Glocalization: The Development and Localization of Chinese Christian Hymns between 1807 and 1949

Abstract

The global dissemination of Christianity has resulted in diverse singing styles and historical narratives that incorporate different languages and musical traditions. Chinese Christian hymns, in particular, possess distinctive features that reflect the Chinese thinking mode and cultural values, showcasing the interplay between Western hymns and Chinese singing and poetic and cultural traditions within the Chinese historical context. This paper takes Chinese Christian hymnals published between 1807 and 1949 as its object of study. It conducts research on representative hymnals from three historical stages: the emergence, flourishing, and prosperity of hymns, and examines their compilation and publication. Using methods such as historical research, textual criticism, translation studies, and cross-cultural communication, the paper explores the evolution of Chinese Christian hymns. The paper analyzes such aspects of the hymnals as translating and writing strategies, thematic content, linguistic features, editing and formatting, as well as the selection and composition of melodies. It is concluded that the indigenization of Chinese hymns does not involve outright rejection of foreign elements or unquestioning adherence to local traditions, but rather represents a common ground between Chinese and Western languages and vocal traditions, reflecting the characteristic of glocalization.

1. Introduction

Christianity, as a singing religion, has consistently encouraged believers throughout history to express their faith through hymns, conveying their deepest emotions and goodwill. However, the global dissemination of Christianity has given rise to diverse singing traditions and historical memories owing to variations in languages and musical cultures across various countries and regions. In comparison with hymns composed in languages such as Greek, Latin, German, and English, Chinese Christian hymns possess distinct characteristics that reflect the influence of Chinese ways of thinking and cultural values. They represent the interplay between Western hymns and the traditional Chinese singing traditions within the Chinese context. The publication of Chinese Christian hymnals since the arrival of British missionary Robert Morrison 馬禮遜 in China in 1807 has been generally recognized as a significant milestone in Chinese music history. The strategic integration of Christian hymns into Chinese national culture and the Chinese psyche has played a pivotal role in shaping the identity of Chinese Christians, constructing a new knowledge system of Chinese music, and facilitating global music exchanges.

Scholars both within and outside of China have made significant contributions to the study of Chinese Christian hymn collections. In his doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of Southern California, Sheng (1964) explored the application of Confucian, Buddhist, Taoist, and indigenous Chinese theology in the production of Chinese Christian hymns. Similarly, in his master’s thesis, Chen (1986) analyzed the stylistic features of Chinese Christian hymns based on the theological thoughts or traditions of various denominations, highlighting the theological connotations conveyed in the hymns. In her monograph, A History of Chinese Christian Hymnody, Hsieh (2009) traced the development of Chinese Christian hymns within the context of Chinese history and culture. However, they failed to recognize that the key to the study of Chinese Christian hymns is an examination of the compatibility between the words and sentences in the verses and the notes and beats in the melodies, as a hymn consists of both melody and verse, with each element complementing the other.

In order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the indigenization of Chinese Christian hymns, it is essential to conduct a thorough examination of Chinese Christian hymnals across different historical periods. This will involve selecting representative Chinese Christian hymnals for case studies, scrutinizing their compilation and publication within historical contexts, and conducting a detailed analysis of the linguistic characteristics and stylistic features of the hymns. The goal is to unravel the translation or composition strategies employed, which are essential for identifying foreign and indigenous elements within the hymn collections and reaching sound conclusions.

This paper aims to examine the evolution of Chinese Christian hymnals from 1807 to 1949 using the lens of glocalization. The development of Chinese Christian hymnals will be categorized into three periods: the emergence (1807–1840), flourishing (1840–1911), and prosperity (1911–1949). The emergence period began in 1807 with the arrival of Robert Morrison in China and ended in 1840 with the outbreak of the First Opium War. During this period, hymn books were primarily available in Mandarin Chinese and were compiled by Western missionaries. They initially translated original hymns into prose texts and then versified the prose texts with the help of their Chinese collaborators. The flourishing period, spanning from 1840 to 1911, witnessed the coexistence of hymn books in classical Chinese and vernacular Chinese. This era also saw the emergence of hymnals in various dialects and hymnals with music notations. These developments made evangelical messages accessible to common people across China and showcased the profound impact of Christianity on music education in church schools. The prosperity period, corresponding to the “Republican Era,” was marked by the collaborative efforts of localized churches in creating hymnals. Influenced by various social movements stemming from the awakening of national consciousness, these hymnals featured a meticulous selection of Chinese hymns and tunes. This ultimately led to the indigenization of Christian hymnody in China. Overall, this study explores the evolution of Chinese Christian hymnals over time, highlighting the cultural adaptations and local influences that shaped the development of hymnody in China.

