Christians and Muslims of Sicily Under Aghlabid and Fāṭimid Rule: A Cultural and Historical Perspective

Abstract

Looking into early Christian–Muslim relations seems to be the outcome of greater interest in Islam transcultural encounters due to current issues of mass migration. Sicily presents an informative example of the interaction between different ethnic and religious groups over centuries. Several scholars, including Jeremy Johns, Alex Metcalfe and Julie Taylor, have explored the social and administrative position of Christians and Muslims within the complex society of Sicily, although their contributions were largely from the umbrella of Norman Sicily from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries. Thus, there is a need to shift away from the Normans’ experience to exploring Christian–Muslim relations in Sicily during the ninth through eleventh centuries, especially the expansion, society and activities during the rule of the Fāṭimids of Ifrīqiya (909–965) and their Kalbid allies (948–1053). These forms of relationships are not only important for Sicily but for the whole region of the central Mediterranean. This paper will build on the works of Umberto Rizzitano and other scholars to explore the relations between the Arabs and Muslims and the Christians in Sicily during the Muslim rule of the Island. Using Arabic and Islamic sources, including travel accounts by the Muslim geographer Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 988), this paper aims to discuss the lives of Christians and their dynamic exchanges with Muslims within the social and political complexities of Aghlabid and Fāṭimid Sicily as well as Sicily’s link to North Africa (Ifrīqiya). Sicily’s proximity to North Africa and to Europe has been an essential aspect of its history, which facilitated movement of communities between these regions. The paper will also compare the policies of the Fāṭimids towards Christians in Sicily with their relations towards their Christian subjects in Cairo, Egypt. It will show the pragmatic aspects of this relationship concerning marriage, legal status, the movement of people, and cultural and intellectual exchange. Christians and Muslims practised cultural hybridisation that brought changes in Sicily with respect to language, religion, and social habits, resulting in a distinctive Sicilian multicultural identity.

1. Introduction

Interest in early Christian–Muslim relations has grown due to contemporary issues like mass migration and transcultural encounters. In this context, Sicily offers a prime example of long-standing interactions among diverse ethnic and religious groups. Previous studies have focused on the roles of Christian Arabs and Muslims in Norman Sicily (11th–13th centuries) (Johns 2003; Metcalfe 2003; Taylor 2003). There is, however, a need to shift focus to the period of Sicily under Muslim rule, particularly the period of Aghlabid (800–909) and Fāṭimid rule (909–965) and their Kalbid allies in Sicily (948–1053) to better understand earlier Christian–Muslim dynamics for the whole region of the central Mediterranean (for some studies on Sicily during Aghlabid and Fāṭimid rule, see Hassen 2024, pp. 41–73; Al-Madanī 1946).

Drawing on Arabic and Islamic sources, including travel accounts by Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 988), this paper examines Sicily’s ties to Ifrīqiya, which is the name given by the Arabs to refer to the Province of Africa, established by Rome and maintained by the Byzantines. The term refers to a medieval historical region that includes present-day Tunisia, parts of eastern Algeria, and parts of western Libya. Sicily played a major role as a crossroads between Africa and Europe, facilitating the movement of peoples and cultures. The Muslims, particularly the Fāṭimids, who controlled Sicily from 909 to 1061, appear to have pursued a pragmatic policy aimed at fostering interfaith relations through marriage, legal recognition, migration, and intellectual exchange. Under the Fāṭimid imāms, such policies were implemented both in Sicily and Cairo, contributing to cultural hybridization and shaping the multicultural identity of the societies they governed, especially in Sicily.

2. Christian–Muslim Relations in the Formative Years of Muslim Rule in Sicily

Sicily came under Muslim rule in 800, following initial raids launched from the Syrian coast around 652 (cf. Metcalfe 2009, pp. 5–8). After establishing their rule in Sicily, the Arabs and Muslims encountered strong Greek and Byzantine influences, leading to dynamic cultural exchanges that later shaped a unique Sicilian multicultural identity. The influence of this cultural exchange between Christians and Muslims and its significance is still evident in the legacy of the Muslim past that is still present in the Sicilian collective memory, with “I Saraceni” still present in cultural imagination and popular tradition (Trovato 1949, p. 109).

The dynamics among various ethnic and religious communities in Sicily under Muslim rule were often shaped by the political and imperial contexts of the Mediterranean basin. For example, Muslim rulers’ relationships with their Christian subjects appears to have been influenced by prior interactions with the Byzantines. In the case of the Aghlabids, their relationship with the Christian population was not only influenced by the geo-political conditions in Ifrīqiya and Sicily, but also by the propaganda that accompanied this conquest, presenting it as driven by an interest to spread Islam and its culture. This is to say, after their initial rapid success, the Aghlabids took several decades to conquer most of Sicily. Having established themselves in Ifrīqiya and restored stability there under the leadership of the Aghlabid commander Ibrāhīm b. al-Aghlab (d. 196/812) and his son Ziyādat Allāh (Al-Mālikī 1983, vol. 1, pp. 185–86), they took advantage of internal political turmoil in Sicily by responding to an invitation from Euphemios, a local leader who had rebelled against the Byzantines and declared himself ruler in Syracuse (Traini et al. 2012). Furthermore, the deteriorating social conditions of the Sicilian population, along with the heavy tax burden imposed by the Byzantines, facilitated Aghlabid control. These hardships made it easier for the local population to accept their new Muslim rulers.

According to the eleventh-century historian Abū Bakr, ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad. Al-Mālikī (d. circa 1061), the Aghlabid emir Ziyādat Allāh b. Ibrāhīm (817–838) convened a council to deliberate on the situation in Sicily following the revolt of Euphemios and his appeal for Muslim support and for the emir’s intervention in Sicily. The council was attended by jurists and scholars, including the two chief judges, the respected scholar and jurist Abū ‘Abd Allāh Asad Ibn al-Furāt (d. 213/828) and Muḥammad b. ‘Abd Allāh Abū Muḥriz al-Kinānī (d. 214/829). Citing Qur’an 3: 139, “So do not weaken and do not grieve, and you will be the higher ones if you are believers,” Ibn al-Furāt voted in support of the conquest of Sicily. Thus, the advance against Sicily was portrayed as a conquest undertaken to support God’s religion and to spread its teaching. Ibn al-Furāt, who had no military experience whatsoever, was appointed to lead the Muslim army. This appointment may reflect the religious spirit and orientation of the Muslim conquest of Sicily. According to al-Ḥimyarī, Ibn al-Furāt “was also accompanied by scholars, worshippers, jurists, high ranked people, and poets whose numbers were too numerous to count” (Al-Ḥimyarī 1984, p. 366). These people were also in pursuit of knowledge and culture (Al-Mālikī 1983, pp. 282–83; cf. Rizzitano 1975). However, the Aghlabid army sent to conquer Sicily was composed of diverse ethnic groups, including Arabs, Slavs, Andalusians, and Berbers, whose presence later gave rise to internal rivalries, both among themselves and with the local Christian population as will be described below.

