The Body, Gender, and Religious Practices: A Comparative Study of Daoist Inner Alchemy for Women and Buddhist Thoughts on the Female-to-Male Transformation

Abstract

This article examines the concept of female-to-male transformation in Daoism inner alchemy for women (nüdan 女丹) and Buddhism, both of which have records of female practitioners and nuns being required to transform their bodies into men, such as “women change their bodies to become men” (nühuan nanti 女換男體) in nüdan and “transform a woman into a man”(nüzhuan nanshen 女轉男身) in Buddhism. When considering these literal meanings in isolation, this can be interpreted as suggesting that these religions uphold the superiority of the male body with its physical attributes over the female body. Women who practice religious meditation must be transgender to have the possibility of becoming a Daoist immortal or an enlightened Buddhist. But is this the case? This article employs an analytical approach to examine the interpretations of the transgender concept of “female-to-male transformation” in Daoist nüdan and Buddhism. The analysis reveals the metaphorical expressive function of this concept and thereby refutes the simplistic view that equates it with gender discrimination. The present paper reveals the profound differences and commonalities between nüdan and the Buddhist concept of “female-to-male transformation” through comparative analysis of their fundamental concepts, gender metaphors, and cultivation paths. The study demonstrates that while these two traditional systems address gender and transcendence differently, both provide women with diverse paths to spiritual liberation through their unique methods of cultivation.

1. Introduction

Daoist alchemy for women belongs to the category of inner alchemy (neidan 內丹); it integrates the concept of inner alchemy, including its terminology and cultivation procedures, and is based on the differing physiological structures and psychological characteristics of the female and male sexes, providing women with specific cultivation guidance. It views the woman’s body as a cauldron and considers blood, pneuma (qi 氣), and spirit (shen 神) as medicines, condensing them into the embryo of immortality within the body.1 Through specific cultivation, this embryo is continuously nourished until it grows into the form of a baby; it will gradually develop and emerge through the head, representing the other self of the cultivator, sharing the same consciousness and serving as the incarnation of the cultivator. Buddhism also offers meditation practices specifically for women. As demonstrated in the literature, there is a presence of documentation in both nüdan and Buddhism concerning the phenomenon of female-to-male transformation. Within the context of nüdan, this phenomenon is characterized by “women change their bodies to become men” (nühuan nanti 女換男體), while in Buddhism it is represented by “transform a woman into a man” (nüzhuan nanshen 女轉男身). Can we conclude that nüdan and Buddhism discriminate against female practitioners based simply on these literal meanings? In patriarchal societies, women are often considered inferior to men. Does this mean that they cannot achieve transcendence of the body, mind, and spirit through religious practice?

Research on Daoist nüdan currently focuses primarily on its cultivation methods (Hao 1994; X. Li 1990; Zhang 2003; Esposito 2025; Xie 2019; Dai 2009; Xiao 2019; Despeux and Kohn 2003) and nüdan culture (Zhan 1990; Zhu 1997; S. Li 2001; Shen 2017; Valussi 2009). In the study of the Buddhist concept of femininity, scholars such as Yang (2004) and Shi (2015) have analyzed the Buddhist nüzhuan nanshen terminology to some extent. However, a comparative study of Daoist nüdan and Buddhist accounts of female-to-male transsexualization from a religiosity perspective is lacking. This paper will delve deeply into this topic and analyze it from the perspective of Daoist and Buddhist views on women to clarify some misleading notions.

2. The Concept of “Women Change Their Bodies to Become Men” Cultivation of Nüdan

Suppose a reader is interested in learning more about the women’s inner alchemy of the Qing 清 Dynasty. In that case, he will find that most of them contain, in the first parts of the scriptures, a large number of records that teach women to behead the red dragon (zhan chilong 斬赤龍) method.2 Along with this, there is also a term for the cultivation of the “Women Change Their Bodies to Become Men”. Nühuan nanti is a description of the state of a woman’s body as it changes during inner alchemy for women’s cultivation, such as Ten Female Elixir Methods for Women by Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu nüxiu zhengtu shize 西王母女修正途十則), which states that: “A woman’s breasts are connected to the energy of the heart and lungs above and the essence of the Sea of Blood (i.e., the uterus) below. If her cultivation makes her breasts become as tight and small as a virgin’s or a child’s, then this is women’s changing their bodies to become men.” 蓋言乳房上通心肺之津液，下澈血海之真汁，煉得乳房如處女小兒形，便是女換男體 (Xiwangmu nüxiu zhengtu shize 1992, p. 537). The Essentials of Great Achievements (Dacheng jieyao 大成捷要) also records that: “A female practitioner who refines her breasts to the size of a virgin’s or a child’s breasts is called nühuan nanti.” 煉至乳房如處女小兒之形，便是女換男體 (Dong and Sheng 2012, p. 327).

In addition, there are many records of the “male body” (nanti 男體) in nüdan, for instance, The Female Golden Elixir (Nü jindan 女金丹) states: “By cutting the red meridian (chimai 赤脈), the female practitioner’s physical state at this time can be described as a ‘male body’. The flow of unclean blood brought about by menstruation is stopped. In this way, she can escape the cycle of death and manifest eternal life.” 女子赤脈斬，則變為男體，而陰濁之血自不下行，可以出死，可以入生 (Dong and Sheng 2012, p. 6). The term “chimai” refers to its function in regulating menstruation and reproductive functions. Yin Daoyuan 銀道源, a master of inner alchemy cultivation, also proposed in his book The Esoteric Teachings of Taoist Women’s Alchemy (Nüdan mizi 女丹秘旨) that after a female practitioner beheads the Red Dragon, her physical state changes to a “male body” at this time (Yin 2005, p. 495). In the 20th century, the term nühuan nanti was included in The Dictionary of Daoism by Hu Fuchen 胡孚琛, a Daoist scholar who was also a practitioner of inner alchemy. The dictionary defines nühuan nanti as a specific cultivation term, “women change their bodies to become men”, specifically referring to a woman’s breasts being reduced in size and shaped like a virgin’s or a child’s through nüdan cultivation (Hu 1995, p. 1265).