In the following sections, the paper will first provide an overview of each period, highlighting the key developments and trends in Chinese Christian hymnody. It will delve into the format, layout, content, linguistic features, artistic or musical styles, as well as the cultural and social contexts in which specific hymnals were published. The paper will conduct case studies on significant hymnals from each period. These case studies will include Robert Morrison’s (1818) Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit (《養心神詩》) from the first period, E.C. Lord’s (1856) Hymns and Tunes (《贊神樂章》), E.B. Inslee’s (1858) Sing Saen Yiae Ko (《聖山諧歌》), and Blodget and Goodrich’s (1872) Hymns for Praise to the Lord (《頌主詩歌》) from the second period. Additionally, the paper will examine Hymns of Universal Praise (《普天頌贊》 1936) from the third period. For each hymnal, the paper will explore the historical contexts, analyze their compilation and publication processes, and conduct detailed analyses of selected hymns within the collections. The ultimate goal is to shed light on the intricate relationship between Chinese Christian hymns, the establishment of Chinese Christian identity, and the construction of the Chinese music knowledge system.

It is important to discuss why the perspective of glocalization is adopted in this research. Glocalization emphasizes the interaction between globalization and localization, allowing researchers to shift from a western-centric research paradigm to a “China-centered” paradigm. This perspective is valuable as it attaches great importance to literature on Chinese Christian studies and Chinese viewpoints, enabling a more comprehensive understanding of the topic (Wu 2007). By adopting the perspective of glocalization, this research aims to bridge the gap between global influences and local contexts, providing insights into the specific implications and adaptations of Chinese Christianity within its cultural and social contexts.

2. The Emergence of Chinese Christian Hymns (1807–1840)

2.1. Overview

Influenced by the Evangelical Revival movement derived from Pietism, missionary Robert Morrison (1782–1834) arrived in Macau on 4 September 1807, under the London Missionary Society. This marked the prelude to Christian missions in China. One significant contribution made by Morrison, as observed in this paper, was the introduction of Western Christian hymns to China, initiating a new phase in the history of disseminating the gospel through music. In 1813, William Milne 米憐 (1785–1822) and other missionaries from the London Missionary Society arrived in China with the aim of assisting in the establishment of the Chinese evangelization center. However, their efforts were hindered by the strong opposition from Catholics in Macau and the Qing government’s prohibition of preaching Christianity in China. Due to the same concerns, early missionaries in China redirected their operations primarily to Southeast Asia, which was home to a large population of ethnic Chinese who had strong ties with Chinese culture and traditions. This strategic approach allowed them to lay the groundwork and prepare for future endeavors, opening the door to China. As a result, although the number of hymn collections produced during this period was relatively small, their impact was significant and far-reaching. According to D. Guo’s (2021, pp. 44–45) calculation, a total of 9 collections were published from 1814 to 1842.

It is noteworthy that early Chinese Christian hymns were predominantly translations and adaptations of hymns composed by British authors, including Issac Watts. Initially translated into prose by Western missionaries, these hymns were subsequently transformed into rhymed verses with the assistance of their Chinese collaborators. Consequently, the versified hymns were meticulously adjusted to align with Chinese poetic norms and printing practices, encompassing elements such as format, layout, rhythm, and rhyme.

The subject matter of these hymns was largely derived from the Bible, with the primary aim of preaching Christian doctrines to a Chinese audience. This utilitarian approach is evident in many Chinese Christian hymns. For instance, the opening hymn in Morisson’s Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit, titled “行善修持品最高” (The Highest Virtue Lies in Practicing Goodness), is a translation and adaptation of Psalm 1: Blessed is the one who does not walk in step with the wicked.

Another example can be found in the 43rd verse of Xinzeng Yangxin Shenshi (《新增養心神詩》 A New Edition of Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit), compiled by William Milne (Milne 1821), which references Ananias and Sapphira from Acts 5:1–11. The verse recounts their deceitful actions, leading to their tragic demise as a consequence of lying to the Holy Spirit.

