Big History and Little People: The Historical Images of Ordinary Individuals in Quan Huo Ji

Abstract

The Boxer Rebellion, as a significant historical episode in modern Chinese history, has been primarily studied through official archives and Boxer propaganda Posters. Chinese Christian literature remain underutilized in current scholarship. Quan Huo Ji 拳祸记 (The Record of Boxer Rebellion), is an important ecclesiastical document, compiled by the Catholic priest Li Wenyu. While reflecting an apologetic stance, it nonetheless provides valuable insights from the perspective of common people and narrates the experiences of marginalized individuals, offering a systematic account of the suffering endured by various dioceses. Within this text, three categories of common people emerge. First, the lay faithful, who, under the violent threat of “apostasy or death”, remained steadfast in their faith. Second, anti-Christian civilians, whose motivations—though often framed as expressions of national or social grievance—may in fact reflect a release of personal frustrations and desires. Third, those sympathetic to Christians either maintained a neutral stance or offered assistance within their limited capacity. These individual experiences, often overlooked by mainstream historiography, compensate for the limitations of conventional analytical frameworks. They also vividly illustrate how ordinary people navigated between forced compromise and active resistance. Through a microhistorical lens, these personal trajectories offer a multi-dimensional portrayal of the survival dilemmas.

1. Introduction

The Boxer Rebellion is a major historical event in modern Chinese history, receiving significant attention from both Chinese and international academia, with abundant research results. In current scholarship, studies of the Boxer Rebellion mostly rely on official archives, contemporary personal accounts, Boxer propaganda Posters, and foreign-language materials.1 Although relevant data from Christian literature in Chinese have gained some attention in recent years, overall interest and utilization remain low. This may be connected to the inherent limitations of modern ecclesiastical literature—such as the objective historical association between Christianity and colonial aggression, and the overtly apologetic position often evident in church documents.

Nevertheless, the collection and study of Chinese Christian literature can offer new materials and perspectives for an overall understanding of the Boxer Rebellion. Quan Huo Ji 拳禍記, (The Record of Boxer Rebellion), compiled by the late Qing Chinese Jesuit Li Wenyu 李问渔 (1840–1911), records in a relatively comprehensive and systematic manner the official documents and the suffering endured by various Catholic dioceses during the Boxer Rebellion. In recent years, it has gradually attracted more scholarly attention.2

On this basis, the present paper first briefly introduces background information about the compiler of Quan Huo Ji, the evolution of its editions, its main contents, and the characteristics and limitations of its documentary record. It then systematically examines the historical images of three categories of ordinary people found in Quan Huo Ji during the Boxer Rebellion—the lay Catholic faithful, pro-Christian civilians, and anti-Christian civilians. It analyzes the words and deeds of ordinary Catholics in situations where they were coerced by soldiers and Boxers to apostatize or face massacre, and explores the degree of their religious commitment. It also considers the attitudes and motivations of pro-Christian and anti-Christian civilians towards the conflict between Christians and non-Christians.

Given the limitations of historical records, the lives of “little people” are rarely systematically preserved. Yet, by collating and studying materials about these individuals, we can enrich our overall understanding of history. Microhistory also provides us with a methodological framework for the study of these “small persons”.

The representative microhistorian Natalie Zemon Davis (1928–2023) points out that contemporary historians ought to transcend traditional narrative frameworks and adopt a “de-centering” narrative mode, which “does not tell the story of the past only from the vantage point of a single part of the world or of powerful elites, but rather widens his or her scope, socially and geographically, and introduces plural voices into the account” (Davis 2011, p. 190). She emphasizes that historical studies should also focus on the subalterns—peasants, artisans, tradesmen, industrial workers, women and more—whose life trajectories and mental worlds are equally worthy of in-depth exploration. This research paradigm in Chinese historiography is exemplified by the work of Henrietta Harrison, in studies such as The Man Awakened from Dreams: One Man’s Life in a North China Village 1857–1942, The Missionary’s Curse and Other Tales from a Chinese Catholic Village, and The Perils of Interpreting (Harrison 2021). These works adopt a microhistorical perspective to focus on the lived experiences of small figures in history. Their value lies not only in “providing a model of microhistory—a detailed study of a relatively obscure individual life—but also in revealing the lived experiences and inner worlds of ordinary people” (Harrison 2013a, Chinese Pref. p. 3). Through their studies of small history, these scholars reflect on the dialectical relationship between the micro and the macro, between small history and grand history, and thereby reconsider the predetermined thematic frameworks underlying grand narratives. As Di Wang pointed out in his Chinese edition of the Teahouse, “on one hand, research into the micro and the lower classes allows us to observe social phenomena that remain little known; on the other hand, studying major historical events enhances our understanding of politics and everyday life. Therefore, when we shift our microhistorical lens toward people, everyday life, the street, or the teahouse, the elites, the State, and political movements are inevitably drawn into our discussion as well” (Wang 2021, Chinese Pref. pp. 24–25).

The “Big History” referred to in this article primarily denotes the Boxer Rebellion as viewed through macro-historical narratives, official archives, and Boxer propaganda Posters. In contrast, the “Little People” focus on the ordinary people depicted in Quan Huo Ji—including “ordinary Catholics”, “Anti-Christian Civilians”, and “pro-Christian civilian”. Yet, it is precisely these ordinary people obscured by grand narratives that allow us to gain deeper insights into the complexity of history. This article adopts a microhistorical approach to examine the lives of little people during the Boxer Rebellion. It analyses their historical representations and probes the deep interconnections between these individuals, modern China, and major historical events. The Boxer Rebellion, a historical event that shocked both China and the world, exerted influence far beyond its geographic boundaries. Set against this backdrop, Quan Huo Ji reveals the existential condition of individuals caught within the torrent of history through the eyes of ordinary people. This study concentrates on the ordinary people portrayed in Quan Huo Ji, who lived outside North China, examining their responses to this national upheaval. Did they perceive the event’s impact on modern China? Although the immediate repercussions for those distant from the rebellion’s center were limited for those distant from the Rebellion center, could they truly remain insulated from these historical forces? Within the framework of macro-historical narration, the central question becomes: how were the destinies of these ordinary people shaped by their age?

