Between North and South: Buddhist Cliff Sculpture in Northern Sichuan in the First Half of the Seventh Century CE

Abstract

In the first half of the seventh century CE, clusters of Buddhist cliff sculptures were carved into cliffs and boulders in Guangyuan, Mianyang, Bazhong, and other locations nestled in the northern Sichuan Basin. They mark the start of large-scale Buddhist grotto construction in Sichuan, significantly impacting the establishment of regional grotto traditions in southwestern China. Through analysis of site forms, statue types, and devotional inscriptions, this article argues that these Buddhist cliff sculptures represent a reintegration of divergent Buddhist practices and artistic conventions that emerged during the Southern and Northern Dynasties in northern and southern China. While their niche-based site structure and collective sponsorship through the yiyi association can be traced back to northern China in the prior two centuries, the sculptural style primarily reflects a regional tradition exemplified by the free-standing statues unearthed in Chengdu, central Sichuan in the Southern Dynasties. The construction of these sites, catalyzed by the influx of northern officials and monks into Sichuan toward the end of the Sui and the early Tang, provides valuable material for exploring the social integration of northern and southern China, as well as the religious dynamics between Buddhism and Daoism in northern Sichuan.

Although Buddhist grottoes were prevalent in northern China during the fifth and sixth centuries, they did not flourish to the same extent in the sacred landscapes of southern China1. Several clusters of Buddhist cliff sculptures were carved in the northern Sichuan during the first half of the seventh century, with sites in Guangyuan 廣元, Mianyang 綿陽, Bazhong 巴中, Nanchong 南充, Guang’an 廣安, and the Ngawa Tibetan and Qiang Autonomous Prefecture 阿垻藏族羌族自治州. These sites mark the start of large-scale construction of Buddhist grottoes in the Sichuan basin, often referred to as the Shu 蜀 area. Over the following centuries, the enthusiasm for carving images and scriptures into the natural rock face spread from the northern mountains to encompass the entire Sichuan Basin until the Mongol invasion of the Southern Song (1127–1279 CE) in the middle of the 13th century. Six hundred years of continuous carving activity resulted in thousands of Buddhist monuments scattered across the Sichuan Basin. These sites have had a dramatic influence on the cultural landscape and make the Sichuan area a treasure house of Buddhist art to rival the Central Plain 中原地區 and the Hexi Corridor 河西走廊 (Howard 1988).

The earliest discussions of the Buddhist grottoes in northern Sichuan can be traced to European and Japanese expeditions in the early 20th century (Segalen et al. 1923; Ernst Boerschmann 1923; Tokiwa and Sekino 1940), which were followed by the Society for Research in Chinese Architecture’s investigation in the winter of 1939 CE (Liang 2014). Their photographs and records are crucial for understanding the historical appearance of these grottoes. Throughout the second half of the 20th century, additional scholarly and institutional investigations were conducted (Lei et al. 2017, pp. 20–26). Mingyi Ding (1988, 1990) and Angela F. Howard (1988) identified two centers of Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan: Guangyuan and Bazhong. The Sichuan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology and Chengdu Municipal Cultural Relics and Archeology Research Institute have strongly promoted research in this region since the beginning of the 21st century, leading to detailed reports on Buddhist sites. These reports not only focus on sites in Guangyuan and Bazhong but also extend to areas such as Mianyang, Maoxian, and Langzhong, thereby providing a broader picture of the initial phase of intensive Buddhist grotto construction in northern Sichuan (Lei et al. 2017, pp. 20–28; F. Li 2021).

Comprehensive studies of these cliff sculptures have produced several insightful viewpoints. Wang Jianping and Lei Yuhua examined the artistic style of cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan through the cultural exchanges between southern and northern China. They astutely highlighted the immigration wave during the late Sui and early Tang periods as a backdrop for the growth of site construction in the early seventh century (Wang and Lei 2013). Jiang Xiaochun, Fu Yongli, Luo Hongbin, and Leiyuhua highlight that the medium-sized niche form may have been inspired by indigenous Han Dynasty cliff tombs (Jiang et al. 2018, p. 210). Yu Chun suggests that the niche structure in Sichuan sites is influenced by the niches on monumental grottoes and steles from northern China and traces the origin of the Amitabha and fifty-two bodhisattvas back to Northern Qi (Yu 2019). Additionally, Lin Sheng-chih points out that the rise of Buddhist stone carvings in the late Sui Dynasty challenged Daoist sites in Mianyang (Lin 2017). These discussions provide insightful viewpoints but are fragmented and somewhat oversimplified. The fundamental questions of how and why Buddhist grottoes emerged as a vibrant and widely accepted practice in northern Sichuan during the late Sui and early Tang periods still require a more structured and integrated interpretation.

This article considers the construction of Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan from three perspectives: site structures, image making, and devotional inscriptions. These three perspectives refer to spatial structure, artistic styles, and social associations that supported the excavation of these sites. By approaching the study of these sites from three perspectives, this article aims to provide a multi-faceted view of the construction of Buddhist grottoes of northern Sichuan, allowing the contextualization of these cliff sculptures within their technical, artistic, religious, and social contexts. It is argued herein that the construction of these sites was a material expression of the integration between the northern Chinese construction practices of cave temples and their related sponsorship organizations and the sculptural conventions that had developed in the inner Sichuan during the Southern Dynasties (420–589 CE). These site structures, images, and social organizations from northern China and the Sichuan area were reshaped and reorganized into a new system for constructing Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan. Further discussion based on historical context is conducted at the end to illustrate the dynamics of the emergence and formation of Buddhist stone carvings in northern Sichuan. Local officers and refugee monks, groups that emigrated from northern China at this time, played a significant role in this transregional dialogue. They brought their knowledge and experience of Buddhist practices from northern China to northern Sichuan and reshaped the religious and cultural fabric of this former borderland between the northern and southern regimes.

1. Lying between North and South

Northern Sichuan occupied a crucial strategic position in the geography of ancient China (Figure 1). The transport routes that traverse this region have held strategic commercial and military significance throughout history (Yen 1985, pp. 863–1027). The most famous of these trade routes was the Golden Ox Road 金牛道, which was a major thoroughfare that linked the Sichuan area and northern China. It ran between Hanzhong 漢中 in Shaanxi 陝西 and Chengdu 成都 in the center of the Sichuan Basin, passing through Guangyuan and Mianyang. Another road, the Rice Granary Road 米倉道, also connected Hanzhong and Chengdu but passed through Bazhong and Langzhong 閬中. Hanzhong is notable for its link to Xi’an 西安 (i.e., Chang’an 長安) and Luoyang 洛陽, serving as longstanding imperial capitals in medieval China. Chengdu (i.e., Yizhou 益州), as the regional center of Sichuan, has consistently been one of the most important economic and cultural centers in southwestern China. Another crucial path was the Tuyuhun Road 吐谷渾道, which ran between Mianyang and the Songpan 松潘 area before connecting to the Tibetan plateau in northwestern China. In addition, the headwaters of several tributaries of the Yangtze River, including the Jialing River 嘉陵江 and Fu River 涪江, are also found in this region. Their channels and the neighboring valleys provide routes to the middle and the lower reaches of the Yangtze River and, therefore, to the entirety of southern China.

During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, this area was the frontier between the Tuoba-dominated northern states and the Han-Chinese southern regimes (Yan 1990, p. 85; Yao 2011, pp. 1–4). The southern regimes, Liusong 劉宋 (420–479 CE) and Xiaoqi 蕭齊 (479–502 CE), captured the entire Sichuan area and pushed Northern Wei 北魏 (386–534 CE) north to Mount Qinling 秦嶺 in the fifth century. In 505 CE, Northern Wei returned and seized northern Sichuan, taking the modern prefectures of Guangyuan, Mianyang, and Bazhong on the occasion of regime changes from Xiaoqi to Xiaoliang 蕭梁 (502–557 CE) in Southern Dynasties. The Xiaoliang reclaimed power in northern Sichuan in 535 CE. However, regional rebellions in Guangyuan between 548 CE and 551 CE led to it falling to Western Wei 西魏 (535–557 CE), one of the two successor dynasties to the Northern Wei. After that, Western Wei became Northern Zhou 北周 (557–581 CE) and was replaced by Sui 隋 (581–618 CE). Northern Sichuan remained controlled by three northern-based regimes and, therefore, reasonably stable in the second half of the sixth century.

Given its geographical location and the frequent changes in government, it is perhaps unsurprising that, during the Northern and Southern Dynasties, this area became a transitional zone for Buddhist art and practice between northern and southern China. Its transitional character can be seen clearly in Guangyuan and Mianyang, which were separately under the rulership of the northern and southern regimes during the early sixth century. The rock carvings in these two regions developed their distinctive artistic styles. Two sites in Guangyuan contain Buddhist caves carved during this period: Qianfoya 千佛崖 and Huangzesi 皇澤寺 (Yao 2011, pp. 21–56). In their early-sixth-century caves, the sculptures have the same plain and stiff formal style as contemporaneous statues in northern China. In contrast, the artistic style of Buddhist art in the Mianyang area during this period appears to be more refined. Archetypal examples of the Buddhist art found in Mianyang during this time include delicate free-standing sculptures excavated from Wenchuan 汶川 (Sichuan bowuyuan et al. 2013, pl. 69-1) and a group of relief sculptures carved on a pair of ceremonial gate towers called Pingyang fujun que 平陽府君闕 in Mianyang that date to 529 CE. Although the gates themselves were attributed to be originally built in the late second century CE, their sculptural style and decorative motifs show a striking degree of similarity to the stone sculptures from the Southern Dynasties that have been excavated from the Chengdu area, with the statues excavated from the Wanfosi 萬佛寺 site arguably the best-known examples of this statue type (H. Sun 2000, pp. 89–139).