Palermo (Balarm) fell in 831, it was quickly integrated into the Muslim world, partly due to Aghlabid propaganda, and soon it became an important political centre and capital of the dār al-Islām (Nef 2013a, p. 41). The Aghlabid rulers of Sicily established religious authority and autonomous governance while maintaining close political, cultural, and commercial ties with Ifrīqiya and the broader Islamic world.

The Aghlabid rulers encouraged constant forms of movement of people between the two sides of the Mediterranean and cultural exchanges. Political unrest in Ifrīqiya also played a part in increasing the number of Muslims who made it to Sicily from Ifrīqiya. Furthermore, Jews probably lived in Sicily since the first century A.D. There are later reports that the Jewish community there suffered the expropriation of their synagogue, for which they were eventually compensated. Following the conquest of Syracuse, the Muslim army, constituting of different ethnic groups, appears to have taken many Jewish captives to Palermo in 878 (Sierra 2007, pp. 542–43). The political and economic power, however, remained concentrated in the hands of Arab elites based in Palermo, who seemed to have exercised exclusive control over Sicily’s fertile estates. This situation resulted in ethnic and economic tensions between them and those of Berber descent.

While Sicily remained under Ifrīqiyan control, issues of autonomy likely caused tensions between the emerging Sicilian elites ‘People of Sicily’ (Ahl Ṣiqilīyya) and those in Qayrawān or the Ifrīqiyans. Although the Aghlabid governors also tried to reduce tensions by directing the population’s military zeal against the Byzantine presence in Sicily and mainland Italy, the relations between the newly arrived Muslim settlers on the west of Sicily and the earlier Greek-speaking settlers, who were still under Byzantine rule in the east of Sicily, remained tense.

According to the historian Ibn al-Athīr (d. 1233), the Christian population of Sicily was greatly reduced and Christian institutions disrupted (Ibn al-Athīr 2003, vol. 5, p. 185). In the early 840s, the Muslims seized Platani, Caltabellotta, Corleone, and the port of Trapani. The broader Mazara del Vallo region was then distributed as land grants to leading jund families.

Naturally, the Aghlabid rulers shaped the political scene in Sicily and southern Italy, which resulted in Christian–Muslim relations determined by mutual interest in a volatile political situation. For example, the Aghlabid Muslim rulers played an important role in different conflicts between various Christians powers in the Island, including the split of the duchy of Benevento, and the economic, political effect of their raiding activities and attacks on the foundation of Muslim amirates at Bari and Táranto (Metcalfe 2009, pp. 16–22). The Muslims also developed relationships with the Maritime Duchies of Naples and the South Italian mainland (832–871) (Metcalfe 2009, pp. 16–22).

Fifty years after the Aghlabid conquest of Sicily, a mixed Christian and Muslim population inhibited the western part. Many migrants also arrived from Ifrīqiya and resided there. The local population also went through a process of Arabization and Islamization (Metcalfe 2009, p. 27).

Although little is known about the precise legal status of Christians and Jews, it seems that these multireligious groups lived in conditions of semi-liberty and engaged in cultural hybridisation that brought significant changes to Sicily’s language, religion, and social customs (on the cultural hybridisation in Sicily, see Summerfield 2024, pp. 313–32; on the legal status of non-Muslims in this period, see Nef 2013b, pp. 111–31). Each community sought to preserve its independence, characteristics, and unique identity, but all the communities together contributed to a shared sense of Sicilianism, expressed in various ways. The Arab-Muslim geographer Ibn Ḥawqal (d. 988), who visited Sicily in the tenth century in the year 973, described the interaction which led to intermarriage between Christians and Muslims and how this intermarriage resulted in a fusion of Islamic traditions with the local customs of the Berber and Greek populations.

According to Ibn Ḥawqal, some Muslim men from rural migrant areas married Christian women, and this type of marriage was attached to several conditions, which Ibn Ḥawqal described unfavourably. He said:

Al-musha‘midhūn [referring to men from rural areas who do not obey the law properly] are most of the people of their fortresses, their deserts, and their villages. They chose to get married to Christian women, and if the child resulting from this marriage is male offspring, then the child would become a Muslim like the father, and if the child were a female, she would become Christian like the mother.

These specific groups who were the result of this intermarriage did not perform acts of ritual purity or other prescribed duties, such as praying or paying alms or performing pilgrimage to Mecca (Ibn Ḥawqal 1979, p. 123).

Ibn Ḥawqal described how religious elements of the two communities, namely the Muslims and the Christians merged. For example, he mentioned the Grand Mosque, which had previously been used by the Rūm Orthodox. It is said that in this place, there is a piece of wood to which Aristotle is believed to have been hanged. The Christians of Palermo used to seek blessings and healing from Aristotle’s tomb, especially when they observed that the Greeks held it in reverence and glorified it (Ibn Ḥawqal 1979, p. 113).

During the Aghlabid period, cross-cultural ties between Sicilian Christians and Ifrīqiyan Muslims remained strong. While some Sicilians migrated to the mainland and Christian communities settled in the northeast, movement between Sicily and Ifrīqiya continued. These movements resulted in linguistic similarities between the Sicilian (Siculo) and Ifrīqiyan dialects, and between people and place names. Salvatore Cusa’s list of anthroponyms confirms interaction between Sicilian Christians and Ifrīqiya, revealing Ifrīqiyan origins for many Sicilians (see Cusa 1868, vol. 2, pp. 566–72; vol. 1, p. 43; cf. Hassen 2024, pp. 55–67).

After the consolidation of Islamic rule in Sicily, the Aghlabid Muslim rulers established a robust administrative system that endured long after their reign and was later adopted by the Normans. In addition, one of the main areas in which they seem to have utilized the service of Christians was the regulation of medical practices, which were transferred to Sicily via Ifrīqiya. It would be fair to note that the contribution of Christian medical figures to the development of medicine and its practice throughout the different periods of Muslim rule is well documented (ʿAjbān 2018, pp. 93–110; Worthing 2024, pp. 116–26).