2. Basic Information on Quan Huo Ji

After Boxer Rebellion, the Superior General of the Society of Jesus Luis Martin (1846–1906) sent two priests (one from Europe and one from China) to collect evidence regarding the suffering of the Catholic Church during the Boxer Rebellion. Li Wenyu was assigned this task. Li Wenyu’s personal name is Di 杕; literary name is Damu Zhai Zhu 大木斋主, and Christian name Laurentius. He graduated from St. Ignatius College 徐匯公學 in 1862 and joined the Society of Jesus afterwards. He was part of the first batch of native Jesuit priests trained after the Society of Jesus’ return to China. Ordained in 1869, Li spent eight years on missionary work before settling in Xujiahui, where he began his writing career. In 1878, Li Wenyu founded Yiweng Lu 益聞錄 (Records of Beneficial News), which was later revamped as Gezhi Yiwen Huibao 格致益聞匯報 (Science and Enlightenment Journal), and subsequently renamed Huibao 匯報 (Report). In 1887, he also founded Shengxin Bao 聖心報 (Sacred Heart Messenger). While overseeing the two newspapers, Li continued to write prolifically, authoring and translating a total of 78 works.

Quan Huo Ji is divided into two volumes: the first volume is titled Quanfei Huoguo Ji 拳匪禍國記, (Record of the Boxer Rebellion’s National Disaster), and the second, Quanfei Huojiao Ji 拳匪禍教記 (Record of the Boxer Rebellion’s Religious Disaster). The evolution of its editions has four stages. The first is the 1902 lithographed version, titled “Gengzi Jiaonan Ji”. Next are editions from the Tushanwan Press in 1905, 1909, and 1923. Later editions are based on the 1923 version.3 The 1902 edition of Gengzi Jiaonan Ji was compiled by Li Wenyu based on the disaster reports from various dioceses during the Boxer Rebellion, as collected by the priests in those areas. The preface of this book mentions, “I am afraid that in transmitting reports over thousands of miles, some details may be inaccurately recorded or left out. Therefore, this edition is printed with stone lithography. I humbly request that the priests in the affected regions review it, point out any errors, and supplement any missing information. When they send it back to my location, I will be deeply grateful.” (Li 1902, Pref.). In the “Editorial notes 凡例”, Li Wenyu also states, “There may be errors in the book, as it is inevitable, and I ask the priests of each province to report these mistakes to the Huibao office for future corrections. Please inform me of any incidents not included in this edition so that they can be added.” (Li 1902, editorial note). From the preface and the editorial notes, it is clear that this edition was a draft, where Li Wenyu had asked the priests who had provided disaster reports for their dioceses to verify the information, correct any mistakes, and fill in any gaps before sending it back to him, in preparation for future formal publication. Compared to the 1905 official publication of Quanfei Huoguo Ji (Li 1905), this 1902 edition has an “Editorial notes” section, and there are slight differences in the preface and table of contents. In the 1902 preface, Li Wenyu expressed the hope that the accounts of martyrs from the Boxer Rebellion could serve as an opportunity for the widespread development of Catholicism in China in the future. In the 1905 preface, however, Li Wenyu used the history of Catholicism’s spread in China and the brave martyrdom of Catholics during the Boxer Rebellion to demonstrate that Catholicism could replace Confucianism and Buddhism, asserting that it was not superstitious but the truest of teachings. The tables of contents for both editions are generally the same, but the 1902 edition is simpler, listing only the names of regions or provinces. The 1905 edition builds on the 1902 version. It provides more detailed regional names. For example, it divides the previous entry for “Shanxi 山西” into “Northern Shanxi” and “Southern Shanxi“, and adds a new entry for “Guangxi 廣西” with relevant content. The 1902 edition contains a total of 170 folios (340 pages), while the 1905 edition has 437 pages. From this, it is clear that Gengzi Jiaonan Ji was the earliest preparatory version of Quan Huo Ji before its formal publication.

Quan Huo Ji was officially published in 1905. The first volume, titled Quanfei Huoguo Ji, remained unchanged in subsequent editions. However, the second volume, Quanfei Huojiao Ji, underwent some revisions. In 1909, Li Wenyu published an expanded edition, Zengbu Quanfei Huojiao Ji 增補拳匪禍教記 (Supplemented Record of the Boxer Rebellion’s Religious Disaster). (Li 1909) In this version, Li Wenyu stated, “I have sent further inquiries to the priests, as the previous edition contained occasional inaccuracies. Please inform me of any errors so that corrections can be made in the new edition. I have received numerous responses, pointing out mistakes and filling in omissions. These additions enriched the previous edition by eleven or twelve points. I have made further additions and deletions and reprinted it accordingly” (Li 1909, Supplementary Pref. p. 7).

The 1905 edition included numerous illustrations of bishops, priests, and churches, whereas the 1909 edition featured only a single illustration of the “Beitang 北堂” cathedral. Despite these changes, the two editions shared the same table of contents. In terms of content, the 1905 edition consisted of 437 pages, while the 1909 edition expanded to 522 pages, with several additions and deletions in specific details, including adjustments in the names of persons and places. In dioceses that suffered the most severe persecutions, Li Wenyu added more detailed accounts of these incidents.4 The 1923 edition of Quan Huo Ji maintained the same content for the first volume, while the second volume, Quanfei Huojiao Ji followed the 1909 version. Subsequent editions all followed the 1923 version (Li 1923).