Also, northern Sichuan, particularly Mianyang and Langzhong, has had a solid Daoist tradition since the Han Dynasties. It was the birthplace of the first official school of Daoism, the Tianshi Dao 天師道 [The Way of the Celestial Masters], which was founded by Zhang Daoling 張道陵 (134–156 CE; Verellen 2003). Several Daoist rock carving sites were constructed in this region during the fifth and sixth centuries. Xiasi 下寺 in Jian’ge 劍閣 contains niches has been attributed to Northern Wei.2 During the Sui Dynasty, although Emperor Wen of Sui 隋文帝 (541–604 CE) and his son Yang Xiu 楊秀 (573–618 CE), the Prince of Shu stationed in Sichuan, both expressed clear support for Buddhism, Daoist stone carvings in northern Sichuan still developed more rapidly than Buddhist stone carvings.3 Carving at Xishanguan 西山觀 in Mianyan and Shishiguan 石室觀 in Langzhong started in the Sui Dynasty (Lin 2017). The niches at both two sites are different from those seen in the Xiasi but similar to the shallow niches carved in the middle of the sixth century in Gongyi Grottoes 鞏義石窟 in Gongyi 鞏義, Henan Province—for example, the intrusive niches on the outside cliff between Caves 2 and 3 during Western Wei and Northern Qi (Henan sheng wenwu yanjiusuo 1989, pl. 218). The adaptation of this niche form in these two Daoist sites represents the increasing communication between northern Sichuan and the Central Plain during the Sui Dynasty (Wang and Lei 2013, pp. 366–67).

In summary, these unique geopolitical and historical contexts contributed to the mixing and melding of different artistic, cultural, and religious practices in northern Sichuan before the seventh century. These diverse artistic practices did not share a unified regional artistic convention. It was not until the next phase, around the first half of the seventh century, with the deepening integration of southern and northern regions, along with the unification of local communities, that a large number of Buddhist cliff sculpture sites with relatively similar site structures and artistic styles began to be carved in this region. As discussed in this article, these cliff sculpture sites eventually formed northern Sichuan, a distinct region with an established artistic style and construction system.

2. Locations, Chronology and Typology

The following discussion focuses on the fourteen sites in northern Sichuan. Four of these sites are located on the Golden Ox road. From the north to the south, they are Huangzesi in Guangyuan (Guangyuan shi wenwu guanlisuo et al. 2004; Luo and Wang 2009), Hengliangzi 橫樑子 in Jian’ge (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan et al. 2018, pp. 50–61), Wolongshan Qianfoya 臥龍山千佛崖 in Zitong 梓潼 (shortened to Wolongshan) and Bishuisi 碧水寺 in Mianyang (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, pp. 115–56 and 1–30). Nine sites are located along the Rice Granary road and its vicinity in the southern part of this region. These are Gutianba 固天壩 and Mumensi 木門寺 in Wangcang 旺蒼 (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan et al. 2018, pp. 142–47 and 130–43), Xikan 西龕, and Dongkan 東龕 in Bazhong (Lei 2011, pp. 177–80); Qianfoyan 千佛岩, Foziyan 佛子岩, and Leishendong 雷神洞 in Langzhong (Jiang et al. 2018, pp. 261–70, 275–77, and 271–78); Longmenya 龍門埡 in Yanting 鹽亭 (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan et al. 2021); and Chongxiangsi 沖相寺 in Guang’an 廣安 (Jiang et al. 2018, pp. 37–95). The final site is Dianjiangtai 點將台 (Chengdu shi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Sichuan maoxian bowuguan 2006), near the Maoxian along the Tuyuhun road.

Although this sample of sites has been selected based on the presence of rock carvings dating to the first half of the seventh century, some of the niches discussed in this paper have been attributed to a broader date range. Five of these sites can be directly dated using dated devotional inscriptions: Longmenya (615 CE), Dianjiangtai (630 CE), Wolongshan (634 CE), Qianfoyan (635 CE), and Hengliangzi (647 CE). On the basis of stylistic comparisons Bishuisi, Gutianba, Mumensi, Leishengdong, and Foziyan may also be dated to the Zhenguan 貞觀 era (627–649 CE). The sculptures in these sites are remarkably similar to those found at the Wolongshan site. As for the Dingguangyan in Chongxiangsi, with Niche 26 dating back to the Kaihuang era at its top, the niches in the lower and surrounding areas, featuring a relatively early sculptural style, are dated from the Sui to the Zhenguan era (c. 581–649 CE). The specific dates of some niches at Huangzesi in Guangyuan, as well as Xikan and Dongkan in Bazhong, are still debated, however, there is a consensus that they were carved during the Sui to early Tang periods (Guangyuan Huangzesi bowuguan 2004; Yao 2011, pp. 91–93; Lei 2011, pp. 85–90; Yagi 2013, 2018).

Although the locations and dates of these sites are not far apart, the topography of these Buddhist sites is quite different. The topographic differences are primarily shaped by their living rock, specifically cliff surfaces and rocks chosen for carving. As the material carriers of the carvings, these living rocks also significantly influence the interaction between the sites and people, including how the rock carvings are viewed by believers and used in religious activities. Therefore, these 14 sites are divided into three categories based on their topographic disparities to clarify their respective viewing and ritual practices. The first type is defined as having been carved into a steep cliff, usually a vertical or nearly vertical rock exposure with a relatively large surface area available for excavating niches and caves. This type of site was suitable for monumental projects. Examples of such sites include Chongxiangsi (Figure 2) and Huangzesi (Figure 3), both of which contain carvings before the period under discussion4 and where the bulk of carving activity occurred in the first half of the seventh century. The most impressive project is Niche 28 in Huangzesi. This niche, which is 6.86 m tall, 5.55 m wide, and 3.60 m deep, occupies the central part of the cliff surface, forming a striking feature within the landscape.

The second type, the most common form of Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan, were carved into rocky outcrops, either sections of bedrock exposed by erosion or low river cliffs. Examples include Longmenya in Yanting, Gutianba in Wangcang, Xikan (Figure 4) and Dongkan in Bazhong, and Foziyan and Leishendong (Figure 5) in Langzhong. It should be noted that Gutianba, Dongkan, Foziyan, and Leishendong are all small sites with only one or two medium-sized niches, making a definite sacred focus for worshippers in the mountains. In examining Xikan in Bazhong, it is possible to observe a fully developed example of this kind of site. After the earliest construction during the first half of the seventh century, artisans continued to carve statues along the rock surface in the eighth century. As niches were carved at eye level along the cliff, niche by niche, they transformed the space into a long gallery of carvings. Another two sites were set into similar environments but made use of the hydrological landscape: Qianfoyan in Lanzhong was carved within a natural cave facing the river, and Bishuisi (Figure 6) in Mianyang was built into an overhang of bedrock that runs parallel to the river. In these two examples, the mountain and the river are incorporated into the sacred landscape defined by the rock carvings.

Boulders comprise the third site type. Four sites were carved into boulders of various sizes and shapes. The largest is Dianjiangtai in Maoxian (Figure 7), an oval monolith around 7 m high with a circumference of 40 m. Hengliangzi in Jian’ge (Figure 8) is carved on a 6.6 m high and 4.4 m wide boulder. Wolongshan is set on a cuboid boulder that measures 5.5 m by 5.2 m and is approximately 3.2 m tall. The fourth example is Mumensi, whose rock carvings are distributed on two irregularly shaped boulders: the Shaijingshi 晒經石 measuring 3.57 m long, 0.96 m wide and 1.21 m high, and the Foyeshi 佛爺石 measuring 4.73 m long, 3.7 m wide and 2.9 to 3.88 m high. All the niches in Hengliangzi were carved on the southern side of the boulder. At the Dianjiangtai and Wolongshan sites, the niches were carved on different faces of the boulder from the earliest phase of construction. Dianjiangtai started with two niches sponsored by the same people, which were carved into two sides. In Wolongshan, three sides were carved with three identical-sized niches and one with the relief of a thousand Buddhas. As for Mumensi, the niches of this period are distributed on the west face of the Shaijingshi and the south, west, and north faces of the Foyeshi. The multiple-faced carvings lead to various viewing points and appear to have been intended to guide the viewers to look around the boulder. It indicates that these three boulders with multiple-faced carvings were intended for circumambulation, in which Buddhists walked in circles around sacred objects.