The Aghlabids established medical learning circles in Raqqādah and Qayrawān, which seem to have been attended by well-known figures. Among the notable figures who travelled to Sicily to join these circles at the invitation of the Aghlabid emir Ziyādat Allāh b. Ibrāhīm was the Jewish–Egyptian physician and philosopher Isḥāq ibn Sulaymān al-Israʾilī (d. 955), who authored several influential works in both philosophy and medicine (cf. Ibn Jaljal 1985, p. 87). Ibn al-Jazzār (d. 980), the student of Isḥāq ibn Sulaymān al-Israʾilī, also joined these medical circles, which followed the same licencing protocols that was followed in Baghdad during the time of the Abbasid caliphs al-Mukqtadir (d. 908) in the 3rd/9th century; and which they later expanded to Sicily (Leonardo Chiarelli 1998, pp. 1–11).

Sicily became part of the medical regime of Qayrawān. Christian monks there contributed greatly to the development of medical practices in Sicily as well as to the translation from Latin into Arabic. It is reported that the Aghlabid emir, Ibrāhīm b. al-Aghlab (d. 812) used Christian monks from Sicily to translate philosophical, historical, geographical and medical classic Greek and Latin works into Arabic. The same Monks were also charged with the same task in the city of Qayrawān (see Ḥasan Ḥusnī ‘Abdul Wahhāb in Leonardo Chiarelli 1998, p. 4). The monks translated these texts while working closely with some Arab language scholars from Ifrīqiya, who were responsible for the task of copy-editing these translations to produce eloquently written Arabic translations of these texts. In the mosque of Qayrawān, there is a copy of the well-known Arabic translation titled “tārīkh al-umam al-qadīma,” which is the Chronicle or History of Ancient Nations by Eusebius of Caesarea, a Christian historian and bishop who died around 339 A.D. His works were extremely influential in later centuries, including the 5th century. It is said that this Arabic translation was produced by Christian monks at the instruction of the Aghlabid emirs (cf. Ḥasan Ḥusnī ʿAbdul Wahhāb 1965–1972, vol. 1, p. 203).

Christian scholars continued the practice and teaching of basic medicine which became part of the educational system in Sicily. They utilized the ancient Greek works on medicine, mechanics, and philosophy, which were to be found in the libraries of Palermo and Syracuse. They also continued their translations efforts, which lasted through the twelve and thirteenth centuries. Furthermore, learned Sicilian Jews who inhibited places like Palermo, Catania and Messina were erudite and knew Hebrew, Italian, Greek, and Arabic as well as Latin in some cases. Therefore, some of them took part in important tasks of translating scientific works, especially from Arabic into Hebrew and Latin (Sierra 2007, pp. 542–43). These efforts formed a strong foundation for Sicily’s intellectual prosperity, facilitating cross-cultural exchange between the Islamic, Byzantine, and the Latin world, and leaving a profound influence on the revival of learning in Europe.

The Christian population also continued to engage in many other activities with the Muslims and especially in the field of agriculture. The locals were encouraged to raise plants and fruit that were not known in Sicily before including lemons, oranges, pistachios, sugar cane, cotton as well as palm trees (cf. Privitera 2002).

The Aghlabid emirs continued to foster culture and intellectual life, attracting scholars, including litterateurs, philosophers, and physicians who travelled to Sicily from across the Islamic West and East as well as from the Greek world. This movement across the Mediterranean facilitated dynamic interactions among diverse religious communities, a cultural exchange that would flourish even more during the Fāṭimid period, as will be discussed in the following section.

3. Christian–Muslim Relations During Fāṭimid Rule

Under the Fāṭimid rule in Ifrīqiya and Sicily in the tenth century, the Mediterranean Sea remained a place of interaction, trade, and cultural exchange for the diverse communities along its shores. Sicily as an island in the Mediterranean became a strategic place for the Fāṭimids through which they could manage the dual Andalusian and Byzantine threat (see Brett 2001, pp. 240–42). Sicily was especially a key point in shipping routes, maritime networks, ports of call, and in trade and shipping strategies in the tenth century (Hassen 2024, pp. 41–73). Thus, despite the political dynamics and the rivalry among the three empires, maritime activities in the Mediterranean Sea and various exchanges further deepened connections between the Christians, the Muslims, and the Egyptian Copts as will be explained below (for a history of the Copts, see Sāwīrus Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ 1948).

After the enthronement of the imām-caliph al-Mahdī (d. 940) in Ifrīqiya, the Fāṭimids expanded militarily from the Moroccan Atlantic coast, taking over present-day Tunisia and Algeria, and as far as the Libyan coast of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica (the district of Barqa) and took hold of Sicily. The Ismā‘ilī propagandist Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī was able to assemble an army consisting of mainly Kutāma Berbers that, by defeating the Aghlabids, made Sicily fall into the hands of a new regime in 908 (for a description of the military activities of the Fāṭimids and their conquest of Sicily, see Metcalfe 2009, pp. 44–69; Al-Zahrānī 1996, pp. 67–95; Leonard Chiarelli 2018, pp. 67–145; Hassen 2024, pp. 41–73; Halm 2001).

In Palermo, Fāṭimid policies toward their diverse populations, including non-Muslims, appear to have been shaped by both external conflict with the Byzantines and internal opposition and disorder. Furthermore, the movement of population as well as the Maghribi immigration to Sicily and their interactions with non-Muslims was influenced not only by the direct or indirect decisions of the dominant powers but also by the networks and activities of communities of merchants and sailors. These movements were also triggered by political and social disturbance in Ifrīqiya (Leonard Chiarelli 2018, pp. 23–77). Economic pressures and demographic expansion were also vital factors in determining the nature of the interaction between different populations (Hassen 2024, pp. 43–55).

The early years of Fāṭimid control on the Island were characterized by unrest, which led to instability, public revolts, and frequent changes in governorship. The Fāṭimid dynasty found itself governing an extremely varied and complex socioreligious context. The Fāṭimids adhered to the Ismā‘ilī Shi‘ī juridical school (madhab) (for the origins of Ismāʿīlī Fatimid caliphate; see Haji 2006; Madelung and Walker 2021). This theological affiliation of the Fāṭimids were faced with resistance from the predominantly Sunnī Mālikī population in Sicily and Ifrīqiya. This power-dynamic may have influenced their policies towards the Christians and other religious groups in Sicily.

With the arrival of the Fāṭimids in Sicily, many Christians remained in their towns in the eastern part of the Island, while the Muslim population and the migrants resided in the Mazara del Vallo region. In comparison to other remote areas in Sicily, Palermo, which at the time was called al-Madīna (the City), had witnessed ongoing Muslim migration and intermarriage, the conversion of some Christians to Islam as well as an increasing influence of Arabic as a language of intellectual culture and administration. Palermo also continued to be the main political and cultural center for the activities of the Fāṭimid-appointed governors of the island.