Quanfei Huoguo Ji chronicles the events of the Boxer Rebellion in chronological order, while Quanfei Huojiao Ji documents the specific events of the persecution in various regions, along with detailed information about the affected Catholics. These materials primarily derive from documents such as “Chinese public texts, translated Western blue books, records of besieged foreign ministers in China, and records of the Allied Forces’ eastern and western front campaigns and related military documents as well as letters from bishops and priests within the Church. These letters were sometimes translated from Western newspapers.” (Li 1923, editorial notes p. 1). Li Wenyu believed that these materials were authentic: “All are concrete and reliable, not mere rumors or vague reports”, and “The original texts are also written by priests, so they can be trusted deeply” (Li 1923, editorial notes pp. 1–2). However, according to Anthony E. Clark, Li Wenyu often edited and supplemented the original materials with unknown or unverified sources when compiling the account (Clark 2014, p. 1). Clark argues that Li Wenyu did not view Quan Huo Ji solely as a historical account of details but rather as a means to highlight the courageous martyrdom of Chinese Catholics in the face of persecution during the Boxer Rebellion (Clark 2014, pp. 7–8).

A careful review of Quan Huo Ji confirms this inclination. When compiling materials documenting the confrontation between Catholics and the Boxers, Li recorded instances of miracles5, examples of small groups overcoming larger ones6, and the martyrdom of Catholics. This approach reflected his unique position as a native Jesuit priest, whose mission was to see the smooth progression of Catholic missionary work in China under stable social conditions. “He was, perhaps, most interested in employing his sources to promote the cause for sainthood of clergy and faithful related to the Jesuit mission in China” (Clark 2014, p. 9). Furthermore, Li Wenyu adhered to the historiographical style of late Ming Jesuits, who may have believed that “miracles have the immediate effect of converting people, or at least encouraging them to seek baptism” (Gernet 2013, p. 120). Scholars using Quan Huo Ji as historical material must therefore approach it with discernment.

Due to the limitations of historical documentation, common people rarely appear as the central figures in historical records. In Quan Huo Ji, Li Wenyu recorded the historical representations of many ordinary people (such as the lay Catholics, pro-Christian civilians, and anti-Christian civilians), particularly focusing on the narratives of Catholics and the Boxers. From the perspective of historical objectivity, these materials have certain limitations, but the book not only records instances of Catholics courageously martyring themselves in the face of massacres but also documents cases of apostasy under the threat of death. Additionally, it records instances of non-Catholic relatives of Catholics who, under pressure from the authorities and the Boxers, chose to adopt a neutral stance. The reactions of these characters align with common perceptions of how ordinary individuals might react when confronted with the threat of death. Throughout the history of Christianity, martyrs who stood firm in their faith are not uncommon. Furthermore, given the scarcity of materials related to ordinary people, these sources hold unique historical value.

3. The Depiction of Low Social Strata in Quan Huo Ji

The low social strata in this article primarily refers to the general populace, including ordinary Catholics, Boxers, anti-Christian civilians, and pro-Christian civilians. In Quan Huo Ji, Li Wenyu provides detailed accounts of the images of Catholics and Boxers, followed by descriptions of pro-Christian and anti-Christian civilians, and a few instances of apostate civilians.

3.1. Ordinary Catholics

The slogan “Fu Qing Mie Yang 扶清滅洋” (Support the Qing Dynasty and Eliminate the Foreigners) was adopted during the Boxer Rebellion. The term “Yang 洋” not only targeted foreigners but also included Chinese people who followed Christianity. At the time, some officials and Boxers referred to foreigners as “Yang Gui Zi洋鬼子” (foreign devils), “Lao Mao Zi 老毛子” and Chinese Christians as “Er Mao Zi 二毛子”.7 In early June 1900, the imperial court issued an edict declaring that Catholics were loyal subjects of the State but had been misled by “heretical doctrines” and that their adherence to Christianity had caused conflicts between the local population and the Church. The edict stated:

Now the Court seeks to pacify the Boxers by encouraging loyalty and righteousness, rallying them to fight against the enemy with one heart. The Catholics also eat food and walk the same land, and they cannot be truly loyal to a foreign religion, for it is they who have brought about their own destruction. If they can change their ways and repent, there is no harm in offering them a chance for self-reform. Local authorities are to spread this message everywhere, and Catholics who are able to repent their past and confess to the officials should be allowed to renew their lives without enhanced accountability of their previous errors”.

(Li 1909, p. 76)

How were Catholics to “reform”? Provincial officials suggested that Catholics should first voluntarily surrender to the government, wait for the official processing procedures. They were also required to burn images of the Virgin Mary, crosses, and hand over weapons, while kneeling in front of the Boxer altars to offer incense and perform rituals so as to demonstrate their sincerity in repentance. Local officials would then issue doorplates and waist token to signify their repentance and reform (Li 1909, p. 76). In compliance with the imperial edict, local officials intensified their enforcement of laws, expelling foreign missionaries and ordering local soldiers and gentry to “prevent Catholics from leaving any trace within the county boundaries” (Li 1909, p. 484). They forced Catholics to worship their ancestors and Buddhist statues, paste images of door and kitchen deities (Li 1909, p. 78), and extorted money from them. In the meantime, local bandits were allowed to pillage Catholic property. When Catholics resisted these demands and refused to renounce their faith under pressure from the Boxers and officials, they were ruthlessly killed. In Li Wenyu’s account, ordinary Catholics are depicted as courageously standing firm in their beliefs when faced with mass slaughter. The narrative explores how these individuals resisted and how they maintained their religious faith despite overwhelming violence.