2.1. The Importance of Female Cultivators Practicing the Beheading the Red Dragon Method

According to the theoretical framework of neidan, the precelestial (xiantian 先天) attribute is classified as Yang, whereas the postcelestial (houtian 後天) attribute is classified as Yin. A woman’s menstrual blood has a houtian nature and its attribute is yin, whereas after a woman beheads the Red Dragon, the primordial qi (xiantian yiqi先天一炁) is no longer transformed into houtian yin blood (yinxue 陰血), which still has a xiantian nature and an attribute of yang.3 Blood, pneuma, and spirit are three of the main concepts shared by inner alchemy for women; they are often referred to as the Three Treasures (sanbao 三寶), and they are, respectively, related to the states precelestial and postcelestial. Blood can be either “primordial qi” or “menstrual blood (flowing from menstruation)”. Similarly, pneuma exists as “precelestial pneuma” (xiantian zhi qi 先天之氣) and “postcelestial pneuma” (houtian zhi qi 後天之氣). Spirit includes “precelestial spirit” (xiantian zhi shen 先天之神) and “postcelestial spirit” (houtian zhi shen 後天之神) (Hu 1995, pp. 1213–14). When a baby girl is conceived and growing in her mother’s womb, she has primordial qi. As she grows older, her body experiences menstruation. The mechanism of menstruation is the conversion of invisible xiantian yiqi into menstrual blood along with female sexual desire. Postcelestial pneuma refers to the pneuma that the individual breathes with the lungs, not the fetal breath of a fetus in the mother’s womb. Postcelestial spirit refers to the individual whose divine consciousness is tainted by material desires during the growth of her life and loses her original nature, rather than remaining in inner peace and free of lusts and cravings. Female practitioners of nüdan believe that cultivation is the restoration of the primordial qi, precelestial pneuma, and precelestial spirit, so it holds a critical attitude toward the postcelestial properties of blood, pneuma, and spirit.

The essence of the neidan cultivation path lies in preventing the loss of vital elements such as essence and qi, and employing specific methods to reverse houtian attributes of essence, qi, and spirit into xiantian nature. The core principle of zhan chilong is to stop the limited primordial qi in a woman’s body from turning into yin blood each month, that is, menstrual blood, as it would naturally do. Nüdan cultivators believed that the limited xiantian yiqi in a woman’s body would be consumed with the arrival of menstruation since tiangui 天癸 (a substance that promotes reproductive function) emerges after fourteen years old. Beheading the Red Dragon, meaning not converting the primordial qi into menstrual blood, restores the female body to its pre-pubescent condition. Ten Female Elixir Methods for Women by Queen Mother of the West (Xiwangmu nüxiu zhengtu shize 西王母女修正途十則) wrote that when women are thirteen, fourteen, or fifteen years old, as soon as tiangui falls, her primordial qi is transformed into menstrual blood that is wasted with the arrival of her monthly menses. If, after the marriage, a boy or a girl is born, the primordial qi of her is gradually weakened. Therefore, to stop menstruation is to preserve the limited amount of xiantian yiqi in a woman’s body (Xiwangmu nüxiu zhengtu shize 1992, pp. 534–35). As Monica pointed out, beheading the red dragon was the basic technique of nüdan and the key to its cultivation (Esposito 2025, p. 153). Inner alchemy for women holds that menstruation can cause a great deal of harm to a woman’s body and is therefore critical of menstruation, based on nüdan’s unique understanding of the female body.

Practitioners of inner alchemy for women believe that after a woman beheads the red dragon, her body at this stage possesses yang attributes, and thus classifies it as a “male body”. Here, the term “male body” solely denotes yang characteristics and carries no other connotations. Liu Yiming 劉一明, in his writings on Daoist inner alchemy, elucidated the principles of neidan thought with unparalleled clarity, thereby engendering a more profound comprehension of the methodologies and objectives of inner alchemy (Cleary 1988, p. xv). To avoid any potential misunderstanding, Liu Yiming pointed out in The Daoist Canon in Twelve Volumes (Daoshu shi’er zhong 道書十二種) that after a woman successfully beheads the red dragon, her physical attributes change from yin to yang, and this state is called “nühuan nanti”, which does not mean that a woman is physically transformed into a man (Liu 1995, p. 347). The Discussion of the Differences and Similarities between Male and Female Inner Alchemy (Nannü dangong yitong bian 男女丹工異同辯) also contains a similar record, noting that when a woman stops her menstrual cycle by practicing zhan chilong, her breasts shrink, as in the case of a man, and at this time the yin transforms into yang (Nannü dangong yitong bian 1992, p. 450). In the opinion of female cultivators, the shrinkage of female breasts is the inevitable result of practicing zhan chilong method, which is not a pathological manifestation of female physiology, but a healthy manifestation of a female’s body with sufficient primordial qi and even beyond the indicators of normal human physiology (Xiwangmu nüxiu zhengtu shize 1992, p. 537).

2.2. How the Female Body Becomes the “Male Body”

To practice zhan chilong, the female practitioner’s body should be in a state of relaxation, with a calm and restful mood, with a mind free of distracting thoughts, and keep the body in a certain position as shown in the picture below:

We can see in Figure 1 that a female Daoist priest is meditating peacefully on a futon, her hair tied up high in a Daoist bun with a loose, large robe. Her lips are closed in a slight smile, with hands crossed near her breasts, as if she were massaging her breasts and mobilizing the qi within her body. Acupuncture points related to cultivation were marked in the center of her body from her head down to the small of her belly. This diagram very clearly and vividly presents us with the correct posture of a woman practicing the nüdan method, and the relevant acupoints labeled provide specific guidance for the woman.

The Qiaoyang scripture (Qiaoyang jing 樵陽經) records the specific cultivation method of zhan chilong: “You should close your eyes and concentrate on the exercises, and take a long rest. Keep the mind calm and breath regulated, and then focus on the qi acupoint 炁穴 (on the heart pit between the breasts). Cross your hands to hold the breasts, gently rub them twenty times, inhale slightly for thirty-six breaths from the lower Dantian (lower elixir field 下丹田), still holding the breasts with your hands, and adjust your breath. For a long time, the primordial qi comes and goes, opening and closing, and then forms a boundary. The spirit is sufficient, the primordial qi is prosperous, the menstrual cycle has stopped, and breasts are the size of a man’s, this is called beheading the red dragon” (Dong and Sheng 2012, p. 97). It can be seen that a combination of massage, breathing, and visualization exercises can reduce the size of the breasts, stop the menstrual cycle, and return a woman to her pre-pubescent state.