In Sicily, Sunnī Muslims of the Mālikī school (the main school followed by Muslims in Ifrīqiya), who constituted the majority of the Muslim population, coexisted with other Muslims who converted instead to Ismāʿilism, and with Ibāḍī Berbers. In addition, the northeastern part of the island and the Val Demone still saw a strong presence of Byzantine Christians, of whom the towns of Taormina, Rometta and Aci constituted important centres. The Byzantine component always maintained a character of semi-independence from the Islamic government. These, together with the Mālikites and the settled descendants of the Arab jund (army), whose loyalty remained with the Aghlabids, opposed the advent of the Fāṭimid rulers. This was demonstrated by many revolts that characterized the first years of Fāṭimid domain: the first one exploded in 911, when the Palermo population revolted against the new fiscal regime imposed by the Fāṭimid governor Ibn Abū Ḫinzīr and the new tax collector. This revolt was followed by a three-year period in which the government of the Island was taken over by the insurgent Ibn Qurhūb (r. 913–916), who sought to restore the Aghlabid form of governance and therefore securing support from the caliphal authority of Baghdad. He was defeated by the Fāṭimids in 916, who appear to have authorized their governors to use force in Sicily not to oppress the population (including Byzantine Christians), but to restore social order and establish their authority.

Between 945 and 948, Fāṭimid Sicily experienced continued unrest, including the rebellion led by Bannu’l- Ṭabarī in 947, marked by tensions among various groups, including conflicts between Arab and Berber tribes, as well as violent uprisings in Palermo against the Fāṭimid governor. At the same time, the Fāṭimids faced a significant threat from a Kharijite rebellion led by Abū Yazīd in Ifrīqiya. This atmosphere of political and social instability created an opportunity for the Arab-Ifrīqiyan tribe of Banū Kalb to rise to prominence as the Fāṭimid stewards of Sicily (Leonard Chiarelli 2018, pp. 95–145).

The Kalbid governors played a key role in facilitating peace negotiations between Byzantium and the Fāṭimids, significantly contributing to the consolidation of Fāṭimid rule in Sicily. Furthermore, the history of their semi-autonomous dynasty appears to be closely linked to the emergence of an Ismāʿīlī community in Ifrīqiya (on the Kalbids, see Bosworth 2004; Rizzitano 2022; Jiwa 2024, pp. 73–96).

Under Kalbid rule, Sicily flourished as a center of Mediterranean trade, a thriving agricultural hub, and a culturally significant island that exerted notable influence on Fāṭimid Ifrīqiya and its policies, including the treatment of Christian populations. The Christians of Sicily somewhat enjoyed a degree of religious freedom, although, their ability to build new churches might have been restricted (Ibn al-Athīr 2003, vol. 8, p. 471). While some Christians embraced Islam, the majority seem to have maintained their religion. These free Christian men, who lived in areas that were included in dār al-Islām (within Muslim territories), had to pay taxes which was called “māl al-hidna” (the tax in exchange for peace, which was different than other taxes that non-Muslim men had to pay in exchange for protection and exemption from military service). However, according to the Azharī historian and literature, Shihāb al-Dīn al-Nuwayrī (d. 1333), women, slaves, and young boys were exempted (Al-Nuwayrī 2004, vol. 8, p. 471).

After initial years of use of power to restore social order, the Fāṭimids and their Kalbid governors seem to have attempted to integrate the population of Sicily into their empire. Therefore, many Sicilian notables were taken to Ifrīqiya to be introduced to Fāṭimid law and administration. Most of the Christians and the Jews were, however, among the common people, alongside farmers, shippers, and rural inhabitants. They were governed by their own religious and civil laws. The Jews were exempt from the heavy taxes previously imposed on them by the Byzantines, who had also restricted their commercial activities. According to Ibn Ḥawqal, the Jews lived in their own quarter of Palermo and were engaged in the trade of buying and selling slaves. These slaves appear to have resided in a specific neighborhood in Palermo known as ḥārat al-Ṣaqāliba (see Ibn Ḥawqal 1979, pp. 114–16). The area was primarily inhabited by slaves brought to Sicily by Jewish merchants from Greece, the Balkans, and Central Asia. Most of these slaves were Christians, some of whom later converted to Islam.

Furthermore, in the western part of Sicily, namely in Mazara del Vallo, the different communities manifested a complex, hybrid, and multireligious Sicilian society. This religiously mixed nature of the population was understood and accepted by the people of Sicily. According to one narration reported by Ibn al-Athīr, when the Kalbid emir Aḥmad b. Yusūf (d. 417/1025), known as al-Akḥal (the person with coal-lined eyes) called upon the people of Sicily (Ahl Ṣiqilīyya) to consolidate their efforts against the people of Ifrīqiya, they replied saying: “We have intermarried with them and became one [people]” (Ibn al-Athīr 2003, vol. 10, p. 195). This vision of unity between the Muslims of Ifrīqiya and the Christians of Sicily appears to have found poetic expression during this period, conveyed through vivid imagery and sweeping metaphors. The Sicilian poet ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Abū al-ʿAbbās al-Kātib captures this sentiment:

The two palm trees are like two lovers,

Who have sought refuge from an enemy in an impregnable fortress.

(ʿImād al-Dīn Al-Iṣfahānī 1951, vol. 1, p. 35)

The image of the palm trees as lovers symbolizes harmony and shared joy. David Mallet interprets this metaphor as representing the Muslim and Christian communities of Sicily, suggesting the poet may be alluding to the Kalbid rulers’ policies of tolerance and cultural integration, including intermarriage (cf. Alshaar 2024, p. 247). This example demonstrates the social function of poetry in this period, and how Sicilian poets used the performative function of poetry “to craft their communities around shared ethos, a habitus” (Carpentieri 2024, p. 764).

It seems that under Kalbid rule, ongoing Muslim migration and intermarriage contributed to the cultural fusion and the Island’s diverse population. In fact, rural population or Arabized Greek Orthodox Christians adopted Arabic names in this period, but they gradually returned to older naming traditions in the Norman period (Johns 1995, pp. 151–52). While Islamic culture and the Arabic language became increasingly prominent, Christian religious practices endured, and Latin and Greek remained in use. The population included descendants of Phoenicians, Latins, Greeks, Byzantines, and Jews, all contributing to Sicily’s cultural and social mosaic that is still visible in the features of Sicilian society, in Sicilian art, architecture, language, and cuisine today. The intermarriage between Muslims and Christians, gave rise to a mixed generation that embodied this diversity, revealing a strong correlation between patterns of settlement and the evolving societal fabric. For example, many North- African tribes (raḥal) that migrated from Ifrīqiya to Sicily and settled there, including the Kutāma tribe that played an important role in the success of the Fāṭimid power in Ifrīqiya as well as in Sicily, have left their influence that can be seen in three Sicilian names, which kept the nisba Kutāmī origin, such as Ben al-Kutāmī. There is also a linage connected to Afāriqa, namely the Christianised Africans known in the Roman times as the Afrī, who were later associated with the Byzantine period. These communities continued to speak the langue roman, a Latin mixed with Berber form of dialect, up until the twelfth century (cf. Hassen 2024, pp. 60–61).