The Boxers encountered a woman holding an infant and forced her to kneel to the south. When she refused, they threatened to take her life. The woman responded, “Those who cling to life shall lose Paradise, I will not comply”. The Boxers then struck her twice, and her head fell (Li 1909, p. 9). A Chinese priest surnamed Bao, said to other believers before his martyrdom: “We shall reach eternal joy in no time” (Li 1909, p. 43). Several consecrated virgins, encouraged each other with the words upon death: “We can flee if we wish, but we must never renounce God. As women, we do not know where we will go, but we must all hold fast to our purity, for the Bible says that if you do not give up your life for me, you cannot see me” (Li 1909, p. 44). A Catholic named Zhang Shide 張世德, who was killed for insisting on his faith, declared, “I am the son of God” (Li 1909, p. 44). Maria Wang told her female student, “We are not afraid of dying, but we are afraid of people taking our bodies. Therefore, we should ask God to grant us a swift death” (Li 1909, p. 51). An elderly man surnamed Zhuang said to the Boxers, “You need not speak further; this is our great fortune, a rare opportunity in a thousand years” (Li 1909, p. 59). Qi Liansheng 祁連生 said to the Boxers, “You do your deeds, I will keep my will”. Hou Lushi 侯路氏 (Mrs. Hou (née Lu)), before being buried alive, insisted on reciting prayers, “Allow me to pray, and I will offer my body and soul to God” (Li 1909, p. 92). Paul from the village of Fanjia Geda 範家疙瘩 declared his Catholic identity by wearing holy garments (Li 1909, p. 93). Chen Pide 陳丕德, seeking a fatal opportunity, said: “We, the small ones, have done few good deeds and many sins. Without this persecution, we would have no hope of reaching heaven, but now we have a chance to ascend” (Li 1909, p. 94). A consecrated virgin surnamed Gao refused to flee for safety and chose to face the persecution head-on, saying, “At such a glorious moment, if we do not martyr, when shall we martyr ?” (Li 1909, p. 108). The Boxers bound Feng Yanchen 封彥臣, but he refused to be bound, stating, “I have embraced the faith, I do not love my body, why would I be bound?” (Li 1909, p. 111) Liu Tianjue 劉天爵’s friends and relatives cried day and night, urging him to renounce his faith and escape to safety. To stand firm in his faith yet spare his loved ones’ tears, he fled to another place, saying, “It is easier to endure the pain of death, but the suffering of my relatives is hard to bear. The path to heaven is right before me, but you wish for me to renounce my faith and go to hell. Do those who love me wish this for me? If you love me, you must quickly embrace the faith and martyr with me” (Li 1909, pp. 131–32). Jia Kunling 賈崑嶺, who had become blind and faced hardship, thought, “The suffering of this world is beneficial to people” (Li 1909, p. 143). Ge Yangxing 葛養性’s family and friends urged him to renounce his faith to save his life, but he instead encouraged them to convert, saying, “Let us die together and ascend to heaven together; it is better than following the faith from childhood” (Li 1909, p. 163). Ge Yinqing’s house was burned down by the Boxers, and his body was wounded and burned. He remarked, “This suffering is much lighter than that of Jesus” (Li 1909, p. 163). Wen Sheng 文生 and Zhang Dianying 張殿英 led fellow Catholics from their village to resist the attack, shouting, “Brothers, worldly possessions are of no use; now is the time to offer our lives to God, we all sincerely repent” (Li 1909, p. 175). The Boxers tortured Pei Deyu 裴德玉, who refused to renounce his faith, saying, “The pain of being separated from God is much heavier than the pain you inflict upon me. The suffering you give me is the gift of God” (Li 1909, p. 183). Yuan Gengyin 袁庚寅 believed that “A loyal subject does not serve two masters” (Li 1909, p. 184). Liu Genchang 劉根常, after being captured and unable to endure the torture, considered pleading for mercy, but his father rebuked him, saying, “Do not make a mistake with both body and soul”. Zhang Liandong 張連同, who had not been very enthusiastic about religious affairs, urged other Catholics, “Life and death are ordained. I have been indifferent to religious affairs and may not be able to save my souls, but if I can martyr for the Lord, it is a great blessing and a chance to save souls” (Li 1909, pp. 192–93). Sun Liangui 孫連貴 insisted, “Today, I die at your hands temporarily, but I will live forever in heaven afterward” (Li 1909, p. 194). A widow surnamed Li, whose son Hongzhong 宏忠 forced her to flee to safety, responded, “There are few Catholics here, and many who are newly initiated. If I leave, they may all renounce the faith. I wish to die here to bear witness to the truth of our faith” (Li 1909, p. 280). Liu Maogong 劉茂功 could not understand why the Catholics were suffering, given that they had done no wrong. His conclusion was that, “This is the time when the devil is showing his power” (Li 1909, p. 286). Chen Ruose 陳若瑟 was willing to die to repay God’s grace (Li 1909, p. 305). Chai Chongtang 柴崇堂 believed that the death of Catholics was a key opportunity for the future development of the Church, saying, “The Holy Church cannot be destroyed, it only faces some adversity. If believers can die, the glory of the Church will shine brighter in the future” (Li 1909, p. 306).