2.3. The Female Body and Sexual Desire

As female practitioners progress in nüdan cultivation, the continuous accumulation of xiantian yiqi within their bodies will lead to the cessation of menstrual cycles. Consequently, the libidinal impulses associated with menstruation will also cease to arise. However, it is important to address the question of how female practitioners contend with the issue of sexual desire concerning their bodies when engaging in the practice of zhan chilong.

Inner alchemy for women requires that female practitioners should not respond to the sensations similar to coitus between the sexes that arise in the body when practicing zhan chilong technique. For the sake of women’s well-being, in their daily lives, women are also asked to discipline themselves with morals, not to indulge their desires, and to maintain good conduct. Nüdan practitioners hold that the complete severance of carnal desires is not merely preliminary mental preparation but a continuous discipline throughout a woman’s spiritual cultivation. For instance, before entering meditative seclusion, a practitioner must first eliminate erotic attachments and relinquish emotional entanglements. As menstruation approaches, she must purify distracting thoughts, remove obstructions, and avoid contamination by worldly sentiments. Most crucially, when practicing zhan chilong skill, any emergence of lustful thoughts would not only violate moral precepts but could also endanger her life.

For female cultivators, sexual desire represents the most significant obstacle. “Loyalty to love” (zhongyu qingai 忠於情愛) represents the primary impediment to achieving the desired state of “maintaining the essence of life and strengthening the foundation” (baojing guben 保精固本). The process of overcoming this obstacle is characterized by the act of “cutting off desires and forgetting emotions” (duanyu wangqing 斷欲忘情), a process which is believed to be essential for attaining the aforementioned state. The path to immortality is not a straightforward one, and necessitates not only the maintenance of a clear and pure mind at all times by the practitioner, but also the exercise of great self-discipline and the implementation of this in action (Eskildsen 2004, p. 38).

If a woman develops a desire for coitus, it means that primordial qi has deteriorated and can no longer be utilized by cultivation. Therefore, based on the principle of refining and nourishing, nüdan requires female practitioners to abstain from sexual intercourse to preserve the limited xiantian yiqi in the body. In the view of inner alchemy for women, women’s menstruation, pregnancy, childbirth, breastfeeding, and so forth, all cause a certain degree of damage to a woman’s body, which the nüdan criticizes because it is not conducive to women’s physical health. As Elena points out, the stability of mind and emotions is intrinsically linked, especially for women. Carnal desires are a huge obstacle to the mind’s ability to maintain tranquility, and women need to carefully curb them, as precious energy can easily be wasted through sexual intercourse, pregnancy, and childbirth (Valussi 2009, p. 68). The primordial qi is no longer used by the woman to nurture a child, but rather as a vessel for the cultivation of a new Self to ensure that the woman can become a carefree, free-spirited immortal. On the surface, nüdan allows women to abstain from sex, but in essence, the religious practice allows them to be the masters of their bodies, the spirit to return to tranquility, and the body to recuperate, which can be described as a double training and sublimation of the mind and body.

3. The Meaning of “Transform a Woman into a Man” in Buddhism

The Buddhist terminology of “transform a woman into a man”(nüzhuan nanshen 女轉男身) is found in both the precepts and the classics. In the context of monastic discipline, this term refers to the issue of a bhikkhunī’s affiliation with the monastic community arising from a change in biological sex, as recorded in The Vinaya of the Ten Recitations (Shishong lü 十誦律), which states that: “The Buddha was dwelling in Śrāvastī. At that time, a bhikkhunī lost her female organs and acquired male organs. The other bhikkhunīs did not know how to handle this matter, so they reported it to the Buddha. The Buddha said: ‘She shall be admitted into the community of bhikkhus according to the number of years since her initial ordination and full admission’.” 佛在舍衛國，爾時有比丘尼，失女根得男根，諸比丘尼不知雲何，是事白佛。佛言:“即以先出家受具戒歲數，遣入比丘眾中”(Shishong lü 1990, p. 295). This paper does not examine issues of monastic affiliation arising from cases where a bhikkhunī undergoes an actual physiological transformation, such as the development of male genitalia, within the framework of Buddhist vinaya. Instead, the following discussion will focus on the conceptual notion of nüzhuan nanshen as presented in Buddhist scriptures and its related doctrinal interpretations.

3.1. “Nüzhuan Nanshen” in Buddhist Scriptures

The concept of “turning a woman into a man” occurs in many Buddhist sūtras, for example, in The Medium Works of Hīnayāna Sūtra (Zhong ahan jing 中阿含經), where it is written: “Gautamī, the noblewoman, was a disciple of the World-Honored One. She practiced brahmacarya under his guidance, detesting her female form and desiring a male body. Through this, she transformed from a woman’s body into a man’s form” 瞿毗釋女是世尊弟子，亦從世尊修習梵行，憎惡是女身，愛樂男形，轉女人身，受男子形 (Zhong ahan Jing 1990, p. 634). This sūtra recounts the tale of Gautamī, who underwent a transformation into a male body and was reborn in the heavenly realm through her aversion to the female body. The Dharma Flower Sūtra records the transformation of a dragoness into a male body and her attainment of Buddhahood. The Lotus Sūtra (Fahua jing 法華經) records the transformation of a dragoness into a male body and her attainment of Buddhahood. Although the Dragon Girl was young and belonged to the dragon race, she was exceptionally gifted, possessing keen and profound wisdom that enabled her to thoroughly comprehend the profound Dharma teachings of all Buddhas. She faithfully upheld The Lotus Sūtra and immersed herself in deep meditation. At the Lotus Assembly (fahua hui 法華會), Mañjuśrī Bodhisattva (wenshu pusa 文殊菩薩) revealed to Jñāna-ākarṣa Bodhisattva (zhiji pusa 智積菩薩) the spiritual attainments of the Dragon Girl, stating that she had awakened bodhicitta (the mind of enlightenment), attained non-retrogression, and possessed unimpeded eloquence, among other virtues. Initially, Jñāna-ākarṣa Bodhisattva expressed doubt about this claim. To dispel the assembly’s skepticism, the Dragon Girl appeared before them, paid homage to the Buddha with verses of praise, and offered a treasure worth the trichiliocosma, which the Buddha joyfully accepted. She then asked Jñāna-ākarṣa Bodhisattva and Śāriputra: Was my offering of the jewel and the World-Honored One’s acceptance of it swift? After receiving their affirmation, the Dragon Girl declared: My attainment of Buddhahood will be even swifter than this! In an instant, she transformed her female form into a male appearance, complete with the thirty-two major marks (shanshi e’xiang 三十二相) and eighty minor characteristics of a Buddha (bashi zonghao 八十種好).4 Seated upon a jeweled lotus in the Southern Immaculate World, she attained Buddhahood and began teaching the Dharma to beings throughout the ten directions (shifang zhongsheng 十方眾生) (Fahua jing 1990, pp. 34–35).

