’s ‘The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism’, hundreds of books and research articles have made the case that these very same values and beliefs are predominantly embedded in the Protestant worldview and ethos (Becker and Woessmann 2009). And these characteristics are markedly evident among evangelicals. Evangelicals are not categorically resistant to the idea of material prosperity and the accumulation of personal wealth. They believe that if a person is ethical, pursues education, works hard and practices self-discipline, they can be successful in business. Evangelicals believe that God is able to expand personal and community prosperity, and that this does not necessarily have to come at the ‘expense’ of other individuals or nations. And evangelicals believe as ‘image bearers’ of God, that we reflect his creative capacities. Innovation and creativity flow from our identity.31

4.2. Theological Insights: God’s Action Disclosed in Entrepreneurship

What we have seen above is the ‘wide-angle’ view on those elements of the evangelical ethos and worldview that have been historically conducive to entrepreneurship. These conclusions are somewhat commonplace among the economists and sociologists that have studied these issues. This is to say that they are not necessarily the product of deep theological analysis.

Our final aim in this paper is to engage in the theological task, properly speaking. As an evangelical theologian, I want to know how the entrepreneurial outlook and activities of evangelical immigrants in the UK reveal God at work. Toward this end, I present two biblical principles that characterise what I perceive to be happening. I am calling these principles Get up and Walk and Blessing in Exile.

4.2.1. Get up and Walk

In my engagement with evangelical congregations around the world, I have found that John 5:1–17 is often thematically interpreted as a passage about empowerment and agency. The pericope concerns an invalid man who—alongside a host of other disabled people—lay beside a pool called Bethesda in hopes of receiving a miracle. It seems these poor people believed that when the waters of the pool were stirred, the first one in would be healed. Tragically, this man reported, ‘I have no one to put me into the pool when the water is stirred up, and while I am going another steps down before me’ (Jn 5:7).

In evangelical proclamation, the predicament of this man is characterised emblematically as the helplessness and dependence from which we all must be delivered. In the passage, Jesus did not offer to help the man get into the pool when the waters supposedly stirred. Nor did he heal him straight away. When Jesus encountered this man, he asked him a question: ‘Do you want to be healed?’ (vs. 6). Identifying the desire to be healed is a precursor to the faith that believes such a healing is possible. Before he could act on behalf of the invalid man, Jesus had to awaken him from his stupor. He found himself in such a state of helplessness and self-pity that he had forgotten why he came to the pool in the first place. Jesus then commanded the man‘ to ‘Get up, take your bed, and walk’. He did not pick him up. He commanded him to get up of his own power and walk. The evangelical application here is that once we have articulated our desires, and affirmed our faith in the possibility of their attainment, God will show us what steps we need to take in order to make them a reality.

Evangelicals believe that God will give us the power to do things that would seem impossible. But we also believe that we must first articulate our desires, seek God’s direction and then take initiative. It is this same mindset that characterises the evangelical approach to starting a business. The entrepreneurial spirit is the antithesis of the helplessness that characterises those who simply wait for others to solve their problems for them. Evangelical entrepreneurs are not sitting back waiting for someone to take action on their behalf. As Stevens (2015, p. 176) has noted, ‘Evangelicals are taking major leadership in wealth creation, hands up instead of hands out‘. They are perceiving the needs in their communities, they are seeking God’s direction and support, and they are stepping out in faith.

This Get up and Walk mindset has been evident throughout our exploration of evangelicalism in the Global South, and the spirit of evangelical immigrants in the UK. The evangelicals of San Roque barrio are not drowning their sorrows in alcohol. With a renewed confidence in their own abilities, they are opening bank accounts, saving money and improving their lives. Nigerian evangelicals are not passively waiting to win the lottery. They are getting educated, starting businesses and pressing forward in life. My questionnaire revealed that evangelical immigrants in the UK overwhelmingly express confidence in their own ability to start a business, and they are taking action. Jackson from Brazil did not want to depend on others to get ahead. ‘I wanted to work for me’, was his attitude. So he took steps to make this happen. And in perhaps our most striking testimony, Solomon from Ghana received a ‘Get up and walk’ word directly from God: ‘I want you to start shipping’.

Here in the UK, the action of God is on display in the same way that Jesus acted at the pool of Bethesda. God is moving on behalf of those who have the odds stacked against them. Immigrants from the Global South face numerous disadvantages in British society. They do not always speak English as their first language; there may be cultural differences; they may encounter racism and injustice; and in many instances they arrive with limited resources (Khan and Shaheen 2017). But rather than leaving them in a state of dependence, God is calling them to take action. He is opening their eyes to the opportunities for business. He is saying ‘get up and walk’. They are responding in faith and accomplishing things they might never have dreamed to be possible.

4.2.2. Blessing in Exile

The Old Testament narrative is replete with stories of individuals and communities who found themselves sojourning in foreign lands. Abraham was told, ‘Go from your country and your kindred and your father’s house to the land that I will show you’ (Gen 12:1). Joseph was sold into slavery in Egypt (Gen 37). Ruth, the great-grandmother of David, was a refugee from Moab (Ruth 1). And the people of Judah were taken as captives into Babylon (2 Chron 36).