The three types of sites outlined above not only reflect the diversity of site selection in these Buddhist cliff sculptures but also underscore their nature as religious landscapes marked by sacred images. They were primarily defined by natural topography rather than artificial structures, indicating that they were more focused on utilizing the natural environment rather than altering the cliff faces. A similar practice has been observed in Swat during the seventh and eighth centuries, where Buddhists adorned boulders with engraved or relief images (Filigenzi 2015). Although these projects were much smaller than earlier monuments, like the Sanchi stupas, they served the same symbolic purpose of transforming their surroundings into sacred spaces. In this regard, Buddhist cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan are consistent with a broader trend of shaping sacred spaces from natural landscapes across the Pan-Asian region.

3. Cave Temples without Caves

Although Buddhist sites in Sichuan are considered the Shiku 石窟 or Shikusi 石窟寺 [stone caves or cave temples], most of the cave temples in Sichuan are formed of niches instead of caves. The interior spaces within these sites are reserved for sculptures and were created without the intent that devotees would enter the space; this contrasts with cave monasteries in northern China, such as the Yungang Grottoes and Longmen Grottoes. Therefore, most scholars have considered the Moya zaoxiang 摩崖造像 [cliff sculptures] a better term to describe Buddhist sites in the Sichuan area (Lei et al. 2017, pp. 3–5). However, the origins and receptions of this niche-based structure in Sichuan sites still require further discussion.

3.1. Origins of Niche-Based Structure

The striking contrast between the site structure of Sichuan grottoes and the northern cave temples represented by large-scale and well-known sites, such as Mogao Grrotoes 莫高窟, Yungang Grrotoes, and Longmen Grrotoes, has previously been noticed. This variation has typically been attributed to localization, and it has generally been argued that the niche-based structure in Sichuan is a “localized” adaptation of cave temples to the natural and social environment of the region. While this argument holds some logical validity, it overlooks the widespread prevalence of niche-based structures. The niche-based structures are also present in early Tang Buddhist sites outside the Sichuan area, including Qinglianshansi 青蓮山寺 in Linyou 麟游, Shaanxi Province, and the Qianfoyan 千佛岩 of Shentongsi 神通寺 in Jinan 濟南 Province, Shandong (Chang 2015; Q. Li 2023). These samples indicate that niche-based structures were not a regional peculiarity. It is herein argued that this niche-based structure reflects a broader trend of reducing internal space within Buddhist caves in China from the fifth to sixth centuries.

For one thing, the monumental Buddhist sites sponsored by emperors or nobility, which often consisted of carving large chambers into rock faces, started to be constructed with wooden architectural structures to cover colossal Buddha statues. This trend seems to have begun during the Southern Dynasties, exemplified by two major projects: Qixiashan 棲霞山 in Nanjing 南京, Jiangsu Province, and Shichengshan 石城山 in Xinchang 新昌, Zhejiang Province. Both sites feature colossal Buddhas carved into shallow recesses on the stone surfaces, sheltered by wooden structures, inferred from grooves and holes left on the rock surface (Su 1996, pp. 176–78; C. Li 2019). Compared to their prototypes, such as the colossal statue caves 大像窟 in Yungang Grottoes, Qixiashan and Shichengshan constructed with a combination of stone and wooden structures substitute the internal carved spaces of traditional grottoes with architectural space built using wooden structures. Su suggests that using external structures to create large pavilions for great Buddhas influenced later Northern Dynasties (Su 1996, pp. 176–78). For example, Tongzisi 童子寺 in Taiyuan 太原 may have been built with a similar structure whose complexes were completed with brick and wood structures instead of being integrated into the cliff faces (Li and Yan 2010). Regardless of the reasons behind these structural changes, these architectural complexes can be seen as precursors to Huangzesi Niche 28 and its external wooden structures, which will be discussed later.

Most of the non-imperial Buddhist sites in northern China that date to the fifth and sixth centuries are primarily niches carved into natural caverns or cliff faces. Zhen Yan has discussed the term shiku, which has been used to describe monumental cave temples such as Yungang Grottoes, also appears in the devotional inscriptions in local sites, for example, the Huangshiya 黃石崖 in Shandong Province, to name the shallow niches on natural openings or cliff surfaces (Zhen 2017). The carving of these local sites differed from the imperial grottoes in that they did not undertake the first two steps in the excavation of monumental caves: “cliff modification 斬山” and “cave excavation 開窟” and focused more on the last stage, “making image 造像”, which lead to Huangshiya being dominated by the niches. In the Sui Dynasty, Buddhist sites come to be predominantly formed of niche-based structures. According to the investigation by Yang Eungyeng, except for Tianlongshan 天龍山 Cave 8 in Taiyuan, the internal spaces in all the remaining caves from the Sui Dynasty in the Central Plain have an internal floor area of less than 1 m², which would have made it hard, if not impossible, for devotees to enter (Yang 2004, p. 82). Therefore, it is unsurprising that most of the sites carved in northern Sichuan in the late Sui and early Tang also took the form of niche-based structures.

The above examples emphasize that the niche-based structure needs to be considered within the intrinsic approach of diminishing internal space within Buddhist grottoes in China from the fifth and sixth centuries. Two crucial aspects require particular attention: the external wooden structures related to colossal Buddha statues and the small to medium-sized grottoes in northern China. However, how the niche-based structure became prevalent in Sichuan grottoes requires further analysis of both the preserved and unpreserved features within the Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan.

3.2. Niche-Based Structure of Sichuan Buddhist Sites

While the niche-based structure can be traced back to earlier sites in northern China, Buddhist rock carving sites in northern Sichuan were not merely simple imitations. The local agency is partly expressed in the shared use of shallow arched niches with a mandorla-shaped frame in Buddhist sites of this period and Daoist sites since the Sui Dynasty. The medium-sized niches, the representative form of the niches carved in Sichuan sites during the first half of the seventh century, appear to be a creative adaption of the form of main niches within the chamber of Buddhist grottoes in northern China.

The niche-based structure in northern Sichuan started at Daoist sites during the Sui Dynasty. Two prominent examples are Xishanguan (Figure 9) and Shishiguan, which started during the Sui Dynasty. These two sites present a harmonious relationship with their original natural setting. All the statues in the sites were carved in small niches, which integrated rather than reshaped the surrounding natural environment. These sites represent the reception of the niche-based sites from northern China. However, they can also be considered a reflection of the cult of nature exemplified by the ancient concept of sacred mountains in Daoist thought. These Daoist sites provide a template for understanding the selection of site locations in slightly later Buddhist sites. Bishuisi and Xishanguan in Mianyang were constructed near the springs, while Qianfoyan and Shishiguan in Langzhong were carved in natural caves. Additionally, the form of the niches also indicates a close connection between the early Daoist sites and Buddhist sites in the early Tang Dynasty. In both Shishiguan, carved in 594–595 CE, and Qianfoyan, carved in 635 CE, there are paired niches with mandorla-shaped inner frames within a combined outer frame (Figure 10). It seems probable that Tang Dynasty Buddhist sites in the region might have borrowed this niche form directly from the Daoist sites of the Sui Dynasty in the same area since these sites are all within 20 km of each other.

The prototype of the medium-sized niches attracts considerable attention. These medium-sized niches have a double-layered structure, an arched niche carved within a rectangular recess (Figure 11). The statues within these niches are approximately the same height as an average person, which is more suitable for worship than those in tiny niches.5 Jiang argues that this niche form might have been related to the Han dynasty cliff tombs with the double-framed opening indigenous to the area (Jiang et al. 2018, p. 210). This hypothesis partially explains the carving techniques used in cliff sculptures, but further explanation is needed regarding the origins of medium-sized double-layered niche types. Moreover, the double-layered niches are not without precedent. The main niches in Dunhuang caves of the Sui Dynasty share a similar structure, size, and decoration with the Sichuan samples—for instance, the central niches in Caves 420 (Figure 12) and 276 in Mogao Grottoes. Remarkably, both are decorated with mandorla-shaped lintels whose apexs extend to the outer frame’s ceiling, creating an interesting interaction between the inner and outer parts of the double-framed niches. The artisans in northern Sichuan transposed a niche form that had previously only been used as the main niche in caves onto the exposed surfaces of boulders and cliffs.

3.3. Traces of External Shelters

The following discussion concentrates on two sites to show that wooden constructions likely covered these niches during initial construction. The now-vanished external wooden structures, together with the existing cliff sculptures, form a complete grotto complex. However, in light of the absence of archaeological excavations of the ground in front of the sites, this discussion of these unpreserved structures is limited to the morphology of the grottoes, the traces of the structures on the cliffs, and sporadic records found in historical texts.

After his field investigation at Wolongshan in 1939, the architectural historian Liang Sicheng recorded the presence of a cuboid stone with statues on each side is similar to the central pillar in the central-pillar caves in the Yungang Grottoes which seems to have been intended for the practice of circumambulation and recitation of scriptures (Liang 2014, p. 129). His observations are helpful in understanding the structure and function of the site. The Wolongshan site is carved into a square boulder with a single medium-sized niche carved into three of the four sides (Figure 13). This structure is similar to the central-pillar caves in northern China. For example, the layout of the boulder resembles the central part of Cave 1 in Xiangtangshan Southern Grottoes 響堂山南石窟 (Figure 14; Mizuno and Nagahiro 1937, Figure 7).