The Sūtra on the Fetus Girl Hearing the Dharma (Foshuo fuzhong nü tingjing 佛說腹中女聽經) similarly records that when the women of the Kara tribe asked the Buddha how they could attain male bodies, the Buddha replied that there was no external method to transform them into men; it depended entirely on their efforts. However, he revealed one path through which women could transition to male form: by resolving to follow the Bodhisattva Path (Foshuo fuzhong nü tingjing 1990, p. 914). Also, The Medicine Buddha Sūtra (Yaoshi jing 藥師經) explicitly records that the Eighth Great Vow of Medicine Master Buddha promises: “When I attain Buddhahood in a future life, if there are women who afflicted by the hundred sufferings of female existence, become utterly weary and seek to abandon their womanhood, may they, upon hearing my name, all attain the transformation from woman to man, acquiring the marks of a noble being (mahāpuruṣa) and ultimately realizing unsurpassed enlightenment (anuttarā samyaksaṃbodhi).” 願我來世得菩提時。若有女人，為女百惡之所逼惱，極生厭離，願舍女身，聞我名已，一切皆得轉女成男，具丈夫相，乃至證得無上菩提 (Yaoshi jing 1990, p. 405).

The Mahāsannipāta Sūtra (Dabao jijing 大寶積經) documents an inquiry by the Girl of Pure Faith (jingxin tongnü 淨信童女), who sought guidance from the Buddha on the methods available for transforming a woman into a man. In response, the Buddha listed two sets of eightfold methods that needed to be accomplished simultaneously. The first set of eight methods comprises freedom from jealousy, absence of stinginess, rejection of deceit, non-anger, truthful speech, abstaining from harsh words, relinquishing greed and desire, and abandoning wrong views. The second set includes revering and delighting in the Buddha and Dharma Jewels, respectfully making offerings to Śramaṇas and Brahmins who uphold precepts and patience, and extensive learning; non-attachment to household life and sensual pleasures; strict observance of moral precepts; maintaining pure thoughts towards all people; and developing profound aversion to the female body; abiding in Bodhicitta and the practices of the way of Great man (Da Zhangfu 大丈夫); and observe worldly affairs as illusory, like dreams (Dabao jijing 1990, p. 626).

These two sets of eightfold methods embody the Threefold Training in the Buddhist practice system: monastic discipline, meditative concentration, and wisdom. The first set focuses on moral purification, establishing a foundation of ethical purity by eliminating afflictions such as jealousy and stinginess, which aligns with the fundamental Buddhist precept of “abstaining from all evil and cultivating all good”. The second group is elevated to bodhicitta and the wisdom of voidness, for example, “The karma of the world is like an illusion or a dream” directly echoes the idea of karmic emptiness, indicating that the essence of gender transformation is the transcendence of attachment to appearance. The term “Great man” does not emphasize biological sex, but refers to the character of the Bodhisattva, who endures suffering and advances with courage. In Buddhism, the concept of “female-to-male transformation” is not about physical transformation, but rather a way of challenging society’s stereotypical perceptions of gender. It shows that a woman’s attainment of Buddhahood depends on her wisdom and cultivation rather than her physical form.

3.2. The Female Body as a Synonym for Sexuality and Defilement

A consideration of the Buddhist scriptures reveals the existence of accounts about women who exhibit a sense of aversion towards their female bodies and who seek to transform into male forms. The question that arises is why such individuals experience animosity towards their physical attributes, specifically concerning their gender. Within the Buddhist tradition, the notion that a female practitioner must adopt a male body to achieve enlightenment mirrors prevailing societal concepts of gender and spiritual practice in India during that period. This idea is particularly salient in the context of the theory that “Five Obstacles of the Female Body” (Nüren shenyou wuzhang 女人身有五障).