Li Wenyu also briefly recorded instances of Catholics who renounced their faith. Bai Chang 白昶, the magistrate of Yangqu 陽曲 County in Shanxi, insulted Catholics, saying, “These people, poisoned by foreign influence, knew only one thing: to refuse to renounce their faith. Even if they outwardly renounce the faith, they are unwilling to truly abandon their belief, and only pretend to comply with customs” (Li 1909, p. 346). Whether renouncing the faith out of self-preservation or under intense threat, Li Wenyu’s account shows that these individuals eventually either repented after pressure from family and friends and chose martyrdom or suffered misfortune as a consequence of their apostasy.8

From the actions and words of these martyrs, it is clear that late Qing Chinese Catholics exhibited a high level of religious commitment.9 Their statements reflect core Christian beliefs about God’s creation, the afterlife, the soul’s importance over the body, the temporary suffering in this world versus eternal joy in the next life, sin, and the devil. They viewed their suffering and martyrdom as an opportunity to repay God, enter heaven, and promote the Church. They considered this opportunity for redemption to be even more valuable than lifelong adherence to the faith. For Li Wenyu, the courage and steadfastness of martyrs served as a clear testimony to the virtues of Catholics. They not only secured the promise of heaven after death but also strengthened the faith of other Catholics, as “martyrs are the most trustworthy witnesses to the values of a religion, and if they die willingly, their testimony is even more genuine” (Stark 2005, p. 208).

3.2. Anti-Christian Civilians

Anti-Christian civilians can be divided into two categories: first, the Boxer groups recruited from northern provinces such as Shandong and Shanxi; and second, local bandits and villagers from other regions who, pretended to be Boxers, used the chaos to loot, burn, and kill.10 This article primarily focuses on the second category of anti-Christian civilians, analyzing their true motives and reasons for anti-Christian actions based on their words and deeds.

An elderly woman surnamed Wang led a group of consecrated virgins to seek refuge in Lixizhuang 李席莊. Her grandson “gathered two or three people and attempted to take four girls as wives” (Li 1909, p. 45). To escape persecution, Catholics hid in caves, but local bandits attacked them by cutting off their water supply or setting on fire. Upon seeing the body of a virgin martyr, the bandits remarked, “It was too dark last night to see clearly; how could we have killed such a fine woman? If it had been daylight, we would have spared them. Wouldn’t that have been better?” (Li 1909, p. 51) The bandits burned down the Catholic homes, forcing the inhabitants to scatter. During the attack, they captured many women who could not escape and planned to sell the younger ones (Li 1909, p. 518). The bandits forced Lai Mengduo 賴孟多 to renounce his faith, saying, “If you have silver, it might save your life”. Lai replied, “I have no silver”, and they cut off his ear (Li 1909, p. 95). A consecrated virgin surnamed Fu 傅 took refuge in the home of a fellow non-Catholic villager, but a villager betrayed her hiding place, leading to her beheading (Li 1909, p. 106). Another Catholic, Fan Luoyin 範洛印, was hiding with his young child in a cemetery when Zhang Heizi 張黑子 from the neighboring village called out loudly, “Fan Luoyin is hiding here!” (Li 1909, p. 109). Chen Sheng 陳勝 sought refuge at a friend’s house, but the friend secretly alerted the Boxers, leading to his capture (Li 1909, p. 233). A brother and sister hid in a rice field and went out at night to search for water. They were spotted by Jia Baochun 賈寶春, a wealthy villager, who had hired informants for twenty taels of silver to spy on them. They were soon captured, severely abused, and forced to renounce their faith (Li 1909, p. 236). Eight Catholics, including Duan Facheng 段發成, were falsely accused of being bandits by Xu Changchun 許長春, who used the accusation to extort money from them. “A mediator offered to release them if they renounced Catholicism, but they refused. After five days of negotiations, they finally paid 500 strings of cash to return home”. (Li 1909, p. 279) In one village, Catholics Li and Wang, whose families were wealthy, hid their silver in the house of a fellow non-Catholic to protect it from theft. However, “others saw it and, greedy for the wealth, conspired with over a thousand Boxers. Led by Wang Qingfu 王慶福, Liu Dahe 劉大合, and Jiang Gengquan 江更全, they surrounded the village and killed anyone they encountered” (Li 1909, p. 354). During their escape, Catholics were seen by a village woman who said to the other villagers, “Those three are foreign devils; they drew a cross on the ground to frame me. It is bad luck. If you dig three feet under the cross and find even one green bean, the bad luck will be removed.” The villagers followed her instructions, but found nothing. The bandits then set out to capture the three Catholics (Li 1909, p. 369). In Liulin 柳林 Town, bandits took the opportunity to extort and loot Catholic property, “Seeing others looting Catholic property, they also extorted from Catholics in the town. Every night, Catholics paid money to hire protection. Then, on the twelfth, over a hundred bandits looted all the property of the Catholic families” (Li 1909, p. 379). After the Catholics in Changping 長平 Village were robbed, “Over a hundred bandits from neighboring villages, carrying sticks and sacks, came to the village, hoping to steal rice” (Li 1909, p. 397). “Bandits from Xiyu 西峪 Village colluded with the Boxer group in Nancun 南村 village to lure Catholics back to their homes. They killed thirty-seven Catholics” (Li 1909, p. 400). When the Boxers besieged the village of Zhangjiazhuang 張家莊, “greedy villagers from the neighboring village carried bags, pushed carts, and held ropes and money, waiting for the Catholics to be defeated so they could buy their belongings at cheap prices” (Li 1909, pp. 424–25). In Ye County 掖縣, local authorities pressured Catholics to renounce their faith, sending officers to interrogate them, “Local yamen 衙門 (residence of the local magistrate) runners extorted hundreds of thousands of cash to avoid being locked up” (Li 1909, p. 431). In Zhejiang 浙江’s Quzhou 衢州 and Taizhou 台州 prefectures, bandits, after hearing of the Boxer Rebellion in the north, “took the opportunity to rise up and trouble the churches. In June 15, four thousand bandits, colluding with the White Flag Party 白旗黨, burned down and destroyed the churches, priests’ homes, and the books, seizing all of the items inside. The county magistrate, who hated Catholics, allowed the bandits to harm the churches” (Li 1909, p. 477). A Catholic man was severely beaten, dragged to a valley, and buried alive by his own relatives for escorting a priest to Fuzhou 撫州 prefecture(Li 1909, p. 418). A businessman surnamed Wang, who had conflicts with a Catholic surnamed Sheng, took the opportunity to exact revenge, “He falsely accused Sheng of stealing military weapons to aid the church-backed rebellion” (Li 1909, p. 511).