There are another two rock carving sites, both single-story stupas, similar to Wolongshan in northern China. The first of these is Bahuisi 八會寺 in Quyang 曲陽 in Hebei Province, which was built between 583 and 604 CE (Figure 15; Zhao 2010). The carved boulder at this site has an irregular parallelogram layout, measuring 3.75~4.04 m in the north-south direction, 3.33~3.5 m in the east–west direction, and 2~2.4 m tall. Its four sides are fully carved with engraved sutras and relief sculptures. The second site is the Simenta 四門塔, attributed to 611 CE in Shentongsi in Shandong Province (E. Y. Wang 2007).6 This site is centered on a roughly square boulder circa 2.3 m long on each side. On each side of the boulder is carved a Buddha, forming the sacred foci of the stupa.

While the central-pillar caves and these single-story pagoda boulders have a similar layout and ritual function, their difference primarily comes from external structures covering the central part. The square stone in Wolongshan is not an isolated boulder but is part of the mountain rock. The passage between the western niche and the cliff was hewn from the original mountain, indicating that a circumambulation path was part of the initial design. It is possible that it was initially designed as a single-story, central-pillar pagoda whose western wall leaned on the western cliff face, just as the current early-modern wooden construction covering the boulder.

Huangzesi in Guangyuan also demonstrates that a wooden structure formed part of the original design for this section of the site. The giant niche and its surroundings are now protected by a wooden pavilion that was rebuilt in the late 20th century. Although this structure is absent from photographs taken of the site in the early 20th century, post holes cut into the cliff surrounding the carvings can be discerned (Figure 16). These post holes indicate that the carvings were sheltered by a wooden structure at some point. However, the date of this structure is more difficult to ascertain. A group of small niches, accompanied by a tourist’s inscription on the top of Cave 38 from 665 CE (Yao 2011, p. 93), are aligned with a horizontal groove that appears to have formed part of the anchor of this wooden structure. The lack of overlap or overcutting indicates that the construction niches postdate that of the wooden structure; it may be assumed that this structure was present as early as the first half of the seventh century.

The commemorative inscription preserved in Niche 13 (Figure 17; Yao 2011, p. 110) set on a boulder in the Xie xinjing dong 寫心經洞 [Writing the Heart Sutra Cave] below the cliff containing Niche 28, is a fascinating testament to the presence of wooden structures. It was written by a mayor of Lizhou 利州 (ancient Guangyuan) with the surname Cui 崔 to commemorate his sponsorship of the restoration of a wooden pavilion in the second year of the Baoli 寶歷 reign (826 CE). This inscription mentions that the original Buddhist pavilion was first completed with the support of the local military governor and his wife, Wu Shiyue 武士彟 (577–635 CE) and Lady Yang 楊夫人, in the second year of the Zhenguan era (628 CE). Wu Shiyue and Lady Yang were the parents of Empress Wu Zhao 武曌 (aka Wu Zetian 武则天, 624–705 CE), who went on to become the first and only female monarch in the history of ancient China. The inscription states that this couple sponsored the construction of a wooden pavilion to protect an ancient niche containing a carving of Śākyamuni Buddha and other saints from weathering by rain and wind.

Yao states that the Buddhist pavilion in the text would have been located close to “Writing the Heart Sutra Cave,” perhaps even protecting Niches 12 and 13 since this is where the inscription was found. He further speculated that Niches 12 and 13 may have been sponsored by Wu Shiyue and Lady Yang (Yao 2011, p. 111). However, since the term “Xikan foge 西龕佛阁 [Buddhist pavilion of Western Niche]” in the title of the inscription usually refers to colossal constructions built to protect giant Buddha statues, it seems more likely that this structure was built to protect Niche 28.7 In addition, the standing Buddha in Niche 28 has been identified by Kim Euna as the Śākyamuni, which also matches the description in the text (Kim 2010).8 Therefore, it is more reasonable to assume that the building built by the Wu couple was a multi-layered structure constructed against the cliff to protect Niche 28. Examples of this kind of architectural structure are present in both the Northern and Southern Dynasties, making it difficult to trace its direct origins.

Overall, the relationship between cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan and earlier Buddhist grottoes in northern China is complex. The niche-based structure in Sichuan is primarily connected to small and medium-sized sites scattered across the northern countryside, reflecting a broader trend of reducing residential functions in Buddhist grottoes since the Northern Dynasties. However, the Sichuan sites did not simply replicate the structural patterns of northern sites. Daoist sites from the Sui Dynasty significantly influenced the development of the small arched niches with mandorla-shaped frames seen at these sites. Additionally, the medium-sized double-layered niches may creatively reinterpret design elements similar to those in the main niches of Sui Dynasty caves in Dunhuang grottoes. Examples from Wolongshan and Huangzesi offer insights into early covering structures, which can help clarify the original forms of these sites.

4. Images, Scriptures, and Miracles

Buddhist sculptures in northern Sichuan have long been a focal point of scholarly attention. The following section will explore the representative artistic styles focusing on Huangzesi and two distinctive subjects: the Amitābha and the fifty-two bodhisattvas, as well as the stone inscription of the Diamond Sutra. These discussions aim to highlight the emerging artistic trends of the period. It is important to note that the cliff sculpture sites in northern Sichuan during this time represent a blend of traditional and innovative elements, indicative of a transitional phase. However, Due to space constraints, the discussion centers on pioneering artworks that identify northern Sichuan from a northern-southern frontier to a more integrated region.

4.1. From Statues to Sites

Huangzesi Niche 28 (Figure 18) is the most representative work of Buddhist cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan during this period. Some scholars have focused on the decorative elements of the central Buddha, including the robes with a silk ribbon hanging and flower-shaped earrings, and their relationship with Buddhist statues from the Southern Dynasties in Sichuan (Wang and Lei 2013). Others trace the prototypes of bodhisattvas, disciples, and the eight classes of gods and demons 八部眾9 from the Central Plain in northern China (Y. Chen 2007; Yagi 2013; Fujioka 2018). While Buddha is central to the statue assembly, the multitude of attendants complicates determining which conventions are more evident in the artistic style of this niche. Consequently, tracing the artistic origins of Huangzesi Niche 28 can only be vaguely attributed to influence from both southern and northern traditions. Critically, these discussions overlook the observation of essential characteristics of these cliff sculptures—those elements that explicitly distinguish them from contemporaneous works in other regions or works within the same region during different periods. Without first figuring out the essential characteristics, comparative analyses on each statue risk become entangled in details, failing to identify where the artistic style comes from effectively.

For the discussed grottoes in northern Sichuan, the most distinctive feature lies not in individual statues but in their composition—a hierarchical representation of main figures and background characters through high and low relief. Using Huangzesi Niche 28 (Figure 19) as an example, its main figures include Buddha, bodhisattvas, disciples, and Vajra-warriors depicted in high relief to stand out prominently from since they are almost carved in the round. In contrast, the background characters, the eight classes of gods and demons, are portrayed in shallow relief, blending with the background akin to murals on walls. Notably, these background figures are blocked by the frontal main statues, with only their heads or heads and chests visible. However, these details significantly contribute to the visual impact of the sculptures, conveying a crowded yet vibrant impression to viewers. Such a multi-layered and multi-technique representation is absent in Buddhist grottoes and statues in northern China, which typically only portray the main figures in high relief. This approach is also absent in most of the later cliff sculptures in the Guangyuan region, which are influenced by a new artistic style of the Tang Dynasty that first emerged in Chang’an and Luoyang in the middle and late seventh century. The multi-layered and multi-technique characterized by Huangzesi Niche 28 is the defining feature of the sculptural style in northern Sichuan during this period, distinguishing it from artworks in surrounding regions and later periods.

The origins of this sculptural style need to be discussed. Huangzesi Niche 28 reminds us of Buddhist sculptures with mandorla-shaped backscreens of the Southern Dynasties. A relatively well-preserved example is a stele with an inscription of 523 CE from the Wanfosi collection (Figure 20). The layout is of greatest interest, as both have a multi-layered framework carved with high and low relief. The main statues on the stele, carved in high relief, consist of a standing Buddha, four flanked bodhisattvas, and a pair of Vajra-warriors standing in front. Behind the main statues, four disciples were added in bas-relief to the background. Although the figures are crowded, the degree of raised relief clearly distinguishes the main statues from the background figures. Apart from the similarity of main Buddhas in terms of both gesture and the garments, Huangzesi Niche 28 shows a similar sculptural assembly and techniques, in which the two disciples replace the two bodhisattvas next to the central Buddha, and the eight classes of gods and demons occupy the position of the four disciples on the statue. This similarity suggests that the artisans of Huangzesi Niche 28 may have appropriated techniques and frameworks used in these earlier free-standing statues to make the cliff sculpture in the in-situ sites.

The similarity of the Southern Dynasties’ statues can also be observed in Huangzesi Niches 55 and 56 (Luo and Wang 2009). Niche 55 contains three seated Buddhas (Figure 21): the left one holds a bowl, the middle one holds meditating, and the right one presented in the dharmacakra-mudrā (mudra of the teaching of the wheel of dharma, although the two hands are destroyed). Niche 56 contains two seated Buddhas (Figure 22). They are carved in reflective symmetry, with the inside hand lying on the knee and the outside hands in the abhaya-mudrā (mudra of no-fear). These two niches have elements that appear to be introduced from northern China. Yagi Haruo suggests that the rounded thighs of the seated Buddhas in Niche 55 are reminiscent of the artistic style of Shandong province during the early Sui (Yagi 2013). However, the grouping of Buddhas, attendants, and background figures still follows the local conventions represented by the multi-layered framework. Their composition is similar to Steles No. 5 and No. 4 from the Xi’an Road excavation in Chengdu. Stele No. 5 has an inscription dating to 545 CE (Sichuan bowuyuan et al. 2013, pp. 65 and 67).