In contrast to the hymns translated before 1807, such as those translated by Adam, known as Jingjing 景凈 in China, who introduced Nestorianism 景教 to China in the Tang Dynasty, the hymns translated during this period no longer rely on Buddhist rhetoric to expound on Christian doctrines. Instead, they directly preach Christian doctrines and seek to convert believers of other religions and Confucianism into Christians, reflecting the exclusive nature of the region. For example, the 2nd hymn in Yangxin Shenshi (《養心神詩》 Hymns for Nourishing the Mind and Heart) compiled by Walter Henry Medhurst (Medhurst 1838) 麥都思 (1796–1857) states: “上帝當存獨一君，擔當宇宙主親肩⋯⋯他神菩薩都捐棄，不忍為靈不坐禪。” (God alone should be revered, bearing the responsibility of the universe… gods and bodhisattvas should be abandoned, no worship of other spirits or sitting in meditation.) Furthermore, the 24th hymn directly critiques Confucianism and promotes Christianity as the right path: “群儒盡力傳規模，不得指揮赦罪機；孔孟無言死後事，耶穌正道俱施知。” (The Confucian scholars strive to disseminate their teachings, but they fail to mention that sins can be forgiven; Confucius and Mencius remain silent about matters after death, while Jesus points to us the right path we shall all take.) This shift in translated hymns not only reflects the changing approach to disseminating Christianity in China but also demonstrates the influence of these translations in challenging and critiquing existing Chinese beliefs.

Secondly, the translators often made efforts to make the verses as rhythmical as possible to achieve singability in the Chinese versions. For instance, the 48th verse in Xuzuan Xingshen Shenshi (《續纂省身神詩》 A Sequel to Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit), edited by John Robert Morrison (Morrison 1835) 馬儒翰 (1814–1843), begins with the lines: “欲潔心靈仗望神天/心念言行俱要向善/真道無窮極樂無邊/醒覺癡迷慕愛正道/痛恨前非罪惡萬千” (In search of a pure soul, I seek God’s grace divine, /Thoughts, words, and deeds, all must with goodness align. /The path of truth is boundless, with joy that knows no end, /Awakening from delusion, walking down the righteous path. /Regretting past wrongs, a thousand sins to amend.) The last Chinese characters in the first, third, and fifth lines “天” (tian), “邊” (bian) and “千” (qian), rhyme with one another.

However, some verses break the rules of rhyme schemes of traditional Chinese poetry to better match the verse with the melody and arrange the alternation of strong and weak beats more reasonably. No poem can illustrate this point better than the 49th verse from A Sequel to Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit: “天地主是吾牧/洞明真道身貧亦樂/信耶穌屬神民/伊等心念言行誠實/丹心慕向真福/信輩獨尊上帝為主” (The Lord, my shepherd, guides with tender care, /In humble poverty, I find joy to share. /Believing in Jesus, I’m part of God’s chosen flock, /With honest thoughts and actions, my heart is shown. /A burning desire for true blessings I pursue, /Exalting God above all, my faith stays true.) The lines in this verse alternate between six and eight characters, and the language of this poem is a mixture of classical and vernacular Chinese. It can be seen from the two examples that early Chinese Christian hymns adapted to Chinese language norms and printing practices at that time while also reproducing western religious thoughts and cultural elements. The realization of harmony between Chinese characters, syntax, sounds and beats, and other technical arrangements shows that the translated Chinese hymns exhibit characteristics of both globalization and localization.

2.2. Case Study

Robert Morrison’s Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit

Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit was translated and compiled by Robert Morrison in collaboration with his Chinese assistant Ge Maohe 葛茂和, and the hymn book was first published in 1814.1

On March 27, 1814, Robert Morrison presented Ge Yacai with the booklet Hymns for Nurturing the Spirit, which was written in prose form and intended for use in Sunday morning prayers. Ge Yacai, who worked as a typesetter in the printing house of the East India Company, then passed the booklet to his father, Ge Maohe. Ge Maohe then adapted the hymns into rhymed verses. The booklet was scheduled for printing in April (Milne 1820, p. 120), and the actual printing process began in June, concluding in September (Morrison and Morrison 1889, pp. 363, 381, 403, 407, 431). Afterward, the hymn book went through three subsequent editions: the 1818 edition, the abridged version in 1819, and the 1819 edition that combined the hymn book with Nianzhong Meiri Zaowan Qidao Xushi (《年中每日早晚祈禱敘式》Daily Morning and Evening Prayers of the Church of England) (Morrison and Morrison 1889, pp. 536–37).