Through the analysis of materials related to anti-Christian civilians, it can be concluded that these individuals were mainly ordinary people living near the Catholics—whether they were bandits, villagers, or even the Catholics’ own relatives. They were familiar with the local environment and were able to accurately pinpoint the hiding places of the Catholics, as well as gather information about their daily behaviors and household wealth. The primary reasons for their anti-Christian actions were often to seize wealth or women, settle personal grievances, or protect their own safety. The anti-Christian stance of the local government and gentry provided these civilians with a seemingly “legitimate” justification for their behavior, which fueled their unchecked pursuit of personal desires. Local authorities ordered Catholics to renounce their faith, sent troops to besiege churches, and turned a blind eye to the violence committed by civilians against Catholics.

The local gentry were an important link between the government and the people, and their words and actions had a significant influence on the behavior of the common folk. In the “Lucheng Lingnan Church Persecution 潞城嶺南教難”, “The gentry of Lujun, such as provincial graduates Luo Qizhen 羅奇珍 and national academy students Wang Bingchen 王炳辰, sent someone with a notice to invite the Boxers to burn, kill, and plunder the Catholics in Lucheng” (Li 1909, p. 391). In Hanzhuang village 韓莊, Queshan 確山 county, Henan 河南 province, “provincial graduates Zhang Jiayong 張家傭, licentiate Li Ximing 李錫名, and community leaders Zhang Tingyan 張廷筵, Yang Shijun 楊世俊, and Bai Yuheng 白玉珩 took the lead in persecuting the Catholics. After joining the Boxer movement, they sought the county magistrate’s permission to begin their actions... The county magistrate issued an order to demand that Catholics renounce their faith. Seeing that the government shared their anti-Christian stance, the bandits rang the gong to gather people and began to search for and kill Catholics” (Li 1909, p. 447).

Local officials distributed the imperial edict to eradicate Christianity, “publicly showing it to all the gentry. Thus, the gentry members Chen and Feng deceived the common people, inciting crowds to riot against the Church, while local officials permitted the ensuing killings and plunder” (Li 1909, p. 460). The local gentry stirred anti-Christian sentiment by spreading rumors, such as Catholics hiding weapons, colluding with foreigners, harvesting organs and plotting rebellions. In Xiagua 下卦 Town, Weinan 渭南, Shaanxi 陝西, “Chen Peng 陳鵬, a leader of the Ge Lao Hui 哥老會, who had already been removed from his position as a Daotai 道台 official, gathered dozens of followers to incite trouble, posting posters everywhere” (Li 1909, p. 489). In Qijiazai 齊家寨 village, Meixian 眉縣 county, an association was formed by local wealthy merchants and officials. Xu Baolu 許保祿, a local doctor, took in orphans, and the association “stirred up trouble, spreading the rumor that Xu Baolu had stolen the eyes of young children, causing the deaths of many people. Those who heard this were outraged and sympathetic. They also bribed and coerced two blind beggars, one of whom was unnamed, to give false testimony” (Li 1909, pp. 495–96).

3.3. Pro-Christian Civilians

When Catholics fled to avoid persecution or were coerced by Boxers and bandits, some sympathetic civilians offered what help they could. A yamen runner named Huang urged Father Nie to leave and escape danger. On the road, when bandits sought to kill the priest, “a righteous man intervened, saying: ‘That scholar is no villain—why do you wish to kill him?’” (Li 1909, pp. 41–42). Those on good terms with Catholics secretly warned them: “civil and military officials have received an order from Yu Xian 毓賢, commanding the killing of foreigners and the eradication of the Western religion” (Li 1909, p. 373). A young girl was stabbed in the right arm by bandits with a long spear. “A Buddhist nun saw this and called out: ‘Do not harm this child—allow me to adopt her.’ She then took her back to the temple and cared for her kindly” (Li 1909, p. 95). When Boxers tried to force Catholics to hand over money or renounce their faith, Zhao, a non-Catholic from a neighboring village, negotiated with them, saying: “You Boxers can withdraw for now; I will take responsibility for this matter, and we will discuss it again tomorrow”. After the Boxers left, he urged the Catholics to flee under cover of night. Some advised Catholics to make a tactical, verbal renunciation of faith but to continue praying afterward (Li 1909, p. 99). When an elderly woman saw a young girl, whose family had been killed by Boxers, pale and emaciated, her body still bleeding, “a sudden surge of compassion arose” (Li 1909, p. 103), and she took the girl in. During a bandit raid, “villagers, regardless of faith, came out together to resist” (Li 1909, p. 169). When bandits were escorting captured Catholics away, “non-Catholic relatives from the same village came forward to secure their release” (Li 1909, p. 170). A non-Catholic man seized Father Xia, beat and kicked him, and plotted with a gentleman named Wang to have him killed. “After questioning everything, Wang realized he was an old man and urged the crowd to release him, but they refused” (Li 1909, p. 235). After Du Lingxian 杜陵賢’s family was hacked by Boxers, “the village elders rushed into the house. They saw that the mother and daughter were still moving slightly and realized they were alive. They then hired a cart to send them to Santaizi 三台子, prepared a coffin, and buried Du” (Li 1909, p. 259). When Catholic Zhang Shangkuan 張尚寬 fled, “his non-Catholic friend Zhang Quan 張全 provided him with dry food and clean water, and lent him a cotton jacket.” (Li 1909, p. 285) One non-Catholic, unwilling to see a Catholic killed, “secretly gave him a thousand cash, saying: ‘You can renounce the faith and escape.’” (Li 1909, p. 368) During the siege of Lucheng 潞城 Church, a non-Catholic from a neighboring village named Li Jiuzhen 李九箴 chose to assist the Catholics. He was the one who procured most of their supplies, such as medicine, ammunition, and food for the wounded, for the entire duration (Li 1909, p. 390). When a consecrated virgin was abducted, a non-Catholic witness loudly rebuked the assailants: “You rob people’s property and do great harm—how can you also seize people?” Others applied shredded tobacco to stop the bleeding of injured Catholics (Li 1909, p. 519). These accounts show that the assistance of Christian civilians generally stemmed from kinship and friendship ties, from a religiously inspired sense of compassion, or from the innate human capacity for empathy.