In Theravada Buddhism, there are five obstacles to a woman’s body, which point out that a woman cannot become a Buddha, a Chakravartin, a Sakka (the king of Tāvatimsa), and so on (Foshuo chaori ming sanmei jing 1990, p. 541). The context of this assertion in Theravada Buddhism is deeply intertwined with the historical and cultural views of women in India, particularly during periods influenced by evolving social structures and religious doctrines. While it is often stated that during what is loosely referred to as the “Vedic era”, women in India enjoyed a relatively high social status, including access to education and participation in religious rituals on par with men, the terminology “Vedic era” itself is subject to debate. The Vedic saṃhitās (Ṛgveda, Sāmaveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda), along with their respective Brāhmaṇas, Āraṇyakas, and Upaniṣads, were composed over an extended period and may have been orally transmitted before being recorded in written form during various historical epochs, including those beyond what is traditionally considered the Vedic period. Thus, the notion of a rigid “Vedic era” is fluid, and cultural practices and social norms evolved rather than being confined to a specific historical period. During the Śuṅga Dynasty (185 BCE to 73 BCE) and subsequent periods, women’s roles and rights underwent significant transformations. Their social sphere became increasingly centered on family life, with limited political rights and restricted participation in religious rituals compared to men. The emergence of texts like the Manu Dharma Treatise (Mānava-Dharmaśāstra) played a pivotal role in shaping societal norms, reinforcing the subordinate status of women within both religious and legal frameworks. However, it is crucial to recognize that Mānava-Dharmaśāstra, while indeed reflecting certain patriarchal tendencies, also contains provisions that offer protection and recognition to women in specific contexts. Mānava-Dharmaśāstra presents a nuanced picture of women’s status in Hindu society. Chapter 5 of Mānava-Dharmaśāstra, dedicated to “Women’s Duties” (Strīdharma), systematically outlines the religious obligations, daily conduct, and social positioning of women within Hindu society. The text distinctly embodies dual characteristics: institutional oppression and religious sanctity. On the one hand, it delineates a varṇa-āśrama system in which women do not occupy the same sociological roles as ārya men, except in domestic rituals. The ethical prescriptions on marriage highlight an asymmetry in marital fidelity and behavioral expectations, with stricter norms imposed on women. For instance, regarding norms for women, Mānava-Dharmaśāstra established extremely harsh disciplinary measures. Mānava-Dharmaśāstra Chapter 5, Verse 154 stipulates: “Notwithstanding the culpability of a husband’s behavior, irrespective of the existence of alternative affections or a questionable character, a virtuous wife is obliged to demonstrate perpetual veneration for him as a deity (Loiseleur-Deslongchamps 1996, p. 130).” This provision completely strips women of their fundamental rights within marriage, placing them in a position of absolute subordination. Women during menstruation are regarded as impure, reflecting society’s prevailing attitude toward female purity and defilement. As Mānava-Dharmaśāstra Chapter 4, Verse 41 states: “For a man who approaches a woman sullied by menstruation, his learning, vigor, strength, eyesight, and lifespan become utterly destroyed (Loiseleur-Deslongchamps 1996, p. 91).” On the other hand, Mānava-Dharmaśāstra, while enforcing certain gender-based restrictions, also acknowledges women’s central role in Vedic sacrifice. It outlines dharma for women, including protections against sexual crimes and guidelines for marital conduct. For instance, Chapter 3 of Mānava-Dharmaśāstra, Verse 56, states: “The deities delight where women are honored; but where they remain unhonored, all sacred rites prove fruitless (Loiseleur-Deslongchamps 1996, p. 60).” Mānava-Dharmaśāstra Chapter 8, Verse 359 stipulates: “A Śūdra who violates a Brāhmaṇa woman shall be sentenced to death; among all varṇas (castes), women must be ceaselessly protected (Loiseleur-Deslongchamps 1996, p. 204).”

In essence, while Mānava-Dharmaśāstra and other Hindu legal texts reflect a society where women’s roles were heavily prescribed and often subordinate to men, they also contain elements that acknowledge and, in some ways, protect women’s positions within the family and society. The historical and empirical plausibility of the extent of these ritual and ethical-moral realities, as well as their reflection of the material conditions and cultural values of the time, remains a subject of scholarly debate. Nonetheless, the status of women in ancient India was complex and multifaceted, shaped by a variety of cultural, religious, and legal factors.

The Buddha’s decision to allow women to join the sangha was a significant development that enabled women to deviate from traditional family roles and social expectations. This decision presented an alternative path for women, allowing them to pursue spiritual enlightenment and liberation (Tsomo 2020, p. 5). According to Buddhist scriptures and precepts, women are permitted to join the sangha. It is evident that women, akin to men, adhere to the Buddha’s teachings, and there is no discernible disparity in their aptitudes. However, it is essential to note that the Buddhist scriptures do not challenge the traditional social order of the time, given the distinct social roles assigned to men and women (Barnes 2002, p. 40). Early primitive Buddhism was critical of women due to the desires arising in bhikkhus (monks) during their meditative practice. Theravada Buddhism, influenced by ancient Indian social history and early Buddhist teachings, posited that women had to transform into a male body to attain Buddhahood. Theravada Buddhism is predicated on the prevailing Indian societal attitudes towards women. In common with other religious groups, it regards women as synonymous with lust and an obstacle to the path of liberation for men. Within the context of meditation practice, when bhikkhus encounter lustful thoughts, they project the causative agent of these thoughts onto the female body, perceiving it as impure. They are instructed to address these desires through methodologies such as awubha-smrti (the concept of impurity, bujing guan 不淨觀). Correspondingly, in the Buddhist discourse on bhikkhunīs, males are also the object of criticism, aiming to help both sexes to break away from all troubles and thus to vijñāna-pariṇāma-jñāna (transformation of consciousness into wisdom). In addition, the concept of nüren shenyou wuzhang is also Buddha’s kind words for Buddhist women who wish to subdue their slow-mindedness, keep strict precepts, respect the Dharma, etc. Moreover, Theravada Buddhism believes that a bhikkhuni can be cultivated at the same level as a bhikkhu. Therefore, it cannot be regarded as discrimination against women and a denial of their inability to attain Buddhahood in Theravada Buddhism.

The doctrine of Nüren shenyou wuzhang demonstrates that even a revolutionary religious movement like Buddhism, while absorbing and replicating the gender norms of its mainstream culture, failed to transcend the limitations inherent in its progressive teachings. Thus, Theravada Buddhism tradition’s constraints on women’s spiritual potential represent neither an isolated Buddhist innovation nor a straightforward reflection of “Indian society”. Rather, they constitute a specific historical compromise between new religious ideals and the deeply entrenched patriarchal structures systematically codified in Brahmanical legal texts. This complex interplay between religious doctrine and social context helps explain the emergence of gendered spiritual limitations and their persistence within certain Buddhist traditions.

The theory of the defilement of the female body is a belief that the female body is inherently impure and has defiling qualities. As mentioned above, Theravada Buddhism holds that there are five obstacles to a woman’s body. Mahāyāna Buddhism also emphasizes the inconveniences that the body brings to women, to guide women’s inattention to their bodies, and to advocate the cultivation of women’s inner mind as well as the importance of attaining bodhicitta. The Sūtra of the Buddha on the Transformation of the Female Body (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 佛說轉女身經) records that the Immaculate Light woman (wugou guangnü 無垢光女) asked the Buddha about the Dharma, and the Buddha told her about the various faults of the female body and pointed out the ways and means of “transforming the female body into a male body”: “If there are women who wish to attain a male body, they should awaken the Bodhicitta, and their wish shall be fulfilled” 若有诸女人，欲成男子身。當發菩提心，所願便成就 (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 1990, p. 920). Awakening the bodhicitta refers to cultivating the aspiration to become a Buddha. It is the seed of all Buddhas. When one first begins to study Buddhism, it is essential to awaken the bodhicitta because it can free one from all attachments and possess all virtues. Therefore, it is also one of the practices in Mahāyāna Buddhism.