Figure 1 is the cover of the 1818 edition of the book, featuring a quote from Chuangtze: “一日不念善，諸惡自皆起” (If one does not reflect on goodness, all evil will arise). The purpose of including this quote from Chinese classics is to make Christianity more accessible to Chinese readers by presenting it alongside traditional Chinese thoughts. This approach aims to reduce resistance and facilitate understanding and acceptance of the religious concepts conveyed in the verses.

Morrison’s hymn book consists of a preface and 30 hymns. The book is bound with a five-needle eye format, a relatively rare style in ancient Chinese book publications but commonly used in overseas publications. The verses included in the book were carefully selected and translated by Robert Morrison from English rhymed verses, psalms, and hymns commonly used in churches in England. These include works from the Scottish Psalter, hymns by Isaac Watts, and poems by William Cowper and John Newton’s Olney Hymns. Morrison initially translated them into prose, which was then transformed into rhymed verses by Ge Maohe. This collaborative effort between Morrison and Ge Maohe resulted in the creation of a hymn book that beautifully blends Western hymnody with the poetic traditions of the Chinese language.

Many of the 30 hymns within this collection exhibit even and orderly sentence structures, adhering to the norms of traditional Chinese poetry. To make the verses more accessible to a wider audience, a combination of classic and vernacular Chinese is employed. The inclusion of function words and modal particles such as “之”, “其”, and “焉” serves to create a balanced and rhythmic flow in the lines. The variation in tones is achieved through alternating lines with even and odd numbers of words. While the Chinese verses effectively convey the evangelical messages present in the original English verses, there may be deviations in meaning and discrepancies arising from the influence of Chinese ways of thinking and cultural elements. To illustrate this, let us compare the first hymn “Xingshan Xiuchi Pin Zui Gao” (《行善修持品最高》 “The Highest Virtue Lies in Practicing Goodness”) in the hymn book and its original version from Psalms 1. Through this comparison, we can identify the ways in which the translated version deviates from the original version in meaning and analyze the possible reasons behind these deviations.

The English Version

Blessed is the one

who does not walk in step with the wicked

or stand in the way that sinners take

or sit in the company of mockers,

but whose delight is in the law of the Lord,

and who meditates on his law, day and night.

That person is like a tree planted by streams of water,

which yields its fruit in season

and whose leaf does not wither—

whatever they do prospers.

Not so the wicked!

They are like chaff

that the wind blows away.

Therefore, the wicked will not stand in the judgment,

nor sinners in the assembly of the righteous.

For the Lord watches over the way of the righteous,

but the way of the wicked leads to destruction.

(International Bible Society 1984, p. 588)

The Chinese Version:

行善修持品最高

隨時檢點用心勞

惡人道路休趨向

敬畏聖神莫侮汙

默想主神真律誡

免教魔鬼誘泥塗

從茲靈種栽河畔

結實枝榮永不枯

為惡之人念弗良

譬風吹簸稻糠揚

罔知敬畏存修者

惟戀邪酗自損傷

安得超生長福地

終宜墜入杳冥場

主神在上常臨格

報應分明萬古揚

(R. Morrison 1818, p. 1)

Back Translation of the Chinese Version:

The Highest Virtue Lies in Practicing Goodness

Always mindful and conscientious in every endeavor.

Steer clear of the path of the wicked,

Respect and revere the Lord, never tarnish or scorn.

Contemplate the Lord’s laws and teachings,

You’ll be shielded from the devil’s lure into mire

Follow him, and you shall be like a seed planted by the riverside,

Growing into a tree bearing fruits that never withers.

For those who commit evil deeds, their minds are consumed by wicked thoughts,

They are like chaff blown away by the wind.

Unaware of reverence and the path to self-renew,

Enamored with vices, self-destruction they pursue.

How can one attain incarnation and eternal grace,

Yet ultimately be destined to fall into the dark and obscure void?

The supreme God above always observes and judges,

Retribution clear and distinct, resonating throughout eternity.