Over several generations, the Kalbid dynasty continued to serve as a base for resisting Byzantine expansion (see Muḥammad 2005, pp. 3–35), advancing the Fāṭimids’ religious and territorial ambitions across the Mediterranean, and significantly influencing Fāṭimid affairs in Ifrīqiya. This is to say, the Kalbid governors continued to consolidate political stability, transforming Sicily from a militarized frontier into a relatively peaceful hub of Islamic civilization. Palermo enjoyed a degree of autonomy following the Islamic model of emirate (Nef 2013a, p. 41). It also remained home to diverse religious and cultural communities, notably contributing to the Arab-Islamic legacy in Europe (Mallette 2010). The study and practice of medicine continued to be one of the major areas to which these communities, namely Christian medical figures in Sicily, contributed. Although Ifrīqiya was the main hub of medical learning, Sicily had its own practitioners and lecturers. Notably, Abū Saʿid Luqmān ibn Yūsuf al-Ghassānī (d. 931), a scholar from Qayrawān of Byzantine-aligned Ghassānī descent, taught both religious law and medicine in Sicily. The Fāṭimids upheld the medical standards established by the Aghlabids, and Sicilian physicians such as ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥasan ibn al-Ṭubī (11th century) taught the works of renowned Baghdad physician Yuḥanna ibn Masawayh (d. 857). In fact, the Fāṭimids’ recognition of the knowledge of the Christian population in the field of medicine as well as their experience in the field of administration was also evident in Egypt, where several Copts were promoted to high positions because of their extensive expertise as will be discussed below.

4. Intercultural and Political Exchange with Egypt

Following the Fāṭimid capital’s move to Cairo, the Kalbids gained greater autonomy with the tacit approval of the caliphs. The governor along with his family and entourage, was responsible for maintaining civil peace among the diverse communities. This is to say, the Kalbids and the Fāṭimids in Cairo did not find clear ways to integrate all the different religious communities into a homogeneous population. Although there were occasions of use of coercive power to maintain social order, they generally adopted policies of expediency and tolerance. It is even said that the Fāṭimids used to send money and food to be distributed in Sicily either to help the population there or for military support. For example, in 962, the Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-Muʿizz (d. 975), who was known for his knowledge and wisdom, ordered the distribution of largesse in Sicily to celebrate the circumcision of his three sons. Mirroring a ritual previously held in Ifrīqiya, thousands of local children, according to the Ismaʿīlī jurist al-Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān (d. 974), were circumcised to strengthen ties between the island’s community and the Fāṭimid leadership (Al-Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān 1978, p. 291). Al-Muʿizz is also reported to have sent with the governor of Sicily, Aḥmad bin al-Ḥasan al-Kalbī the amount of one thousand dinar and fifty loads of gifts to be distributed for the children, both Muslims and non-Muslims (Al-Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān 1978, p. 256; Al-Maqrīzī 1977, vol. 1, pp. 94–95; Al-Musabbiḥī 1980).

The policies of the Kalbids and their interest in agriculture, irrigation systems, and in trade also encouraged further exchange and movements between Sicily and Ifrīqiya. In fact, Palermo’s ease of access from Ifrīqiya, and the qualities of the city made it an attractive destination to several Coptic communities that travelled back and forth between Cairo and Sicily. In fact, material evidence shows that certain woven fabric, textile, and costume seem to have been identical in Sicily and Cairo (Pfister and Flamm 1988, pp. 641b–49a).

Sicilian Muslims, including figures such as the famous slave general Jawhar, whose father was a Sicilian-Byzantine by origin, achieved high positions in Fāṭimid administration in Ifrīqiya and contributed to the expansion of the Fāṭimid dynasty. Jawhar led campaigns that extended Fāṭimid rule over the whole of North Africa and in 969 conquered Egypt. The Fāṭimids with their Ismāʿilī doctrine seemed to have supported the local population of non-Muslims in the hope of gaining their loyalties. There was a competition with the Malikī doctrine. As in Egypt, they relied on the people of the sunna.

5. The Relationship of the Fāṭimids of Egypt Towards the Copts of Egypt

Much like in Sicily, the Fāṭimid-Byzantine dynamic, marked by ongoing conflict and occasional truces, appears to have shaped Fāṭimid policies toward their Christian subjects in Egypt. For example, the peaceful relationship between the imām-caliph al-Muʿizz (r. 953–975) and Constantine VII resulted in the exchange of ambassadors before the conquest of Egypt in 957–958, which seems to have influenced the relationship between the Fāṭimids and the Copts of Egypt. At this same time, al-Muʿizz’s envoy brought a manuscript, titled al-Risāla al-Masiḥiyya (The Christian message), in which al-Muʿizz invited the emperor to convert to Islam (Ferré 1991, vol. 4, pp. 1097a–100a). Al-Muʿizz adopted policies in Egypt similar to his attempt to restore peace in Sicily, promoting tolerant policies towards the different groups. For example, he requested that the Bible be read in the presence of both educated Copts and Muslim scholars (cf. Tājir 2012, p. 105). Some Coptic historians reported that, towards the end of his life, al-Muʿizz was baptized. However, this claim was refuted by others, and there is no mention of it in early Arabic sources (see Tājir 2012, pp. 103–31).

During the reign of al-Muʿizz, his appointed Kalbid governors in Sicily were able to restore civil peace and to moderate between the different religious communities. Aḥmad b. al-Ḥasan as discussed above, participated in facilitating the tolerant approach that al-Muʿizz wanted to employ in Sicily towards the Christians. Furthermore, primary Arabic sources from the Ifrīqiyan phase of Fāṭimid history also demonstrate the impact of Aḥmad b. al-Ḥasan and other Sicilian elites on the internal dynamic of the Fāṭimid court in Cairo, the Fāṭimid policies toward their non-Muslim subjects, and broader political affairs (Al-Jawdharī 1954; Abū al-Fidā n.d.). There are reports that show that the Kalbid governor in Sicily, Aḥmad b. al-Ḥasan, led a delegation of Sicilian notables to give the bayʿah (oath of allegiance) to the imām-caliph al-Muʿizz (Abū al-Fidā n.d., vol. 2, p. 96; cf. Halm 1996, pp. 405–6).