In the Buddhist meaning of female-to-male transubstantiation, the female body is often equated with sexuality and is addressed to bhikkhus undertaking Buddhist practice. Such as The Lotus Sūtra, which records that an eight-year-old dragoness attained bodhicitta and became a Buddha by nüzhuan nanshen. As emphasized in the Peaceful Practices chapter (anle xingpin 安樂行品) of The Lotus Sūtra, bodhisattvas should not preach the Dharma with desire toward a woman’s form, nor should they cherish attachment to the female body they see. When teaching women, they must not smile revealing their teeth, or expose their chests and backs” (Fahua jing 1990, p. 37). Therefore, it can be concluded that undergoing a process of female-to-male gender transition can serve as a method of circumventing the aforementioned issues. In this instance, becoming a man is not a denial of the female persona, but rather a solution to the problem of the female body, which is a symbol of desire. The female body is no longer perceived as an object of desire for the male, which signifies her emancipation from a subordinate status (Yang 2004, pp. 60–61).

4. Similarities and Differences in the Concept of Female-to-Male Transformation in Nüdan and Buddhism

4.1. The Male Body as a Metaphor

In fact, “nühuan nanti” is a metaphorical term with religious symbolism in inner alchemy for women. The scriptures of neidan are replete with mystical language, which often renders them abstruse and challenging to comprehend. Not only for ancient people, but even for modern individuals, the inner alchemy scriptures are often found to be obscure and difficult to understand. This obscurity stems from multiple interrelated factors, deeply rooted in Daoist tradition, linguistic complexity, and the esoteric nature of the practice itself. Firstly, inner alchemy texts employ a dense web of metaphors and coded terminology. For instance, in inner alchemy scriptures, it is also common to use spirit as metaphors for beautiful women, wives, mercury, and sand, and primordial qi as metaphors for babies, husbands, gold, and lead. Such language was intentionally veiled to protect sacred knowledge from misuse and to ensure only initiated disciples could decipher the teachings. Modern readers, lacking contextual training, often misinterpret these terms literally, leading to confusion. Secondly, the practice of inner alchemy draws upon a rich tapestry of Chinese medical doctrines, ancient Book of Changes (zhouyi 周易) thought, and Daoist philosophy, among other traditions. The absence of this fundamental framework renders the scriptural texts opaque to the reader. Thirdly, and most importantly, inner alchemy requires experiential practice, not just intellectual learning. Descriptions of the “embryonic breathing (taixi 胎息)” or “zhan chilong” are meaningless without a meditative experience.

As previously mentioned, in the cultivation philosophy of neidan, the precelestial attributes are yang, while the postcelestial attributes are yin. Having absorbed the ideas of zhouyi, inner alchemy for women also symbolizes yin in the sense of stillness, darkness, passivity, the past, negativity, etc. It represents an introverted, subtle, withdrawn, and obscure quality, and is usually associated with women, the night, the moon, and so on. Yang symbolizes movement, rising, brightness, initiative, future, positivity, and other meanings, representing the qualities of vitality, rising aggressiveness, warmth, and brightness, and often corresponds to males, the daytime, and so on. In the context of the Daoist neidan system, the importance of “yang” constitutes a fundamental tenet. It is believed that attaining the state of “pure yang” (chunyang 純陽) is pivotal to achieving immortality. This notion is pervasive in the philosophical underpinnings, practical methodologies, and overarching objectives of neidan practice. The overarching objective of both female and male cultivation is to achieve a state of the body devoid of leakage, wherein yin is expelled and yang is cultivated, ultimately resulting in the attainment of a state of pure yang.

It has been demonstrated that women who employ the method of zhan chilong can halt their menstrual cycles. The xiantian yiqi within their bodies, which possesses yang attributes, ceases to transform into menstrual blood with yin attributes. Consequently, the female body undergoes a transition from yin to yang attributes. Since yang and male share a degree of mutuality, nüdan symbolically refers to this transitional physiological phenomenon in women as the “male body,” emphasizing a cultivation state dominated by yang (precelestial). Therefore, nühuan nanti is a convenient term for the practice of nüdan, and the term “male body” is interchangeable with the terms “yang 陽 body (yangti 陽體)”, which represents the change in a woman’s physical attributes from yin to yang.

As mentioned above, Buddhist thought of female gender transformation is also not to make women physically male, but to focus on improving women’s psychological and spiritual weaknesses (Yang 2004, p. 59). The word “female” here becomes a conceptualized symbol of characteristics such as lust, cowardice, and jealousy. Similarly, the praise of the “male” body in the Buddhist scriptures of that period was not only a commendation of the reality of men, but also an expression of the ideal personality of the female “five hindrances” that corresponded to pursuit of desirelessness, purity, courage, strength, generosity and the pursuit of a high quality of spiritual life (Yang 2004, pp. 38–39). In Buddhist scriptures, the recognition of Buddha nature is even used as a criterion to determine an individual’s gender. For instance, the Mahāyāna-Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra records that in the event of the existence of individuals incapable of attaining an understanding of the Buddha nature, it can be posited that such individuals are to be designated as women. Conversely, in the event of the existence of women who can comprehend their inherent Buddha nature, it can be deduced that they are to be designated as men.

4.2. The Path Divide Between the Dual Cultivation of Inner Nature and Vital Force and Mind-Nature Practice

In alignment with the principles espoused by inner alchemy, nüdan practitioners also advocate for the cultivation of both inner nature (xing 性) and vital force (ming 命). Specifically, inner nature refers to spirit, and ming refers to essence and qi. In Daoist inner alchemy theory, the correspondences between xing and spirit, as well as between ming and essence and qi, stem from the philosophical categorization of life’s essence and the physiological-spiritual integration logic of cultivation practice. Xing is regarded as the innate spiritual awareness or ontological essence of human beings: a state of pure luminous clarity that transcends conditioned consciousness. Both inner nature and spirit pertain to the spiritual dimension of life, serving as the practitioner’s ultimate aim to return to the xiantian state. Ming relates to a person’s physical existence and physiological functions, with its material carriers being attributed to essence and qi. Specifically, essence represents the primordial energy of life, stored within the kidneys. It serves as the foundation for the generation and maintenance of the human body. Qi is the dynamic transformation of essence, propelling the operation of life activities. Ming is sustained through the interaction of essence and qi, which together form the foundation supporting the physical body. Due to physiological differences in male and female anatomy, the theory that “qi is the dynamic transformation of essence” applies only to men. For female practitioners, blood is the dynamic transformation of essence.