There are evident differences between the Wanfosi statues and Huangzesi niches. Aside from the temporal and geographical disparities, significant distinctions exist in their respective media, dimensions, and figures. Recent discussions on the cliff sculptures of Kunfosi 睏佛寺 in Lezhi 樂至 may provide some clues to bridge the gap between them (Lei 2020). In the case of Lezhi, although not dated precisely, the statues of Buddha and Bodhisattvas in Niche 20 have been dated to the Northern Zhou based on their archaic style. Niche 19 (Figure 23), adjacent to Niche 20 and estimated not far in date, preserves relief carvings of one disciple on the left and four disciples on the right. These disciples closely resemble those on free-standing sculptures from the Southern Dynasties, possibly representing an early transition from round statues to cliff sculptures. As Lezhi is located outside the area between Chengdu and Guangyuan, it is hard to include the example of Lezhi directly in the lineage between Buddhist statues in Chengdu and the cliff sculptures at Huangzesi. However, the appearance of this early artwork applying the Southern Dynasties tradition to cliff sculptures is still encouraging. It serves as a reference for understanding the origins of the sculptures at Huangzesi.

In the biography of Monk Sengshi 僧實 in the Xu gaoseng zhuan by Daoxuan, it is recorded that during the Northern Zhou following the Western Wei’s occupation of Sichuan, over fifty virtuous monks from Yizhou 益州 (i.e., Chengdu) each carried Buddhist sutras and statues to Chang’an (T50, no. 2060, p. 558a10-11). Although there is a lack of detailed description regarding these statues, the act of sending them to the capital indicates that the monks from Yizhou were confident in the value of the Buddha statues of the Yizhou. The biography of Monk Shanzhou 善胄 in the same book provides another clue suggesting the popularity of Buddha statues from Chengdu in Xi’an toward the end of the Sui Dynasty. Shanzhou was a monk who resided in the Jingying Temple 淨影院 in Chang’an during the Sui Dynasty. In the later years of Emperor Yang’s reign, he accompanied Yang Xiu, the Prince of Shu, to Sichuan and returned to Chang’an by the end of the Renshou period. He used all the money he got in Sichuan to make Buddha statues in Yizhou and bring them back to Chang’an. These splendidly adorned statues received high praise in Chang’an as it is recorded as “serving in Chang’an as a model” in the biography (T50, no. 2060, p. 519b20-24). This example vividly reflects that although the Sichuan region had been under northern political rule since the latter half of the sixth century, Buddha statues in the Chengdu area remained relatively independent and possessed an attractiveness comparable to those in Chang’an until the early seventh century. Therefore, it is likely that the early Tang cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan did not passively adopt northern styles but actively continued the sculptural tradition in the Chengdu area since the Southern Dynasties.

4.2. The Amitābha and Fifty-Two Bodhisattvas

The “Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas” is a relatively common Amitābha image. It is an impressive and complex composition with a Buddha, usually depicted in a robe covering two shoulders and with his hands set in the dharmacakra-mudrā, sitting in the lotus position on a large lotus rising from a pool of water. He is usually flanked by two standing bodhisattvas and fifty small seated bodhisattvas. These small bodhisattvas are placed on small lotuses that either connect to the main stem of the large lotus or rise directly from the pool. More than 40 examples of this image were carved during the Tang and Five Dynasties in the Sichuan area. Examples of this image are also present in the Hexi Corridor and the Central Plain (H. Wang 2004). The two best-known examples are the southern mural on the eastern wall of Cave 332 in Mogao Grottoes, which dates to the early Tang, and Jingshansi Cave 敬善寺洞 in the Longmen Grottoes, which was carved in the 650s and 660s.

There are two examples of Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas completed in the first half of the seventh century in northern Sichuan (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, pp. 116–28 and 8–17). These are the earliest known examples of this Amitābha image. Wolongshan Niche 1 (Figure 24) is carved on the western side of the boulder. It consists of a niche with a domed ceiling and a rectangular outside frame. The central triad and fifty bodhisattvas fill the inner niche. Two Vajra-warriors are placed next to the outer frame. A relief stele is carved on the right of the niche, which details the origin of the image, a list of patrons, and the carving date (635 CE). The second in Bishuisi is preserved in Niche 19 (Figure 25). This niche also has a double frame; however, it shares its outer frame with Niche 10 that contains a stone sutra, which will be discussed further in the next section. Scholars also attribute Niche 10 to the early work of the Zhenguan reign, as the sculptural style resembles Wolongshan Niche 1.

In addition, there is a devotional inscription carved on a stele (hereafter the Wolongshan stele) next to Wolongshan Niche 1 (Figure 26; Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, pp. 133–34) which outlines the origins of the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas. It was said that the Wutong Bodhisattva 五通菩薩 at Kukkutārāma Monastery in India ascended to the World of Bliss and asked Amitābha to allow his figure to descend to the Sahā World. The Amitābha consented and an image of Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas miraculously manifested before the Wutong Bodhisattvas when he returned. A depiction of Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas was brought from India to China by one of Kāśyapa Mātaṇga’s sister nuns during the reign of Emperor Ming of Han 漢明帝 (28–75 CE). After the reintroduction by Master Mingxian 明獻法師 and Master Daoqizhang 道齊長法師, it was then transmitted to Chang’an during the Sui Dynasty.10 This tale is also recorded in the Ji shenzhou sanbao gantong lu 集神州三宝感通録 (hereafter Sanbao lu) compiled in 664 CE by Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667 CE), which has already been compared with the devotional inscription of Wolongshan elsewhere (Okada 2000).

The origin of the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas is still the subject of significant academic debate. Army McNair has proposed that its prototype can be seen in Buddhist art from Sārnāth and Gandharan art from the fourth to sixth centuries. She raises the example of the Mohammed Nari Stele attributed to the fourth century (McNair 2007, pp. 104–7). Although there are many similar elements, there are also apparent differences between the Chinese example and the central or northwestern Indian “prototype”. Okada Ken suggests that the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas was a Chinese invention, which combines Buddha with the dharmacakra-mudrā, the concept of Western paradise, and the seated bodhisattvas on the multiple lotuses (Okada 2000). Sun Mingli highlights that the Wolongshan stele records that this image was transmitted into the Zhenji Temple 真寂寺 in Chang’an in the 16th year of the Sui Dynasty (595 CE). This detail is not found in other historical documents, which indicates that the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas image in the Mianyang area was introduced from Chang’an (M. Sun 2020).

4.3. The Diamond Sutra and Its Tale

At the Bishuisi site in Mianyang, there is a rectangular niche inscribed with a Buddhist sutra (Niche 10, Figure 27; Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, pp. 6–7). The frame of this niche was partly damaged, but the extant section is 1.20 m tall, 2.73 m wide, and 0.25 m deep. According to the archeological report, there are 94 columns of text, each 54 characters in length. Because the peripheral sections of the text are too weathered to read, only 89 columns to a maximum length of 49 characters are still legible. The extant text is a transcription of the Vajracchedikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra金剛般若波羅蜜多經 (the common name of the Diamond Sutra is used hereafter), following the translation of Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什 (344–413 CE). Apart from 64 missing characters in the 74th column and 14 variants in wording or compound particles, the remaining text is identical to the extant version from the Taishō Tripiṭaka.11 At the end of the last column, there is a colophon which states that the carving was completed on the eighth day of the fourth month. This date was likely deliberately chosen because it is the birthday of Śākyamuni Buddha.

The practice of carving sutras on stone can be traced to the mid-sixth century in Shandong and Hebei. It occurred across various formats, including cliffs, caves, steles, or precut slabs. Based on extant materials and historical records, this practice was introduced to Sichuan in the early Tang Dynasty. In addition to the example in Bishuisi, stone sutras have also been found in Sichuan from Lingyan Mountain 靈巖山 in Guanxian 灌縣, Dujiangyan 都江堰.12 Hu Wenhe argued that the earliest occupant of this site was Monk Daoyin 道因, who had escaped from Shandong to Chengdu at the end of Sui and initiated the practice of rock carving of Buddhist sutras in Guanghuansi 光化寺 on Pengmen Mountain 彭門山 in the Zhenguan area, which is nowadays Lingyan Mountain (Hu 1984). The stone sutras in Guanxian were all carved on precut slabs, stacked in two caves above and below Lingyan Mountain. This practice possibly followed that seen in Yunjunsi 雲居寺 in Fangshan 房山, Beijing, which carved the sutras on stone tablets and stored these slabs in caves within the mountain. However, the Bishuisi in Mianyang is closer to the example of the Bahuisi from the Sui Dynasty, whose rock carving is gathered on a boulder with a parallelogram layout within a single-layer pagoda that we have discussed (Zhao 2010). Buddhist scriptures were inscribed and displayed within rectangular niches, indicating their function as sacred objects of worship. They were, obviously, open to viewers and intended to be seen.