The Copts, who were far more numerous in Egypt at the time than they are today, were granted the legal status of dhimmīs (a legal term, which refers to members of the protected but subordinate religious minorities; see Fierro and Tolan 2013). The Fāṭimids, however, applied this status with a degree of flexibility. Legal and official state documents demonstrate that the Coptic and the Melkite churches as well as the Jewish community possessed the fundamental right to appoint their own officials. Further independence was shown by many Copts, who were allowed to engage in extensive negotiations of all types with Muslim authorities and Islamic institutions (Rustow 2013, pp. 307–35). Between 972 and 1171, the Fāṭimids generally relied on Christian Copts to perform administrative roles throughout most of the period. As in the case with the policy of the Fāṭimids in Sicily, the Fāṭimid imām-caliphs in Cairo relied on the knowledge and expertise of Christian physicians. Arabic sources from this period mention several medical figures who were influential, including Abū Sahl Kīsān b. ʿUthmān b. Kīsān and his brother Sahlān Abū al-Ḥasan who were both medical doctors and provided service to al-Muʿizz and his son the fifth Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-ʿAzīz bi-llāh (r. 975–996). According to the Egyptian medical figure and historian Jamāl al-Dīn al-Qufṭī (d. 1248) and the Damascene historian and doctor Ibn Abī Uṣayba‘a (d. 1270), these Christian physicians possessed exceptional skills in diagnosing a wide range of diseases and prescribing the most effective remedies for each (Al-Qufṭī 2005, p. 202; Ibn Abī Uṣayba‘a 1995, vol. 2, p. 89). The well-known medical professional Abū al-Fatḥ Manṣūr b. Sahlān al-Nuṣrānī was among the most skilled physicians at the court of the Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-ʿAzīz and later continued to serve at the court of his son al-Ḥākim (Ibn Abī Uṣayba‘a 1995, vol. 2, p. 89).

Sicilian elites shaped Fāṭimid policies towards the Copts, which seem to have continued the approach initiated by Jawhar al-Ṣiqilī and caliph al-Muʿizz (r. 972–975). Shortly after his arrival in Egypt, Jawhar also sent an embassy to King George of Nubia, inviting him to embrace Islam or pay the jizyah. The king chose the latter. Thus, in relation to the Christians of Nubia, the Fāṭimids inherited a unique relationship with them based on the Baqṭ Treaty, which required the Nubian king to send an annual tribute to Egypt, namely 360 black slaves, along with rare or unfamiliar animals. This was in exchange for various Egyptian goods (for a discussion on Baqṭ Treaty; see Khan 2024, p. 11). According to the medieval Egyptian Historian Maqrīzī (d. 1442), this tribute continued intermittently under the Fāṭimids who often lacked the means to enforce the treaty. The Nubians used this to their advantage, occasionally reducing or halting payments (cf. Riyāḍ 1962, pp. 168–69; Butcher 1897, vol. 2, pp. 8–10).

According to Geoffrey Khan, there were good relations between Egypt and Nubia in the Fāṭimid period, which may have been the result of the need of the Fāṭimids to find alliances to counterbalance the traditional Sunnī regime in the region. This was evident in the appointment of many Nubians to important positions in the Fatimid court and army (Khan 2024, p. 12). A similar approach appears to have been taken toward the Copts and the Christians of Sicily, where the need to maintain balance and counter Maliki influence may have necessitated comparable policies. Moreover, the demand for international trade to finance the Fāṭimid army and administration contributed to the increasing exchange between Egypt and Sicily.

Although the Fāṭimids generally pursued tolerant policies toward non-Muslims especially the Copts, these policies varied between caliphs, with some adopting harsher measures while others showing greater leniency, depending on their specific circumstances. The Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-ʿAzīz bi-llāh (r. 975–996) inherited an empire that stretched from Sicily and the Maghrib through Egypt, encompassing the Hijāz and parts of Syria (see Walker 2009). Al-ʿAzīz was a strong ruler but his reign was noted in general for its tolerance and openness to non-Muslims, including the Jacobites and the Melkites. He is said to have sought to eliminate the social distinctions between Muslims and Christians. He had also married a Melkite Christian woman whose brothers would later become patriarchs of Jerusalem and Alexandria (Walker 2009, EI 3 online). It also appears that, al-ʿAzīz was the first to appoint Abū al-Faraj Yaʿqūb ibn Killis (d. 991), a former Jew who had converted before the Fāṭimids’ arrival, as vizier. The last person to occupy this office was the Christian ʿĪsā b. Nasṭūrus from 995 to 996 after being financial secretary. He received special favour and was treated more leniently than other Christians. In fact, al-ʿAzīz established appointment practices that emphasized personal loyalty and administrative competence, exemplified by the exceptional selection of the Christian al-Wabra al-Naṣrānī as muḥtasib (market inspector); an appointment that appears unprecedented in contemporary Islamic administrative practice. The office of the muḥtasib played an important role in regulating commercial transactions and economic activities as well as enforcing social and public morality (on this concept, see Buckley 1992, pp. 59–117).

The appointments of non-Muslims to major administrative positions provoked discomfort and tensions among the Muslim population. Nevertheless, these tensions did not significantly change the overall tolerant and inclusive policies of the caliph towards the Christians. There were other occasions when riots against the Christians occurred, including in 996, when a major fire devastated a predominantly Christian district. These rioters were, however, met with harsh punishment that aimed at restoring social order.

Christian administrative officials became major players in shaping internal and external politics during the reign of al-ʿAzīz. Al-Maqrīzī, for example, reports that the Fāṭimid vizier Yaʿqūb b. Killis feared the growing prominence of the Kalbids at the Fāṭimid court in Egypt, especially the influence of Jaʿfar, one of the two sons of ʿAlī b. Abi’l-Ḥusayn al-Kalbī (d. 938), a notable military figure and son-in-law of Sālim b. Abī Rāshid, the Fāṭimid governor of Sicily between 925 and 936 (Al-Maqrīzī 1987, p. 317). After ʿAlī b. Abī al-Ḥusayn al-Kalbī was killed fighting rebels in Agrigento in 938, al-Qāʾim instructed al-Ustādh Jawdhar to care for his sons, al-Ḥasan and Jaʿfar (Al-Jawdharī 1954, p. 164). Al-Maqrīzī notes that Jaʿfar’s son later served as a respected vizier, prompting Yaʿqūb b. Killis (d. 991) to curb his influence by persuading al-ʿAzīz to appoint Jaʿfar governor of Sicily and send him with his family there (Al-Maqrīzī 1987, p. 317).