If we compare the Chinese and English versions, we can identify three major differences. Firstly, the English version emphasizes the blessedness of those who distance themselves from the wicked and find joy in following the Lord’s teachings. In contrast, the Chinese version highlights the practice of goodness as the highest virtue, always being mindful of one’s words and deeds, as depicted in the first two lines: “行善修持品最高 隨時檢點用心勞” (The Highest Virtue Lies in Practicing Goodness,/Always mindful and conscientious in every endeavor).

Secondly, the English version emphasizes the contrast between the righteous and the wicked, while the Chinese version places a stronger emphasis on admonitions and warnings. It highlights the dire consequences of failing to avoid association with the wicked, lacking respect and reverence for God, neglecting contemplation of the Lord’s laws and teachings, and engaging in evil deeds. These actions are portrayed as leading to self-destruction and hindering the pursuit of incarnation and eternal grace. The Chinese version highlights these specific actions because, according to Chinese Christians, one of the primary purposes of preaching Christianity is to exhort individuals to renounce evil and embrace goodness.

Moreover, the Chinese version integrates elements from Buddhism and Taoism. For instance, “超生長福” refers to attaining eternal blessings through incarnation, a Buddhist concept, while “報應” represents karma, another Buddhist term. Additionally, “杳冥” is a Taoist concept symbolizing a state of dark and obscure emptiness achieved through practicing inner alchemy. Considering these adaptations, it is evident that the Chinese version can be regarded as a transcreation rather than a literal and faithful rendering of the original English version.

In terms of poetic style, the Chinese version incorporates a rhyme scheme where the last characters in lines 9, 10, 12, 14, and 16 “良” (liang, line 9) “揚” (yang, line 10) “傷” (shang, line 12), “場” (chang, line 14), and “揚” (yang, line 16) rhyme with one another.

In terms of publication, the layout of the hymn book adheres to traditional Chinese typesetting. The Chinese characters are printed vertically, from top to bottom, and the columns are arranged from right to left, aligning with the reading preferences of Chinese readers. This layout can be observed from a page of the 1818 edition in Figure 2 below. Additionally, notes are positioned at the top of each page, following the traditional Chinese style of annotation. Morrison’s primary goal was to promote Christianity among ordinary Chinese individuals. Collaborating with Ge Maohe, Morrison employed various strategies to ensure the hymnal’s adaptability to the cultural and historical contexts in China. Their joint efforts aimed to strike a delicate balance between conveying the original evangelical messages and rendering them more relevant and accessible to Chinese believers. As a result, Christianity’s doctrines were indigenized, allowing for a deeper connection with the local community.

3. The Flourishing of Chinese Hymns (1840–1911)

3.1. Overview

Following the Opium War, Western countries took advantage of unequal treaties like the Treaty of Nanjing 南京條約, which was signed between their governments and the Qing government. The legalization of preaching Christianity to common people in China led to an influx of Western missions and denominations sending their missionaries to China, particularly to Hong Kong and the treaty ports. These locations served as bases for disseminating the gospel, leveraging the favorable conditions provided by the treaties. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895, China experienced a growing interest in learning from the West. Missionaries responded to this trend by actively engaging in secular affairs such as establishing schools and hospitals and participating in charitable work. This involvement allowed them to immerse themselves in various aspects of Chinese society, creating opportunities for deeper integration. Consequently, there was an increasing demand for the publication of more Chinese Christian hymnals, leading to the expansion of the scope of the subject matters covered in the hymnals. According to the calculation of the authors of this paper, between 1840 and 1911, a total of 151 hymnals were published, primarily falling into two categories: hymnals in dialects and hymnals with music notation (D. Guo 2021, p. 79).

3.1.1. Hymnals in Dialects

China, being a vast country with a large population, is home to various dialects spoken in different regions, despite Mandarin Chinese being established as the official language by the government. Apparently, a hymn in a Chinese dialect is a clear example of the indigenization of Christianity in China. In the preface to Yangxin Shenshi Xinbian (《養心神詩新編》 A New Hymn Book), published in 1854, William Young 楊威廉 (1816–1886) expressed his reasoning: “Although the old versions were used for preaching and recitation, people could only recognize the characters without truly understanding their meaning. If the meaning is not understood, then the implied messages within will not be thoroughly comprehended. Therefore, I translated the hymns into the Xiamen dialect to clarify the meaning for the local people. Additionally, I composed a few hymns and included them in this collection. My hope is that from now on, those who worship regularly will be able to comprehend the hymns when reciting them or listening to other people recite them.” (Young 1854, p. 1).