3.4. Other Civilians

When Catholics fled in all directions, they often faced the predicament of “relatives refusing to take them in, and friends unwilling to shelter them” (Li 1909, p. 236). After Shen CuiShi 瀋崔氏 (Mrs. Shen (née Cui)) and her daughter-in-law were killed by bandits, her two young daughters “fled to their maternal grandmother’s home in Gaojiakou 高家口, but were refused entry and turned away” (Li 1909, p. 167). Some Catholics fled to “Catholic households in Liulin 柳林for shelter, but their hosts, seeing the bandits close behind and fearing implication, did not dare to take them in” (Li 1909, p. 378). When Catholics lost their way, a non-Catholic offered to guide them, but his parents, suspicious because the Catholics carried weapons, said: “You carry arms—will you not kill my son? Leave two of your men as hostages; when my son returns, you may take them back”. Passing through Weijiazhuang 魏家莊 village, “residents blocked the way, saying: ‘You carry weapons, frightening our women and children—take another route’” (Li 1909, p. 157). Some Catholics fled deep into the mountains, their money and food exhausted. “The mountain villagers, fearing the large number of Catholics, did not dare make any move” (Li 1909, p. 454). Such reactions were partly due to threats from the government and the Boxers, and the fear of collective punishment: “Non-Catholics who moved their households had all their baggage looted by bandits. Shops once friendly with the church, fearing trouble, avoided all contact” (Li 1909, p. 444). Another factor was the influence of rumors: “People who were formerly friendly with Catholics now avoided their company, explaining when asked that pervasive rumors had led them to oppose the church” (Li 1909, p. 504). Additionally, large groups of armed Catholic refugees, compared with other civilians, constituted a relatively formidable social force, inevitably creating a sense of intimidation among unfamiliar communities.

4. Conclusions

This article begins with a brief introduction to the edition and limitations of Quan Huo Ji. Li Wenyu’s editorial purpose was not merely to record history but to promote the sanctification of Chinese Jesuits and seek personal redemption, as expressed in his prayer: “I pray that the spirits of those above may silently aid me, so that I, too, may ascend; then, I shall be forever grateful” (Li 1909, Pref. p. 6). He viewed the Boxer Movement and the invasion of the Eight-Nation Alliance as “national shame 國恥” and “catastrophe 巨禍”, hoping that after the “negotiations between China and foreign nations 中外和議”, people would reflect on the crisis and use it as an opportunity for national rejuvenation. In analyzing the causes of this “catastrophe”, he argued that “the Empress Dowager did not intend to indulge the bandits, and the Emperor had no power of absolute rule; only three or four foolish officials, who had long harbored anti-foreign sentiments, were responsible” (Li 1923, Pref. p. 2). Perhaps because Li Wenyu received traditional education from a young age and later abandoned the imperial examination system to join the Jesuits, his thinking remained influenced by traditional views. He placed hope in enlightened rulers, blaming the leaders of the Boxer Rebellion on those seeking personal vengeance, exonerating figures like Empress Dowager Cixi 慈禧.

When we revisit this history, in traditional historical views, the Boxer Rebellion is often seen as a patriotic anti-imperial movement that profoundly impacted China’s modern history. However, for the common people living at the time, the central theme of this era seemed distant from their immediate concerns. They were preoccupied with their daily lives, responding either actively or passively to the disruptions caused by foreign forces. Ordinary Catholics, persecuted by anti-Christian officials and Boxers, were labeled as “Er Mao Zi” or “foreigners’ accomplices”. With the encouragement and protection of local officials and gentry, they were ruthlessly slaughtered. In their desperate flight, with no other options left, they chose to die, seeking redemption through their faith. Though these Catholics were officially recognized as “Chinese” or “innocent masses 赤子” in official documents, when foreign religion, colonial aggression, and nationalism were all mixed together, they had little power to control their fate, and they became victims under the swords of the Boxers.