Evangelical immigrants will often use these narratives as metaphors for their own experience in the UK. Those of us who were born in other nations will always feel that in some ways we do not fit in. Whether it be a different accent, cultural traditions or an ethnicity that puts a person in the ‘minority’ category, we are reminded daily that we do not quite belong here. As noted above, the social disadvantages faced by immigrants from the Global South can be particularly pronounced, resulting in an even stronger sense of living in the UK as a ‘stranger’ or an ‘exile’.

A key passage which illuminates the evangelical understanding of ‘living as an exile’ today is Jeremiah 29:1–13. The text is a 6th century BCE letter written by the prophet Jeremiah to the Judeans who had been taken as captives into Babylon:

Build houses and live in them; plant gardens and eat their produce. Take wives and have sons and daughters; take wives for your sons, and give your daughters in marriage, that they may bear sons and daughters; multiply there, and do not decrease. But seek the welfare of the city where I have sent you into exile, and pray to the Lord on its behalf, for in its welfare you will find your welfare. ‘For I know the plans I have for you’ declares the Lord, ‘plans for welfare and not for evil, to give you a future and a hope’.

(Jeremiah 29: 4–7, 11)

The counterintuitive message of this passage is that the Judeans can flourish in the land of their captivity. Jeremiah calls them to seek the welfare of their enemies, because as the Babylonians prosper, so will the Judeans. He calls them to trust that God is able to bless them and help them prosper in a land that is perceived as both foreign and hostile.

In his book Flourishing in Exile, British evangelical leader Joe Aldred explains what this means for minority ethnic Christians living in the UK today:

‘Settle down’ means not waiting to be invited into society but assumptively taking a seat around the table of life considering all conceivable levels and spaces of society approachable, accessible, and habitable. The assumption is that as a child of God made in the divine image with agency and self-determination, nowhere is off limits and nowhere inaccessible based on race, colour, or creed. Settling down assumes this right. It says ‘here is the Promised Land and I am taking it, sharing it. I am not asking for acceptance or permission’. Until a people build and settle, physically and spiritually, they will not be in their best state to advance the cause of their own flourishing and to make their contributions to the greater society.

(Aldred 2024, pp. 94–95)

When an immigrant starts a business in the UK, this their way of taking a place at the table in British society. It is a way of settling in, allowing this land to become a home-away-from home. And for the evangelical Christian, it is an act of faith in God. In my interviews, Jackson and Solomon both cited the Abrahamic narrative as a metaphor for their own experience in the UK: the idea of stepping out in faith into the unknown, leaving the homeland to come into a place which is both a foreign land, and yet also a place of promise. They see their success as a testimony to the faithfulness of God. Through their businesses, he is demonstrating that he is able to help his children prosper even as they live in a foreign land.

Once again, then, we perceive how God is acting. He is revealing to his people that he is able to help them prosper even in a land of exile. He is calling them to settle down, to build homes, to establish families and to start businesses. Their flourishing in this ‘land of exile’ bears witness to the fact that he seeks their welfare. He is giving them hope and a future here in the UK.

4.2.3. A Caveat

I will close this section with a brief critical reflection. We must bear in mind that God’s manner of working on a community level may be different than the way he works with each individual. We have heard encouraging testimonies bearing witness to how God has blessed the business initiatives of two individuals. We have looked at the data showing that many evangelicals in the UK are starting businesses. This is not to say, however, that every evangelical immigrant will be a good entrepreneur, or that every business started by an evangelical—’under the blessing of God’—will succeed. The Bible teaches that there is a diversity of gifts in the church, and a diversity of callings (Rom 12:6–8; 1 Cor 12). Entrepreneurship should be viewed as one type of calling and one type of gift that exists among many callings and many gifts in the church. The church is in danger when entrepreneurship is elevated as a ‘superior gift’, or when successful entrepreneurs are given special attention among the congregation (James 2:1–7). Thus, we can certainly celebrate how we have seen God at work in these cases. But of course we must remember that this is only one way—among many, many ways—that God is acting on behalf of his people in the UK.

5. Conclusions

‘A match made in heaven’ is the name that I have given to the metanarrative that we have outlined in this essay. It is the story of the right people, finding themselves in the right place at the right time. And behind it all is the action of God. Across the Global South, millions of people have experienced life transformation through the discovery of evangelical faith. In its best expression, evangelicalism offers freedom from debilitating and destructive life patterns; the development of leadership skills and self-discipline; enhanced self-esteem; and membership in a close-knit social network where people are committed to helping one another.

Through this process, women and men have developed the kind of spiritual capital that makes for a successful entrepreneur. Many may not even realise that this has occurred. Others may have started businesses in their native land only to find that the odds are stacked against them. Whereas their numbers have grown significantly across the region, in very few places have evangelicals been successful at transforming the government and societal institutions that are conducive to economic development. And so it is the case that for many evangelicals in their country of origin, the entrepreneurial potential remains latent.

Immigration to the UK has radically altered the dynamic. Evangelicals are coming to this land and discovering that this is a good place to do business. They see others in their communities who have been successful, they perceive opportunities, they have access to the tools needed for success and they live in an institutional context that protects and supports their endeavours.

The ultimate question we have tried to address is How can the actions of God be perceived in the experience of these evangelical entrepreneurs? We have here seen that these men and women have seen God moving in the same ways that he did in Biblical times. The God who commanded an invalid to ‘get up and walk’ is the same God who tells them to believe, to take initiative, to step out in faith and to start a business. And the God who blessed the sojourner Abraham, the God who prospered the exiles of Judea in Babylon, is the same God who continues to give his people a hope and a future in the UK today.