Neidan practitioners emphasize the “dual cultivation of xing and ming” (xingming shuangxiu 性命雙修), signifying the simultaneous elevation of both spirit and body. Cultivating one’s inner nature (xiuxing 修性) requires practitioners to subdue houtian mental states and return to the precelestial spirit. This is achieved through training in mind-nature and moral cultivation, unifying the spirit with the xing to attain a state of purity and non-action. For female practitioners, it is essential to remain quiet, free from distractions, and peaceful during meditation. As mentioned above, when a woman practicing the beheading red dragon technique experiences sexual desire due to her physical body, she should remain calm and rational instead of submitting to her desires. In their daily lives, female practitioners should cultivate noble moral sentiments, accumulate merits and virtues, and so on. Refining the vital force (xiuming 修命) refers to the practice of cultivators using specific methods of neidan to purify the body’s essence and qi, while preserving the limited primordial qi within the body. This allows them to continue their cultivation, steadily accumulating the quantity of primordial qi within themselves. Xingming shuangxiu involves uniting primordial qi with the precelestial spirit to achieve the sublimation of one’s life realm. The nühuan nanti in nüdan cultivation is a high-level realm achieved by female practitioners through dual cultivation.

When discussing nüdan methods, it also challenges the demonization of the female body imposed by traditional culture. Nüdan describes the female body objectively from the point of view of inner alchemy, which reflects Daoism’s respect for women and is also the basic principle followed in inner alchemy. The female body is not synonymous with sexual desire and filth; rather, it is a product of natural creation, just like the male body. In the Daoist tradition of neidan and nüdan practice, female practitioners are often considered to have a unique advantage in their cultivation. Inner alchemy for women meticulously compares and analyzes the differences between male and female bodies, such as attributes and forms, and, in general, explains that females have innate advantages over males in practicing neidan. For example, the Qing Dynasty nüdan classic The Discussion of the Differences and Similarities between Male and Female Inner Alchemy records that a woman can make the qi of her breath accumulate in her lower dantian through a specific method, and that this only takes one year, while for men it takes three years (Nannü dangong yitong bian 1992, p. 451). As ChenYingning 陳攖寧, a modern Daoist researcher and practitioner of inner alchemy, has clearly emphasized, the key difference between female and male inner alchemy practice lies in women’s ability to cultivate zhan chilong technique. Precisely because of this, female practitioners can achieve immortality faster than males (Chen 1989, p. 159). This view stems from a deep understanding of the physiological differences between men and women: women’s blood-based physiology allows for a more direct path of energy transformation. Through the special method of “transforming qi with blood”, women can complete the crucial step of “beheading the red dragon” more quickly, thus accelerating the process of attaining the body of pure yang.

In marked contrast to the tenets of Daoism, the Buddhist disregards the cultivation of the physical body, instead placing significant emphasis on the training of the mind-nature. The Sūtra of the Buddha on the Transformation of the Female Body points out that women should contemplate the imperfections of the female body and develop a feeling of disgust and detachment. The sūtra views the female body as an impure vessel filled with foulness and stench. The body endures great suffering through pregnancy and childbirth. The female body is confined to the boudoir and cannot go out freely. Therefore, the female body suffers from innumerable penal servitudes such as “suffering without freedom” and “constant confinement” (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 1990, p. 919). This is also a true depiction of the life of Indian women in the time of the Buddha. The sūtra further instructs women to contemplate that the female body is made up of the four great elements (earth, water, fire, and air), which are temporarily united and will soon disintegrate. It is like a toilet from which various impurities come out through the nine orifices. Therefore, women should observe the female body in this way, develop a feeling of disgust and detachment towards it, and practice Buddhism diligently. “May I abandon this impure female body and attain a new and better male body” 願離穢故女人之身，更得新好男子之身 (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 1990, p. 919). The sūtra also points out that women are attached to sensory pleasures such as flower garlands, jewelry, amusement in gardens, clothing, and food and drink, and their afflictions are heavier than those of men. Therefore, it is required of women to awaken the bodhicitta, eliminate their arrogance, and be free from anger, unconventional opinion, and instead delight in seeking virtuous dharmas, respect the true dharma, uphold Buddhism, etc., emphasizing the cultivation of women’s spiritual cultivation. We can learn from this that the intention here is not to make the physical attributes of a woman into a male body. Indeed, while individual physiological attributes are immutable, women can awaken the Bodhicitta, follow the path of the Bodhisattva, cultivate the four immeasurable minds of compassion, loving-kindness, joy, and equanimity, and practice diligently. By doing so, they can release themselves from the bondage of troubles and sufferings brought about by their female bodies and attain the original purity and nirvāṇa of their nature. Mahāyāna Buddhism advocates the concept of “turning a woman into a man”, pointing out that all living beings have Buddha nature, and encouraging women to develop bodhicitta and practice the bodhisattva path, with the emphasis on changing women’s bad habits, so that they can nüzhuan nanshen and attain the original purity of their nature. Therefore, the concept of female-to-male transformation mentioned in the Buddhist scriptures is centered on the enhancement of women’s inner mental and spiritual qualities. Although women cannot choose their biological sex, those who aspire to transcend the sufferings unique to womanhood should not rely on Buddha’s grace, but rather resolve to practice the Bodhisattva path: seeking liberation through their own conduct and spiritual cultivation (Yang 2004, p. 59).