According to the authors’ calculation, 60 hymnals in dialects were published between 1851 and 1911 (D. Guo 2021, p. 81). These collections not only introduced new rhetorical and linguistic forms but also utilized Romanized spellings of dialects. Among the dialects represented, Minnan dialect 閩南語 and Wu dialect 吳語 were the most prevalent, with 18 collections in Fuzhou dialect 福州話, 11 collections in Xiamen dialect 廈門話, 11 collections in Shanghai dialect 上海話, 5 collections in Cantonese 廣東話2, and 2 collections in Suzhou dialect 蘇州話. Most of these hymnals were compiled and published by western missionaries. The earliest known hymn book of this nature was Tsaen-Me Tsing Jing S. (《赞美诗》) in Ningbo dialect, spelled in Roman letters, published in 1851 by Samuel Newell D. Martin 孟丁元 (1825–1903) and Henry Van Vleck Rankin 藍亨利 (1825–1863) (Martin and Van Vleck Rankin 1851). Notably, in 1906, Guo Baizhen 郭百禎 (B. Guo 1906) compiled and published Fuzhou Fenxinghui Shige (《福州奮興會詩歌》 Hymns for Foochow Revival Society), making him one of the earliest Chinese Christians to compile a hymn book in a Chinese dialect (Martin and Van Vleck Rankin 1851).

3.1.2. Hymnals with Music Notation

As an integral part of the dissemination of Western learning to the East 西學東漸, the introduction of hymn books with music scores revolutionized the way Chinese people approached music education. These hymn books can be categorized into three types based on three methods of music notation: hymn books with staff notes, hymn books with Tonic Sol-fa notes, and hymn books with shape notes. Among the verified hymn books, the publication of Zanshen Yuezhang (《贊神樂章》 Hymns and Tunes) compiled by Edward Clemens Lord 羅爾梯 (1817–1887) in 1856 marked a significant milestone in the history of Chinese Christian hymn books, as it introduced staff notation. The inclusion of music notation in hymn books facilitated the dissemination of western music knowledge and promoted the transformation of music education in modern China. From a contemporary perspective, staff notation has become the standard method for Chinese people to learn music.

One notable hymn book using Tonic Sol-fa notation is Yangxin Shidiao (《養心詩調》 Hymn Tunes in Three Parts: Treble, Tenor, and Bass), which was compiled by Carstairs Douglas (1868) 杜嘉德 (1830–1877) and published in 1868 (Blodget and Goodrich 1872; Douglas 1868). The Tonic Sol-fa notation, which originated in England, gained popularity in various cities such as Hong Kong, Beijing, and Tianjin. These cities, being among the earliest treaty ports opened in the mid-19th century, played a crucial role in facilitating the spread of this notation method.

One of the most notable examples of hymn books utilizing shape notation is Xiguo Yuefa Qimeng (《西國樂法啓蒙》Rudiments of Western Music) by Julia Brown Mateer 狄邦就烈 (1837–1898), published in 1872 (Mateer 1872). The hymn book effectively employed geometric shapes to represent music notes, making shape notation a simplified method for teaching and learning music, especially for congregational singing.

Additionally, western missionaries also experimented with indigenous Chinese notation systems, utilizing both Gongche notation 工尺譜 and staff notation to record hymn tunes. However, they eventually gave up the traditional Chinese notation system and embraced staff notation, reflecting the influence of Western culture on modern music education in China.3

3.2. Case Studies

3.2.1. E.C. Lord’s Hymns and Tunes

The publication of Zanshen Yuezhang (《贊神樂章》Hymns and Tunes) in 1856 by Edward Clemens Lord, a missionary of the American Baptist Mission in Ningbo, marked a significant milestone as the earliest Chinese hymn book to feature staff notation. This collection of 25 hymns showcases a unique blend of regional and national appeal, with verses written in both Chinese characters and the Romanized Ningbo dialect. The Chinese verses are presented in a vertical format, incorporating elements of classical and vernacular Chinese, while the verses in Romanized Ningbo dialect and the accompanying music notation are presented horizontally (see Figure 3). Notably, 18 of the hymns deviate from the traditional seven-character poetic format, adopting a mix of long and short sentences in a prose-like structure. This adaptation demonstrates the harmonization of Chinese verses with Western melodies.