Other Christian officials continued to serve in different important governmental offices (diwāns). Among these administrators was Majla ibn Nasṭūrus, who became a secretary in the diwān al-ʿAbbās, a post which was traditionally occupied by Muslims; Abū Ghālib al-Sayfīn served in the diwān al-Kharāj (Al-Maqrīzī 1977, vol. 2, pp. 161, 163). Christians occupied important posts also during the reign of al-Zāhir (1021–1035) and continued to have a great influence on shaping state policies. However, during the caliphate of al-Mustanṣir (1035–1094), the unstable relationship and growing tensions with Constantinople led to a decline in religious tolerance and a deterioration in the status of the Copts in Egypt.

In relation to the construction of new churches, similar policies appear to have been observed in both Sicily and Egypt. While Christians in both regions generally enjoyed a degree of religious freedom, this freedom was limited, particularly when it came to building new churches. In Egypt, for example, very few new churches were constructed. Instead, the Copts largely confined themselves to restoring those churches that had fallen into ruin, in accordance with the well-known Covenant of ʿUmar, which specifies the rights and restrictions of non-Muslim and later gained canonical status (see Abū Ṣāliḥ Al-Armanī 1895, pp. 62–89). Occasionally, a monastery might receive financial support from a Muslim vizier or even a caliph, but such instances were rare and exceptional (Abū Ṣāliḥ Al-Armanī 1895, pp. 62, 89). During the caliphate of al-ʿAzīz bi-llāh, however, the authorities assumed responsibility for assigning the work of building churches and for overseeing the work and its execution (cf. Tājir 2012, pp. 104–5).

Despite the overall tolerant policies of the Fāṭimids toward Christians, some sources mention that on several occasions, Copts were forced to convert to Islam during the reign of al-Ḥākim (d. 1021). As the situation eased, these Copts converted back to Christianity, although some of them including a certain individual named Abū Zakariyya, who converted back to Christianity was beheaded in 1025 (Al-Maqrīzī 1977, vol. 2, p. 136). There are, however, other reports that portray al-Ḥākim as a generous ruler who spent lavishly on religious celebrations for various communities, including the Coptic feast of ʿĪd al-Ghaṭṭās (Epiphany), which Christians celebrated with great festivity. Al-Maqrīzī reports that every January thousands of Muslims and Christians in Egypt celebrated with much joy this Christian religious festival and commemorated the baptism of Christ in the Jordan River. They gathered at the Nile, rode boats, and played music, making it one of the year’s most festive nights. The Fāṭimid caliphs made this feast an official holiday and treated Egyptians, especially Copts, with kindness during this official holiday, distributing gifts, lemons, fish, and reeds (this is like the policies adopted by the imām-caliph al-Muʿizz in Sicily of distributing gifts to the Sicilian populations on different occasions, see above).

The Fāṭimid caliphs and their families joined the celebrations in the Epiphany festive night, with tents set up along the beaches. The caliph would travel from his palace in Cairo to Old Cairo, where torches were lit on land and sea, their light seeming to pierce the sky with brilliance. Christian leaders’ tents lined the Nile, where they sat with their families as singers performed. Priests and monks arrived carrying crosses and held a long mass, possibly the Lukan Mass (Al-Maqrīzī 1977, vol. 2, pp. 17, 86, 163–64, 242).

The nature of relations with the Byzantine Empire continued to influence the treatment of Copts in Egypt as was the case in Sicily. Women at the Fāṭimid court also appear to have shaped policies towards the Christian population. Notably, Sitt al-Mulk (d. 1023), the daughter of caliph al-ʿAzīz and herself of partial Christian heritage, was known for her wisdom, deep knowledge of different disciplines including religious sciences, and her influential political role in the Fāṭimid affairs. This interreligious background of Sitt al-Mulk made her a great supporter of non-Muslims, and it is said that she intervened to reinstate the financial vizier ʿĪsā ibn Nastūrus, on the condition that he pay a fine of 300,000 dinars to the treasury. Sitt al-Mulk is also credited with overturning many of the harsh and irrational measures that were imposed on Christians during the time of her brother al-Ḥākim. Sitt al-Mulk reinstated tolerant policies towards non-Muslims, granting them the freedom to dress as they wished and allowing them to return to their churches and other places of worship. These reforms and the renewed spirit of religious tolerance that Sitt al-Mulk championed contributed significantly to the stability, prosperity, and social harmony of Egyptian society at the time. It is, however, fair to say that discriminatory policies were not always imposed by the caliphs themselves but were often enacted by powerful viziers as perhaps the case with al-Ḥākim (due to his young age) and the case of the later Fāṭimid caliphs al-Ḥāfiẓ li-Dīn Allāh (d. 1149) and his vizier Riḍwān, who in 1138 dismissed many officials and reinstated several discriminatory measures against non-Muslims, including the requirement to wear distinctive clothing and bans on using “noble” forms of transport.

After the killing of al-Ḥākim and as soon as al-Ẓāhir (d. 1063) ascended the throne, Sitt al-Mulk, who became the advisor of her young nephew, sent Nicephorus, the patriarch of Jerusalem, to lead an embassy to Constantinople, but it came to nothing. A fresh initiative in 1027, however, was crowned with success. The truce contained the following provisions: the reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the churches that had been destroyed by al-Ḥākim in Egypt; the Fāṭimids to desist from helping Sicily against Byzantium; a Byzantine patriarch to be named at Jerusalem; the prayer to be made in the name of al-Ẓāhir in Constantinople, where the mosque was to be reconstructed (it had been demolished after the destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre); freeing of Muslim prisoners held by the Greeks; and the Byzantines not to help the Syrian opponents of the Fatimids. This truce ended in 1031, when the Byzantines supported the Syrian Bedouins’ revolt against Fatimid rule.

At the beginning of the reign of al-Mustanṣir (1035–1094), a treaty with the Byzantines was in effect, permitting the reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, while the Christians there were forced to live in a special district. Later, there were exchanges of ambassadors and gifts between the Fāṭimids and the Byzantines. In 1055–1056, however, and after a delegation from Baghdad had been allowed to pray in Constantinople in the name of the Abbasid caliph, the Fāṭimids permitted the Church of the Holy Sepulchre to be pillaged, while other churches were closed in Egypt and Syria and the jizyah (poll tax) was increased.