He Zhiguo and Li Qitang believe that Bishuisi is the Shuigeyuan 水閣院 recorded in the Local Gazetteer of Mianyang (He and Li 1987). A restoration inscription from 1107 CE states that Song Wenzhen 宋文軫 and his two brothers visited the Shuigeyuan built by Li Tongshu 李同叔. They saw the exquisite sutras and statues on the northern cliff 北岩 donated by Linghu Wengui 令狐文軌 in the Zhenguan reign. As the rock carving had lost some of its brilliance since the Huichang 會昌 reign, they decided to donate funds toward repainting to make it shine. Yu Chun and Wang Ting further pointed out that the Linghu Wengui may be incorrectly transcribed from “Linghu Yuangui 令狐元軌”, which is associated with a miraculous story in Daoxuan’s Sanbao lu (Yu and Wang 2009). The tale mentions that Lihun Yuangui was the commander of Long Prefecture 隆州 (that is Mianyang) in the fifth year of the Zhenguan era. He had ordered the copying of some scriptures and brought them back to his home in Qi Prefecture 岐州.13 One day, his house burnt down, and only the sutra box survived the fire. While the Daoist sutras in the box were destroyed, the Buddhist texts, including the Diamond Sutra, remained. The preface to the Diamond Sutra, written by a local official who was known for his beautiful calligraphy but had not undergone ritual purification before copying, was also burnt to black. In contrast, the text the monk had copied was well-preserved.

The identification of Linghu Wengui or Linghu Yuangui and the relationship between Bishuisi Niche 10 and the stone sutra on the northern cliff still need further discussion. This is not to say, however, that the miraculous tale of Linghu Wengui has no relevance to the stone scriptures of Bishuisi. I would like to point out that whether or not the current Diamond Sutra in Bishuisi was made by Linghu Wengui, the tale indicates that it is necessary to link the Diamond Sutra in Bishuisi with the concept of the “Ruijing 瑞經 [auspicious sutra]”. The “auspicious sutra” refers to the cult of some sutras, which elevated their significance beyond Buddhist thought to holding talismanic properties that were able to inspire or manifest various miracles. The Diamond Sutra is one of the most crucial “auspicious sutras” in medieval China (Ho 2019). In addition to the tale of Linghu Wengui, a cluster of miraculous tales related to the Diamond Sutra occurred. Xiao Yu 蕭瑀 (575–648 CE) compiled the Jingang bore lingyan ji 金剛般若經靈驗記 (hereafter Lingyan ji) during the Zhenguan reign (Ho 2019, pp. 44–45). This book was the first collection of the miraculous signs related to a single Buddhist scripture. Although the context behind this collection of tales has been mostly lost, its compilation itself was a momentous event that reflected that the cult of the Diamond Sutra had come of age.

The auspicious nature of the Diamond Sutra in Bishuisi can also be traced from the arrangement of the niches on the rock carving (Figure 28). Niche 10 and Niche 19 were made as a pair, sharing the same outer frame. They are flanked by Niche 7 and Niche 28, which were carved in similar sizes and images. These four niches formed the main project on the western surface of the protruding rock face. Interestingly, the Diamond Sutra in Niche 10 and the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas in Niche 19 have few direct connections in their doctrine. Why did the initial designer create them as a pair in Bishuisi? I understand their pairing as being related to their similar cult status. The revelation tale for Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas demonstrates its source in the sacred realm, while the tales relating to the talismanic power of the Diamond Sutra heighten the miracles experienced by believers. However, they both reflect the supernatural aspects of Buddhism. A similar juxtaposition can be traced to their tales, found in the Sanbao lu. They are collected under two different categories: the “auspicious sutra” and “Ruixiang 瑞像 [auspicious images]”, which provide proof for the sacredness of the Buddha and Buddhist teachings, two of the three treasures in Buddhism. From this point of view, the carving at Bishuisi may be understood “to evidence the miracles in the past, to manifest them in the future, to reveal them for monks or laymen, and to raise the faith in obsession” as outlined by Dao Xuan at the beginning of the Sanbao lu.14

Last but not least, the Mianyang area played a significant role in the cult of the Diamond Sutra as the “auspicious sutra”. The Lingyan ji compiled by Xiao Yu in the early Tang has been lost. The most crucial book for modern research on the Diamond Sutra’s cult is the Jingang bore jing jiyan ji 金剛般若經集驗記, written by Meng Xianzhong 孟獻忠 in 718 CE (Ho 2019, pp. 297–393). Interestingly, Meng Xianzhong 孟獻忠 refers to himself as the adjutant of Zi Prefecture 梓州司馬 (present-day Santai 三台 county, belonging to Mianyang). According to the book’s preface, Meng Xianzhong compiled the miraculous stories from books and from tales he heard in daily life. As a collection of the relevant knowledge of the Diamond Sutra that circulated in the Mianyang area, a number of the stories recount happenings in northern Sichuan. In a sense, today, much of our understanding of the Diamond Sutra’s cult is based on the stories that circled in the vicinity of Mianyang. Therefore, the stone scripture at Bishuisi, even if not sponsored by Linghu Wengui, undoubtedly contributed to enthusiasm for the Diamond Sutra in this area during the first half of the Tang. In this sense, it should be regarded as a crucial source for the cult of the Diamond Sutra as the “auspicious sutra” and have a significant role in the collective imagination of the Diamond Sutra in medieval China.

The sculptures of northern Sichuan in this period preserve evidence of a vividly creative period. This kind of creativity emerged from the exchange between the northern and southern conventions of Buddhist art. The multi-layered figure arrangements used as the framework for the cliff sculptures can be traced back to the early free-standing statues excavated in the Chengdu area. Moreover, the Amitābha and the fifty-two bodhisattvas image and the stone scripture of the Diamond Sutra in the Mianyang indicate that Buddhist art and practices were introduced from northern China during this period. It also shows a strong preference for the “Ruiji 瑞跡 [auspicious signs]” in northern Sichuan during the early Tang.

5. Collective Patronage and Yiyi Associations

The few devotional inscriptions preserved at the cliff sculpture sites in northern Sichuan provide crucial evidence for reconstructing the social context behind the construction of Buddhist grotto sites. This section concentrates on collective patronage and charitable organizations to show how they supported site construction in northern Sichuan during the early Tang. This social association can be traced to the so-called yi 邑 or yiyi 義邑 associations, primarily seen in grottoes and statues in northern China during the fifth and sixth centuries.

5.1. Buddhist Associations before the Tang Dynasty

The concept of collective patronage arose from the idea of cultivating the “field of merit (福田, puṇya-kṣetra)” for all people. In the Xiangfa jueyi jing 像法決疑經, one of the Chinese apocrypha popular in the sixth century, the practice of monarch-patronage was derided as being of limited religious benefit.15 The book argued that the best way to cultivate the “field of merit” is to gather the common people in one place and encourage a collective donation, regardless of their wealth, prestige, or religious roles.16 This concept can be traced back to early Buddhist monuments, such as the Sanchi stupa or the monastic rock-cut chapel at Karele, which were constructed between 100 BCE and 100 CE in India. Because they were constructed from gifts and donations given by the common man rather than through royal decree, Vidya Dehejia refers to these structures as impressive monuments to the empowerment of the common person (Dehejia 1992).

During the Northern and Southern Dynasties, collective patronage was prevalent in China through charitable organizations called yi or yiyi (Hao 1992; Hou 1998; Wong 2004; Liu 2009). The leader of a yiyi was not necessarily a monk or a nun from the sangha but could also be an influential secular person with relationships with other social organizations. The members sometimes, but not necessarily, shared kinship, residence, or occupation. The size of a yiyi could vary from tens to thousands of members. The earliest record of a Buddhist association in China is found at Yungang Grottoes, with further examples in the Longmen Grottoes, dating to the last two decades of the fifth century (Wong 2004, p. 52). In the sixth century, such grassroots voluntary organizations mushroomed throughout northern China, supporting the production of stelae and rock-cut sites of all shapes and sizes in locations ranging from regional capitals to the countryside. They used yiyi associations to raise funds and actively participated in activities such as grotto excavation, making statues, writing sutras, repairing temples, and building bridges and roads (Hao 1992, p. 94). Notably, the verse at the end of the inscriptions in grottoes and statues, “carving the images for all the sentient beings”, should be understood as a part of the concept of a “field of merit” rather than a genuine or formalized wish.

The phenomenon of yiyi associations has been relatively infrequent, if not absent, in the extant historical materials related to southern China during the fifth and sixth centuries (Liu 2011). Buddhist sculptures and stelae in this region, primarily from Sichuan, were typically donated by individuals, small family groups, or the saṃgha. Additionally, scattered records of Buddhist associations can be found in historical documents. One notable example is attributed to Monk Huiyuan 慧遠 (332–416 CE) and the one hundred and twenty-three individuals who convened on Mount Lu in 402 CE to make vows for rebirth in the Western Paradise of Amitābha (Huang 2010, pp. 155–60). Buddhist rural communities hosted by Fu Dashi 傅大士 (Wei 2015) and the Dayun yi 大雲邑 related to the sutra collection in Dinglin Monastery 定林寺 (Z. Chen 2018), offer further insights into Buddhist associations during the Southern Dynasties. Therefore, although we cannot entirely rule out the possibility that yiyi organizations also existed in the Southern Dynasties due to the incompleteness and selective writing of historical records, we still need to admit that these known associations differ somewhat from the more typical yiyi organizations in northern China, which are usually grassroots organizations emphasizing collective sponsorship and social welfare. Two devotional inscriptions found at Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan in the first half of the seventh century contain the earliest known evidence of typical yiyi associations in southern China. They refer to two different Buddhist organizations, one involving prefectural officials and the other organized among ordinary people, which are discussed here.