Pro-Christian civilians, motivated by kinship, compassion, or human empathy, assisted Catholics. On the other hand, anti-Christian civilians—often both bandits and peasants—lived alongside Catholics as their neighbors and even relatives. In their daily interactions, ordinary Catholics might benefit from the political power granted by missionaries or, for religious reasons, refuse to participate in local events organized by the gentry or villagers. Coupled with rumors spread by outsiders, this led to resentment, which provided a pretext for anti-Christian civilians to burn, kill, and loot, indulging in their desires. The primary motivations of these anti-Christian civilians were to gain wealth, power, or sensual desires. In some cases, they may have forgotten that, like ordinary Catholics, they were also part of the lower social strata with no privileges. At this time they positioned themselves as “enforcers”, freely determining the lives or deaths of ordinary Catholics. These civilians did not realize that despite their shift from “ignorant people” to “righteous people”, their social standing had not changed fundamentally. For them, “there was no ideological conflict with Christianity, and the rhetoric of upholding orthodoxy and rejecting heresy held no meaning. Their goal was not to expel missionaries, but simply to pursue personal gain, coming and going for profit” (Su 2001, p. 115). Why did anti-Christian civilians act this way? The evidence cited above suggests that the antagonism of officials and gentry fueled animosity within the broader civilian population. The extent of this hostility was proportional to the suffering experienced by the Catholics.

Robert Redfield’s concept of “great tradition and little tradition” offers an insightful framework to understand the behavior and motives of these civilians in Li Wenyu’s account. The folk culture represented by ordinary civilians falls under the “little tradition” category, while the gentry culture is part of the “great tradition”. “The former manifests itself mostly in everyday life, and is focused on individual health and family prosperity, reflecting a utilitarian characteristic. The latter is expressed in abstract worldviews and operations of the state and society” (Song 2010, p. 68). The dynamic interaction between these two traditions was primarily maintained by local officials and gentry, who controlled local resources and enjoyed local authority. When this authority was divided by foreign religious forces, they raised the banner of anti-Christianity. Local officials, constrained by treaties and personal identities, could only secretly disobey official orders. After the Boxer Rebellion erupted, central and some local officials encouraged anti-Christian actions. They moved from the shadows to the frontlines, using official power to publicly oppose Christianity. Local gentry spread posters and rumors with little cost, encouraging civilians to oppose Christianity. “These anti-Christian pamphlets were not so much arguments against Christianity from the perspective of national security, but rather from the angle of cultural and customs defense” (Su 2001, p. 47). The behavior of local officials and gentry directly influenced local civilians. In the face of internal and external turmoil, some local officials and gentries remained focused on their immediate personal interests, stoking the flames of anti-Christian sentiment. When the anti-Christian movement spiraled out of control, sparking domestic and international conflicts and resulting in official accountability, the authorities habitually scapegoated civilians to absolve themselves of blame.11

Henrietta Harrison summarizes two prevailing explanations for rural hostility toward Christians in North China during the Boxer Rebellion: first, that it “was the result of cultural differences between Christianity and the folk religion of north China”, and second, that “ordinary people attacked the missionaries and Chinese Christians because both were associated with the expansion of foreign power in China” (Harrison 2013b, p. 7). She notes that these debates are highly charged (Harrison 2013b, p. 7). Through this study, we found that in rural areas far from the center of the Boxer rebellion, many conflicts between the lay faithful and local people had little to do with patriotism or imperialist expansion, the grand themes of conventional narratives. The alliance between officials, gentry, and anti-Christian civilians was primarily driven by selfish motives, demonstrating little regard for the broader national crisis or prospects of the nation. Indeed, as Di Wang asks “is it not the everyday, rather than sudden political upheavals, that more closely mirrors our destinies?” (Wang 2021, Chinese Pref. pp. 27–28). Within relatively closed communities, the everyday habits of the lower classes—clothing, food, shelter, and transport—gradually evolved with time and place into customs that normatively governed daily life. Yet, as Wang and Jiao (2023, p. 212) argue, while the significant historical events “constituted a powerful wave in the historical process, the everyday disputes of ordinary life were, by comparison, but minor ripples in the continuum of history”, even when they attracted public attention.

When we studied the Boxer Rebelling from the macro perspective of “Big History”, drawing on official archives, Boxer propaganda Posters, and other historical materials, themes such as anti-imperialism nationalism and patriotism inevitably became the central focus of the grand narrative. The Boxer Rebellion is often placed at the center of historiography. However, for the common people who lived in an isolated society at the time—especially those far from the center of the Rebellion, such as the “Little People” depicted in Quan Huo Ji, ordinary Catholics, anti-Christian civilians, and pro-Christian civilians—the impact was rather limited. They remained absorbed in livelihood struggles, bound by everyday trivialities, and survived within traditional social relations mediated by gentry and officials, seemingly detached from the event itself. From a micro perspective, once local officials and gentry found scapegoats, they could largely withdraw unscathed and avoid punishment. The anti-Christian civilians were not driven by social or national themes such as imperialism, nationalism, or patriotism in their hostility toward missionaries and the lay faithful, but rather by greed and vendetta. After venting their desires, the anti-Christian commoners simply returned to their daily routines. The Boxer Rebellion in North China merely provided them with a pretext to give vent to their private desires. At this moment, the historical activities of the “Little People” in Quan Huo Ji appear to run entirely parallel to the grand narrative trajectory of “Big History” with seemingly no connection between the two. These two narrative threads stand in sharp contrast and tension with each other. On the macro level, the subsequent invasion by the Eight-Nation Alliance and the Boxer Indemnity further exacerbated social contradictions and produced greater upheaval. The enormous indemnities were ultimately borne by every individual. Everyone was passively drawn into this century-wide transformation. This reveals the profound tension between ordinary people and grand historical narratives: those who appeared largely unaffected were, in truth, silently engulfed by the current of the times. From the multiple perspectives of global and regional history, the relationship between ordinary people and the external world may be defined by their passive acceptance of the era’s transformations, mediated through the normative force of custom. Although their conditions of life seemed unchanged, they had in fact already become quietly integrated into the process of modernization. Modernization was not always “a progression toward a better life” (Harrison 2013a, Chinese Pref. p. 2). It was also suffused with the tragic histories of individuals, families, and communities in their transition from tradition to modernity.