In terms of content, both the titles and subject matter of the verses carry a missionary tone. The titles reflect praise for “the true God”, “Jesus”, “the Holy Spirit”, and “the Gospel”, as well as discussions on “heaven and hell”. Some titles directly indicate the occasions for which the hymns are intended, such as the 9th hymn “For Baptism”, the 10th hymn “For Communion”, the 17th hymn “For Morning Worship”, and the 18th hymn “For Evening Worship”. Figure 3. above showcases the cover of the hymn book and the two pages featuring the 9th hymn.

Figure 3 above reveals that the hymn book presents the Chinese character verses and the Romanized Ningbo dialect verses on one page, while the staff notation is printed on the other page. The Chinese title of the book deviates from the traditional vertical top-to-bottom typesetting commonly seen in Chinese book titles, instead being horizontally printed from right to left. Additionally, the musical notation follows a four-part choral score format, featuring four pitches. The symbols for clefs, key signatures, time signatures, bar lines, and notes closely resemble those used in today’s staff notation. However, one notable difference is the adoption of the American typesetting convention at that time, where the third part represents the primary melody. Overall, the composition demonstrates a consistent and well-structured rhythm, accompanied by a modest vocal range, making it highly accessible and enjoyable for both the general public and individuals with a rudimentary knowledge of music. An examination of the 9th hymn provides insight into the content and style of the entire hymn book. Presented below is the Chinese version of the 9th hymn, along with a literal English translation provided by the authors of this paper.

Chinese Version:

九 浸禮用

約翰倡道浸禮始傳

耶穌受之實操萬權

教諸門徒永為遵守

與凡信者表其悔懺

以字寶血洗滌罪愆

體一用三尊名可倚

為汝祓除歸順神天

(Lord 1856, p. 17)

Literal English Translation:

For Baptism

It was John who preached the gospel and started baptism.

He baptized Jesus, who is the baptizer,

Commanding his disciples to observe it forever,

As demonstration of repentance for all sins.

Through the word and the precious blood,

Sins and transgressions are cleansed.

In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit,

You are purified and submit to God in heaven.

The hymn is skillfully crafted in a poetic form, comprising seven lines, each with eight Chinese characters. Notably, the last characters in lines 1 (传, chuan), 2 (權, quan), 4 (懺, chan), 5 (愆, qian), and 7 (天, tian) beautifully rhyme with one another. This rhythmical verse flows smoothly, making it well-suited for singing and recitation. At first glance, it strikes one as an original poem, for no exact matching text can be found. However, in truth, this hymn serves as a concise summary of the accounts found in Mark 1, Luke 3, and Matthew 3, which narrate the stories of John the Baptist and Jesus Christ. According to these accounts, John was divinely commissioned to “prepare the way” for the arrival of Jesus Christ. He traversed the Jordan region, proclaiming a baptism of repentance for the forgiveness of sins. Multitudes from Jerusalem flocked to him, and he administered baptism in the Jordan River. John foretold the coming of a mightier figure who would baptize with the Holy Spirit, urging people to repent, as “the kingdom of heaven has come near” through repentance.

3.2.2. E.B. Inslee’s Sing Saen Yiae Ko

After half a century of missionary practice, congregating the faithful may not have presented significant challenges. However, the true difficulty lay in teaching worshippers to sing hymns while simultaneously imparting them with essential musical knowledge. This approach aimed to enable them not only to sing the hymns proficiently but also to understand the reasons behind the specific melodies. In September 1858, The Ningbo Huahua Bookstore 寧波華花書房 published Sing Saen Yiae Ko (《聖山諧歌》) in Ningbo dialect. This hymn book, compiled by American Presbyterian missionary Elias B. Inslee 應思理 (1822–1871), served as a valuable resource for the local community.

The compilation and publication of the hymn book were undertaken with the purpose of instructing the faithful in learning and singing hymns, just as stated in the back cover of the book: “This singing book may contain some errors, as any new creation might, and it may not immediately reach perfection. I sincerely hope that those who learn to sing will gradually correct these errors, striving towards excellence. That would be a great blessing”. Furthermore, the hymn book serves as a comprehensive music textbook, encompassing a wide range of topics including the scientific principles of vocalization, choral techniques, and Western music theory. It effectively fulfills the dual purpose of disseminating religious doctrines and imparting musical knowledge. This point is well exemplied by the page from Sing Saen Yiae Ko shown in Figure 4.