4.3. The Equality of Women in Cultivation and Attaining the Ultimate Religious Achievement

An in-depth examination of the concept of female-to-male transformation in nüdan and Buddhism reveals that both nüdan and Buddhism embody profound principles of gender equality. These two Eastern religious traditions not only theoretically acknowledge that women possess equal potential for spiritual practice and enlightenment as men, but also practically establish distinctive paths for female practitioners, offering diverse avenues for achieving spiritual transcendence. On the one hand, nüdan targets women as the main audience, emphasizing their status and role in religion, while conducting in-depth explorations of women’s physiology and psychology. This focus is a unique contribution of nüdan and a rare phenomenon within ancient China’s patriarchal society and culture. Nüdan represents a distinctive female culture within the Chinese cultural tradition (Zhu 1997, pp. 113–16). Inner alchemy for women is predicated on the notion that women are capable of independently shaping their destiny. The nühuan nanti is a concept that involves the transformation of women’s body shape, enabling them to take ownership of their bodies. This notion is intertwined with the positive concept of life in Daoism, encapsulated by the saying, “My destiny is mine, but not heaven’s” (woming youwo buyou tian 我命由我不由天) (Wang 1985, p. 287).5 Furthermore, Daoism gives women the opportunity to develop themselves to the greatest extent possible in its doctrines, religious practices, and clergy positions, and so on. Whether or not they can become “masters” is judged based on their personal level of cultivation, virtue, and wisdom, rather than on the basis of being women, which would exclude them from the list of potential masters. Daoism has given women the opportunity to develop themselves to the greatest extent possible in terms of clergy positions, and women can take up positions just as well as men; some women have even started Daoist sects. For example, during the Jin 晉 Dynasty, the first Grand Master (zhongshi 宗師) of the Shangqing School 上清派, a sect of Daoism, was the female Daoist priest Wei Huacun 魏華存, and during the Jin 金 and Yuan 元 Dynasties, the female Daoist priest Sun Bu’er 孫不二, one of the Seven Perfected (qizhen 七真) of Complete Perfection (Quanzhen 全真), founded the Daoist school of Qingjing 清淨.

In ancient times, with the rise of Buddhism in India, the status of women in society also improved. Buddhism improved the status of women in Indian society in various ways. As mentioned above, the ancient Indian society did not allow women to join any religious practitioner groups, but Buddhism broke the secular prejudice by creating a female sangha, which gave women the opportunity to hear and receive teachings on Buddhism as well. Buddhist practitioners also treated widows and poor women, who were discriminated against at that time, with compassion and equality, so that they could gain self-confidence and spiritual liberation. In the Buddhist scriptures, it is also recorded that women of different statuses and positions asked the Buddha or Bodhisattvas for the Dharma. In The Sutra of the Buddha on the Transformation of the Female Body, Śāriputra’s dialogues with female practitioners at home reflect the profound awakening of women as subjectivities. Śāriputra praised the female practitioners at home for articulating profound insights into Buddhist thought, and he discreetly inquired whether their husbands approved of their practicing the Dharma. This question reflects the general constraints on women in Indian society at that time: women still needed permission from their male parents for their religious activities. The response exhibited by them was replete with profound sagacity. The assertion was made that the Buddha is the true spiritual anchor because he can realize the truth of samsara, a quality that secular husbands do not possess. They claim that if they can break the bonds of greed and anger, external objects will never again be a burden to them. “Now my body and soul are my husband, and I am cultivating the Brahmacharya with my heart. Isn’t it a joy?” 今我身心便是我夫，心修梵行不亦快乎 (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 1990, p. 920). This metaphorical representation of “husband” as an autonomous mind essentially dismantles the social norm that “women must be dependent on men” and proclaims absolute spiritual autonomy.

On the other hand, nüdan and Buddhist practitioners advocated gender equality, emphasizing that no distinction exists in attaining the ultimate religious realm. In this realm, both women and men have the potential to become a Daoist immortal or an enlightened Buddhist. For example, Daoist inner alchemy for women discusses the equality of the sexes from a cosmological point of view, and there is a difference between yin and yang in heaven and earth, and that there is no distinction between men and women in the practice of neidan, and that women are just as equal as men in Daoist practices (Nannü dangong yitong bian 1992, p. 453). Thomas Cleary also discusses the spirit of inner alchemy for women by stating that men and women are equal and not discriminated against in the study of nature and life (Cleary 1989, p. 84). The Buddha advocated the equality of all sentient beings’ inherent nature, thereby breaking the Brahminical four-caste system and indirectly affirming that women can attain Buddhahood: “Whether it be a monk, a Brahmin, a celestial demon, or Brahma, all beings in the three realms are my children, unified by the same Dharma without distinction” 若沙門，若婆羅門，若天魔梵，三界一切，悉是我子，皆同一法，而無差別 (Foshuo baiyi jinchuang er poluomen yuanqi jing 1990, p. 218). It is an established doctrine that all beings possess the same Buddha nature, and that this nature is equally present in both genders. The Sūtra of the Buddha on the Transfiguration of the Female Body states: “All phenomena are deemed to be illusory, arising solely from discrimination. At the most fundamental level of truth, there is no distinction or image of male and female.” 諸法悉如幻，但從分別生。於第一義中，無有男女相 (Foshuo zhuannü shenjing 1990 p. 920).

5. Conclusions

This paper explores the connotations of nüdan “women change their bodies to become men”, and the Buddhist “transform a woman into a man”, and reveals the common position of the two in advocating gender equality. Through detailed analyses, it becomes clear that these two expressions do not advocate the actual transformation of women into men, but are symbolic metaphors designed to emphasize the unique path and inner transformation of the female practitioner. The inner alchemy for women illustrates the physical and spiritual metamorphosis of women in the course of cultivating nüdan through the metaphor of nühuan nanti. Conversely, the Buddhist “transform a woman into a man” emphasizes the enhancement of a woman’s inner mind and encourages her to transcend gender boundaries and achieve self-transcendence and purification through the development of bodhicitta and the practice of the Bodhisattva Path. Both nüdan and Buddhism acknowledge that women possess the same potential for spiritual practice and enlightenment as men. Based on women’s physical and psychological characteristics, they have developed unique systems of cultivation, thereby opening diverse paths of spiritual transcendence for female practitioners.

In the future, it is anticipated that these traditional religious doctrines will be the subject of in-depth exploration within the disciplines of religious studies and gender studies. Through interdisciplinary cooperation and exchange, a more comprehensive understanding of the multi-dimensional manifestations of gender in religious practices and the influence of religion on the formation and evolution of gender concepts can be achieved. Concomitantly, with consideration for the subject of gender equality in contemporary society, there is a necessity to explore the integration of religious traditions with modern gender concepts and their contribution to the promotion of gender equality and harmonious social development.