5.2. Collective Patronage of Prefectural Officials

Dianjiangtai demonstrates the practice of collective patronage amongst prefectural officials. Twenty-one niches and fifteen inscriptions are still extant at this boulder site (Chengdu shi wenwu kaogu yanjiusuo and Sichuan maoxian bowuguan 2006). Most of the donors were either civil or military officials and their family members who lived in Yizhou 翼州, who gathered to carve Buddhist images on the rock during the last four lunar months of 631 CE. The crucial inscriptions associated with collective patronage are adjacent to Niches 1 and 6 (Figure 29), the earliest images at the site. They were completed on the fifth day of the ninth lunar month. They contain carvings of Śākyamuni Buddha and Maitreya Buddha, respectively. Their devotional inscriptions are almost identical, although the inscription associated with Niche 1 does not add “the Former Acting Military Consultant of Zizhou, Han Yizhan 梓州前州行參軍韓義展” to the list of supporting sponsors.

The inscription for Niche 6 reads as follows:

On the fifth day, a dingchou day, of the ninth month, a guihai month, in the fourth year of the Zhenguan era of the Great Tang, a gengyin year (26 October, 630 CE), the major sponsor, the Commissioner-with-special-power of Various Military Affairs in Yizhou, the Prefect of Yizhou, and the Superior Generalissimo, Li Xuansi, and his acting deputy, Zhang Zhongping, made two niches of Śākyamuni Buddha and Maitreya Buddha. The supporting sponsors include the Military Consultant of the Documents, Chang Quanzhou, the Military Consultant of the Logistics, Li Dechao, the Acting Military Consultant of the Residence, Wang Jizha, the Acting Military Consultant, Liu Shaoyue, the Magistrate of Yizhen country, Fan Xiaotong, his assistant Feng Shicai, the Magistrate of Yishui country, Xi Yijing, his assistant Yang Heluan, the Magistrate of Zuofeng country, Liu Baodao, his assistant Chang Baikuan, the General of Ruhe Troop, Song Wei, the Adjunct Right General, Wang Junxiang, the Adjunct Commander of Shichong Garrison, Zheng Baoxian, the Former Acting Military Consultant of Zizhou, Han Yizhan. These carvings are made with the hope that all sentient beings in this Dharma realm will share in this blessing.

惟大唐貞觀四年, 歲次庚寅, 九月癸亥, 十五日丁丑, 大施主持節翼州諸軍事翼州刺史上大將軍李玄嗣, 行治中張仲品, 敬造釋迦及彌勒佛二龕.助布施主錄事/參軍常詮冑, 司庫參軍李德超, 行司戶參軍王季札, 行參軍劉紹約, 翼針縣令范孝同, 丞馮師才, 翼水縣令席義靜, 丞楊和鸞, 左封縣令劉保德, 丞常白寬, 如和府統軍宋威, 右別將王君相, 石臼戌副鄭寶賢, 梓州前州行參軍韓義展等.今即像成, 敬造為法界眾生, 咸同斯福.

The leader of this joint patronage was the highest commander of the Yizhou prefecture, Li Xuansi, who was both the military commissioner and the civil prefect. He belonged to an influential family that had been the main authority in the Ankang 安康 area for one hundred years—The area is between northern Sichuan and Chang’an in North China. In the Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書, Li Xuansi appeared in the biography of his father, Li Xizhi 李襲志 (fl. early seventh century), the leader of the Li family in Ankang between late Sui and early Tang.17 Li Xizhi was defeated by Xiao Xian 蕭銑 (583–621 CE) and became an official in Xiao’s short-lived court in southwestern China. The founder of the Tang Dynasty, Emperor Gaozu 高祖 (566–635 CE), asked Li Xuansi to take a letter to his father and make him an ally inside the enemy’s camp. Li Xizhi then played a significant role in the Tang’s conquest of Xiao’s regime. To reward their contributions, Emperor Gaozu invited the Li family of Ankang to join the imperial clan. More interestingly, Li Xuansi’s uncle, Li Xiyu 李襲譽 (fl. early seventh century), was recorded at least twice in the Buddhist history of the early Tang as the protector of Buddhism (T50, no. 2060, p. 642b28-c4; T52, no. 2106, p. 421c21-26). Thus, it is reasonable to assume that Li Xuansi may have been a Buddhist adherent due to his family’s faith.

Remarkably, the other donors listed include most of the officials in the government of the Yizhou. They are separated into three groups, which reflect the local administrative system. The first four donors were the so-called Canjunshi 參軍事 [military consultants]. However, the specific duties listed before this title indicate that they did not belong to the military system but were civil administrators at the prefectural level in charge of the prefect’s documents, logistics, and domestic residences. The second group consisted of six officials, one magistrate, and one assistant from each of the three counties of Yizhou. The third group included three persons, all local military personnel. The first two donors were a general and an adjunct general of the Ruhefu 如和府. These were titles of the leaders of the military of the early Tang in the Fubing 府兵 system (Meng 1995). The third was an adjunct commander from the Shijiu shu 石臼戍, a grassroots frontier martial unit from the early Tang.18

Although the term yiyi does not appear in the inscriptions, this patronage group followed the same pattern of Buddhist collective patronage as seen in the yiyi formed by officials in the Western Wei and Northern Zhou (Tu 2010, pp. 77–99). A local senior official gathered the general staff from the local administrative system to undertake an act of worship, often involving the creation of a sculpture or stele. A typical example was Bai Shi 白實, a military commissioner in Gucheng 固城, who called together senior civil and military officials and other non-governmental individuals in the district to form a yiyi in 545 CE, which is recorded in the devotional inscription for a statue. The association members contained the primary generals from the army of Gucheng, as well as at least four of the five county magistrates. Other donors came from the aristocratic families in the local community. The yiyi supported the construction of a Buddhist statue and a monastery named Zhongxingsi 中興寺.

In Northern Dynasties, Buddhist associations organized by the local officials were usually considered a way for a newly arrived chief to build connections with the great clans or communities in the local society. The organization in Dianjiangtai could have been an attempt to undertake the same approach. The local community in the Yizhou was complex, with the Qiang 羌 people on the border with Tuyunhun to the north. As Li Xuansi and his family were based in the Ankang area, when the Tang court sent him to govern the Yizhou, he would have needed to build his authority and local connections. Another inspiration for this association might also have been Emperor Taizong’s 太宗 sponsorship of seven monasteries on the seven battlefields of the past wars in the third year of the Zhenguan era (630 CE).19 In 625 CE, the Tuyunhun invaded Songzhou 松州, while the army of Tang passed through Yizhou to arrive at the frontier (Sima et al. 1956, Reprinted, p. 5983). It seems reasonable to consider the creation of the Buddhist images in this location as a response to Emperor Taizong’s order to transform a battlefield into a religious space.

5.3. Monk Daomi and the Buddhist Association

Another type of Buddhist association was recorded on the Wolongshan stele and was organized by members of the Buddhist clergy (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, pp. 133–34). At the top of the Wolongshan stele, the “Four-faced niche constructed by the Monk Daomi 造四面龕僧道密” emphasized the centrality of Monk Daomi 道密 to this rock carving project. Halfway up the stele, below the title of the miracle tale, “The Record of Amitābha Buddha and 52 bodhisattvas”, there are two names––one is the calligrapher who wrote the inscription, Deng YuanJue 鄧元覺, and the other the stonemason, Yang Zishang 楊子尚. On the lower half of the rock face, the names of forty seven donors are listed in four lines. The variety of family names indicates that this stele was not constructed by a single kinship group. Both men and women are listed, as can be ascertained from the fact that some of the names contain the feminine character “niang 娘”. Yet the lack of any background information makes it difficult to understand if any other social structure connected the donors. The whole site was completed on the fourteenth day of the seventh month, the day before the Zhongyuan 中元 Festival, suggesting that the project was possibly a memorial service for the repose of their deceased ancestor or relative.

The organization in Wolongshan followed the same format as the yiyi and Buddhist associations that appear in the historical record in Sichuan in the early seventh century. In the Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳, a Buddhist community referred to as a yiyi appears in the biography of Monk Baoqiong 寶瓊 (die. 635 CE) (T50, no. 2060, p. 688a10-b7).

Monk Baoqiong, whose family name was Ma, was born in the Mianzhu country in the Yizhou. He traveled around the villages without special methods, but only to diligently convert the people to believe Buddhism and respect its teachings. When he was old, he moved to the capital of yi prefecture and lived in the Fushou Monastery. He guides the villagers to associate the yiyi. Each yi consisted of thirty persons, who gathered to recite the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā. Each person in the yi was responsible for a single volume, each month they would gather and recite the sutra volume by volume in order. Such yiyi were organized thousands of times, the persons in the surrounding area heard of this all came…In the eighth year of the Zhenguan reign, [Baoqiong] died at his house.