The Fāṭimids generally respected the right of the Christians to manage their own affairs, intervening only when necessary. Certain events caused unrest within the Christan community. For example, Yuḥanna b. al-Dhālim, who served as a secretary (kātib) in the Fāṭimid administration, repeatedly asked patriarch, Christodoulos (1047–1077), known for several administrative rules to better organize the church’s daily affairs, to grant him authority over the diocese of Sakhā (probably also known by its ancient name, Xois, located near the center of the two branches of Nile Delta). The patriarch agreed to Yuḥanna’s request, but Yuḥanna soon caused such disorder that an attempt was made to remove Christodoulos from office. Yuḥanna was supported by several other bishops and another group. However, Abū Zkariyā, Yaḥiyā b. Maqāra, a wise and an influential figure at the court of the Fāṭimid caliph al-Mustanṣir, played a major role in resolving the conflict. He mediated a peaceful agreement between Christodoulos and Yuḥanna, reassured both parties, and reinstated them to their respective offices. In this way, the Fāṭimid court played a meaningful role in maintaining peace within the Christian community (Rūfaylah 1899, pp. 146–47; cf. Al-Sharqāwī 2018, p. 114).

Indeed, the Fāṭimid court, represented by Badr al-Jamāl (d. 1094), a military commander and a statesman working for al-Mustanṣir, later refused to terminate the office of patriarch Cyril II (1078–1092), Christodoulos’s successor, despite a plot led by bishop Yuḥanna b. al-Dhālim and forty other bishops. Badru al-Jamāl ordered a council to examine the accusations against Cyril II. The council ultimately found him innocent, allowing him to remain in office, while the conspirators were rebuked (Rūfaylah 1899, pp. 147–49).

At the level of everyday life, relations between Christians and Muslims in Fāṭimid Egypt appear to have been generally peaceful. Shared participation in social and religious occasions was common. For instance, Copts in Isna traditionally sang in processions at Muslim weddings (Abu Ṣāliḥ Al-Armanī 1895, p. 102), while Muslims in Cairo alongside the Fāṭimid imām-caliphs, as described above, often joined in the public festivities of Coptic feasts such as Epiphany and the New Year.

Despite such interactions, Fāṭimid caliphs occasionally issued warnings against excessive mixing between the communities. The Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-ʿAzīz, for example, prohibited the celebration of Epiphany in 978, a ban later reiterated by al-Ḥākim in 1011. Nevertheless, interfaith engagement persisted. At the New Year celebration in 998, the Christian secretary Abū al-ʿAlāʾ Fahd ibn Ibrāhīm attended in an official capacity. In 1025, the Fāṭimid imām-caliph al-Ẓāhir participated himself in the festivities, accompanied by his wives, merely requesting that Muslims and Christians avoid bathing together in the Nile. During major Christian festivals such as Christmas and Easter, the caliphal palace often sent gifts, including specially minted dinars, to Christian officials, reflecting a measure of courtly recognition and religious tolerance (Al-Maqrīzī 1998, vol. 1, pp. 265, 494–95).

Later, Christians continued to play notable roles in the internal political struggles of the Fāṭimid court. The Christian physician Abū Saʿīd ibn Qurqah, for example, allegedly agreed to poison al-Ḥāfiẓ’s son, Ḥasan, and was subsequently executed, with his property transferred to his Jewish colleague. Abū Bakr al-Akhram, a kātib (secretary) endowed with considerable authority, was executed for corruption in 1146–1147. Another Christian, Mūsā, served as one of the caliph’s astrologers.

The Fāṭimids’ legacy endured in Sicily through the very hands of the later Norman kings. Although the early relationship between the Normans and the Fāṭimids in Sicily and North Africa was marked by military conflict and confrontations, the Norman rulers, guided by pragmatism, came to appreciate the wisdom of embracing the legacy and example of the Fāṭimids and the need for cultural exchange. Thus, Norman rule in Sicily soon gave rise to a remarkable cultural synthesis. Fāṭimid court traditions, artistic, and architectural elements were not only preserved but skilfully woven into the fabric of Norman structures. This fusion took place in a period of relative peace and flourishing trade between the two powers, with the Normans even contemplating territorial expansion into Fāṭimid lands.

Muslims also continued to live under Christian rule in Sicily for several centuries. While they contributed to the development of administration, culture, and thought, experiencing periods of tolerance and coexistence, other times were marked by growing hostility and forced expulsions. Jewish communities also remained in cities such as Palermo, Messina, and Catania during the Norman period. Although their existence was not always peaceful, and they were sometimes barred from practicing certain professions, they enjoyed judicial autonomy and were allowed to settle disputes according to Jewish law (Sierra 2007, pp. 542–43).

6. Conclusions

While this paper does not overlook the struggles between the various communities that inhabited Sicily under Muslim rule, its primary aim is to highlight the creative interactions between these groups that gave rise to a distinctive culture, traces of which endure to this day. This article moves beyond the conventional “Arabo-Norman” framework to examine the intellectual and social dialogues that characterized the Islamic period in Sicily. The island was not merely a peripheral player in the geopolitical dynamics of the medieval Mediterranean; it functioned as a vital civilizational crossroads where Islam, Judaism, and Christianity intersected, contested, and transformed one another. Rather than serving solely as a strategic outpost, Sicily emerged as a crucial nexus linking East and West, Islam and Christendom, Arabic intellectual tradition and Norman political ambition.

The comparison of the policies of the early Fāṭimid caliphs towards the Christian population in Sicily with that of their relation to their Christian subjects in Cairo also shows how these policies were shaped by external and internal factors, namely their relationships with other Muslims as well as with the Byzantines. These policies also seem to have varied between different caliphs depending on the personal situation of a caliph as well as their pragmatic attempts to keep the balance between their Muslim and Christian population. Furthermore, the paper shows that the use of violence by certain rulers or caliphs was not motivated by an intent to supress religious minorities but by the need to restore social order, preserve peace, and reassert the legitimacy of the state.

Christians and Muslims practised cultural hybridisation that brought changes in Sicily with respect to language, religion, and social habits, which all contributed to the shaping of a distinctive Sicilian multicultural identity. As in the case with the policy of the Fāṭimids in Sicily, the Fāṭimid imām-caliphs in Cairo relied on Christian Copts to perform administrative roles throughout most of the period, just as they trusted the knowledge and expertise of Christian physicians. In fact, certain caliphs, such as al-ʿAzīz, established policies of social equalities between Muslims and Christians.

In the face of contemporary challenges, namely political fragmentation, increasing social inequities, and the crises of migration driven by structural imbalances and geopolitical interests, Sicily stands as a historically grounded example of interreligious and intercultural coexistence. Rather than being a mere site of conflict, Sicily became a place for dialogue, where Christian, Jewish, and Muslim groups coexisted, exchanged knowledge, and left enduring imprints on language, architecture, science, and governance. The Sicilian example presents the possibilities of building inclusive societies that not only accommodate differences but are enriched by them, offering insights that remain profoundly relevant in today’s increasingly polarized world.