釋寶瓊, 馬氏, 益州綿竹人.歷遊邑洛, 無他方術, 但勸信向尊敬佛法.晚移州治住福壽寺, 率勵坊郭.邑義為先, 每結一邑必三十人, 合誦大品, 人別一卷.月營齋集, 各依次誦.如此義邑乃盈千計.四遠聞者皆來造欵……以貞觀八年, 終於所住.

• Although the Monk Baoqiong moved to Chengdu later in life, in his younger years, he was a wandering monk, traveling around the rural region and organizing yiyi to preach Buddhism to the masses. These activities seem to have been focused on the countryside of Mianyang, his hometown. His death, in the eighth year of the Zhengyuan reign (635 CE), occurred in the same year as the construction of the Wolongshan.

The above two sources of evidence can help us to confirm that the yiyi organization was introduced from northern China to the Mianyang area. Daomi’s organization of 47 laymen and laywomen to carve the Amitābha Buddha image was undoubtedly a typical practice of a yiyi association led by the clergy. Baoqiong’s yiyi association, which featured the chanting of sutras and gathering for feasting, has retained more of the characteristics of the Buddhist associations organized by Huiyuan in the Southern Dynasties (Ishida 1976). The two associations mentioned above were characterized by their emphasis on combining organizations with practical content. Wolongshan’s association consisted of the organizer Daomi, the inscription writer, the craftsmen, and another 47 general sponsors. The general sponsors donated one or two more statues, totaling 50 small bodhisattvas in the Amitābha image. In the yiyi association of Baoqiong, each person was responsible for a volume of the Pañcaviṃśatisāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā 大品般若經 and each month, they would gather and recite the sutra volume by volume, in order. This organizational method, which closely combines the contents of practice and highlights the cooperation and equality of statues among members, undoubtedly promoted Buddhism and the construction of a common identity as Buddhists among people with different backgrounds.

The inscriptions from Dianjiangtai and Wolongshan provide key evidence in discussing Buddhist associations in northern Sichuan’s cliff sculpture sites in the first half of the seventh century. Their organizational structures and functions closely resemble those of northern yiyi associations and suggest the reception of Buddhist associations dedicated to constructing grottoes from northern China into southern society. These two cases, together with the yiyi organized by Monk Baoqiong chanting scriptures in Buddhist literature, depict the basic appearance of Buddhist associations in Sichuan during this period.

6. Further Discussion in Historical Context

This article examines late Sui and early Tang Buddhist cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan, focusing on site structures, stone carvings, and devotional inscriptions. They vividly illustrate the material culture that emerged in northern Sichuan as a “frontier” region transitioning to an “inland” society following the reunification of northern and southern China during the Sui and Tang Dynasties. Buddhist literature and historical texts provide numerous anecdotal records and descriptions of interactions between the north and south, especially Chengdu and Xi’an. They also provide insights into the relationships between Buddhism and Taoism in northern Sichuan and surrounding regions. By examining these glimpses in the historical context, we can gain insights into the underlying motivations behind the construction of Buddhist cliff sculptures in northern Sichuan in the first half of the seventh century.

Local Officials from Northern China

As discussed above, the construction of some of these sites was achieved through the sponsorship of government officials whose leaders were of northern origin. It should be noted that it was not unusual for local officials in the Sichuan area to come from northern China. The power structure of the Tang Dynasty continued to be centered on the Guanlong 關隆 nobles (Chen 1997, p. 49), as it had been in the Northern Dynasties and Sui Dynasty. The highest officials in the local government of the empire were usually selected from the great clans of the northern nobilities. As for the local officials discussed above, Wu Shiyue and Lady Yang, the parents of Empress Wu, supported the construction of the pavilion in Huangzesi, and Li Xuansi, who was the main sponsor of Dianjiangtai, was also a member of the northern nobility. Considering the significant role that Buddhism and the imperial cave temples played in the sovereignty of the northern-based states, it is not surprising that these assigned officials, who would have been familiar with the construction of cave temples in northern China, would participate in the sponsorship of new Buddhist sites in northern Sichuan. As these officials were essentially agents of the Tang court in Chang’an, Buddhist rock carving in northern Sichuan, in some sense, may also have acted as an extension of northern imperial power in this transitional region. A slight problem with this line of reasoning is that the initial group of northern officials would have been stationed in the region after its conquest by the Western Wei in the 550s. However, the construction of rock-carved sites did not begin to flourish in this region until the late Sui and early Tang periods, nearly fifty years later than its governance by the northerners. Therefore, the sponsorship of these northern nobles and their representation of the northern central government’s rule over the Sichuan area can be seen as fundamental conditions for the extensive construction of Buddhist rock carvings in northern Sichuan, and there must be another reason for the sudden surge in carving activity in the first half of the seventh century.

Immigrant Monks into the Shu area

Wang Jianping and Lei Yuhua mentioned the immigration wave during the late Sui and early Tang periods as background to the growth of site construction in the early seventh century (Wang and Lei 2013, p. 367). Due to rebellions in northern China, many brilliant monks fled the turbulence in northern China for the Sichuan area. Among them was Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664 CE), who would become the most famous Chinese cleric and translator of the Tang Dynasty. His biography provides a detailed record of his tour from his hometown near Luoyang to Chang’an and along the Golden Ox road to Chengdu.20 However, there is no direct evidence to prove the participation of northern monks in these discussed cliff sites.21 The unbalanced development of Buddhist rock carvings in northern Sichuan may provide circumstantial evidence. As discussed above, many new images, techniques, and practices, which were previously favored in northern China, started to appear in the Mianyang area at this time. These include stone scriptures, the four-sided niches, the Amitābha and fifty-two bodhisattvas image, and the sponsor association led by Daomi. Compared to Guangyuan, Mianyang is relatively far from northern China and has an artistic tradition that is more closely related to the Chengdu area from the sixth century onward. The gradual spread of ideas and motifs should not skip Guangyuan but reach Mianyang without any particular reason. However, if we consider the samgha, the sudden rise of northern motifs and techniques in Mianyang becomes much more understandable. According to the biography of Xuanzang, most of these northern monks settled in Mianyang and Chengdu.22 The new practical content, knowledge of images, and organizational systems they brought with them stimulated the enthusiasm for constructing the cliff sculpture and then burst into great creativity.

The Tension between Buddhism and Daoism

Lin Sheng-chih has already pointed out that Mianyang’s religious landscape underwent great change in the early Tang Dynasty. Construction centered on Daoist sites in the Sui Dynasty was gradually challenged by increased Buddhist stone carvings. In the midst of this significant change, there would have been fierce tension or even a struggle between Buddhism and Daoism (Lin 2017). The above-mentioned biography of Baoqiong shows the direct struggle between Buddhism and Daoism during this period. The crowd in a Daoist gathering pressured him to worship a Tianzu 天尊 statue (likely around the Mianyang area). The Daoist statue, unable to endure the worship from the Buddhist monk, collapsed to the ground. Initially, the Daoists did not believe and forced Baoqiong to worship again. The statue collapsed again, finally convincing these Daoists of this miracle (T50, no. 2060, p. 688a22-b2). This Buddhism–Daoism tension can also explain the popularity of the “auspicious images” and the “auspicious sutras” in Mianyang during this period. A significant detail in the story of Linghu Wengui is that only the Buddhist sutras survived the fire, while the accompanying Daoist scriptures were turned to ashes. The different destinies of the two religious scriptures clearly show the position of Buddhism relative to Daoism. Another fascinating sample is found in the Shengshuisi 聖水寺, Weicheng 魏城 in the Mianyang area. On this site, a Buddha and a Tianzu sitting side by side have been carved together with one hundred and eight attendees (Sichuan sheng wenwu kaogu yanjiuyuan and Mianyang shi wenwuju 2010, fig. 48). It takes the image of Amitābha Buddha and fifty-two bodhisattvas as its framework, which has been mentioned by Lin, indicating that the talismanic properties of this Buddhist image were widely recognized and extended beyond the limits of religion in this area in the early Tang.

In summary, the late Sui and early Tang Buddhist grottoes in northern Sichuan are not mere variations of large-scale sites in the Central Plain nor passive, fragmented continuations of sculptural traditions since the Southern Dynasties in Sichuan. Instead, they represent a reconfiguration of niche-based site structures and Buddhist associations with collective patronage, prevalent in northern grottoes during the Northern Dynasties, as well as the stone carving art styles developed in the Southern Dynasties of Sichuan. During this period, the influx of northern officials dispatched by the central government and refugee monks seeking to escape warfare strongly promoted and participated in the construction of Buddhist grottoes in Sichuan. This significant shift in the religious landscape exacerbated tensions between Buddhism and Daoism and stimulated the production and dissemination of miraculous stories and images. Therefore, the construction of Buddhist grottoes in northern Sichuan occurred against the backdrop of the Sui and Tang Dynasties’ reunification of the north and south. These scattered grottoes reconstructed the sacred landscape in this transitional area and established it as one of the regions achieving the highest levels of Buddhist art in the first half of the seventh century.