In 1868, while teaching at the Hangzhou Women’s School, Inslee and his wife adopted Sing Saen Yiae Ko as their music textbook. As the indigenization of evangelism progressed, particularly in the integration of music into the curriculum of church schools, the teaching of music knowledge became detached from hymn singing. During this period, church schools provided comprehensive music education, covering various subjects such as vocal techniques, instrumental playing, acoustics, music appreciation, and music theory.4 Seen from this perspective, the publication of Chinese Christian hymnals indirectly contributed to the dissemination of music knowledge among the general population in China.

3.3. Blodget and Goodrich’s Hymns for Praise to the Lord

Hymns for Praise to the Lord, compiled and published by Henry Blodget 柏漢理 (1825–1903) and Chauncey Goodrich 富善 (1759–1815), emerged as the most influential hymnal book from the late 19th century to the early 1930s. Its impact extended beyond national churches, reaching Asian countries and regions, including Japan. From 1872 to 1933, Hymns for Praise to the Lord underwent 29 editions, attaining widespread use and popularity. However, its prominence was eventually surpassed by the publication of Hymns of Universal Praise in 1936.

Most of the hymns were Chinese translations of English and American poems by Blodget, with Goodrich taking on the role of music editor. This remarkable collection featured contributions from over twenty missionaries representing diverse denominations, including the Congregationalist Church and the Presbyterian Church. Additionally, it incorporated hymns composed by Chinese Christians, among them Zhang Fengyuan 張逢源 and Zhang Xixin 張洗心. Notably, Pastor Zhang Xixin provided valuable assistance to Blodget and Goodrich in the meticulous editing and revising of both the verses and music within the hymnal (Wang 2019).

The 29 editions of Hymns for Praise to the Lord can be categorized into three types: those containing verses but no musical notation, those including both verses and musical notation, and those featuring musical notation without verses. Furthermore, certain editions incorporate the Sol-Fa notation alongside the conventional staff notation. It is worth noting that the preface of the hymnal not only provides the titles of the hymns included but also documents the challenges encountered by the translator during the translation process and the strategies employed to overcome them. They recognized the importance of preserving the rhythmic patterns and stresses of the English language to maintain harmony with the original melodies and ensure singability. At the same time, they understood the significance of adhering to the rules of Chinese phonetics and tonal patterns to preserve elegance in the translation. To navigate this challenge, Blodget and Goodrich ingeniously employed alternative rhymes 轉韵 or monorhymes 通韵, deviating from strict adherence to Chinese tonal patterns while still capturing the overall poetic essence. This approach not only resolved their immediate translation dilemma but also provided guidance for subsequent translation and writing practices in Chinese hymnody.

4. The Prosperity of Chinese Hymns (1911–1949)

4.1. Overview

During the first half of the 20th century, China underwent a period of turmoil marked by national interests, ethnic conflicts, cultural clashes, and social issues due to the introduction of new ideas and the awakening of national consciousness. Christian missionaries, who witnessed events such as the Boxer Movement, the May Fourth Movement, and non-Christian movements, recognized the importance of integrating Christianity into Chinese society and aligning with Chinese cultural values in their missionary endeavors.

As a result, numerous indigenized Chinese churches were established. In May 1922, the National Christian Conference was held in Shanghai, introducing the concept of “indigenous churches” 本色教會 and leading to the formation of the National Christian Council of China 中華全國基督教協進會. Notably, statistical records indicate that the number of missionaries and believers reached its peak by 1949, with approximately 7000 missionaries, nearly 700,000 believers, and 6767 churches (Zhao and Guo 2015, p. 54).

As a result, the compilation and publication of Chinese Christian hymnals reached their peak during this period, with an impressive total of 246 hymnals (D. Guo 2021, p. 112). Notably, out of these hymnals, 137 were either actively contributed to by Chinese believers or published by localized Chinese churches, highlighting the increasing participation and influence of the Chinese community in shaping the content of Chinese Christian hymnals. During this era, a number of notable Chinese Christian musicians emerged, among whom were Zhou Shu’an 周淑安5 and Li Baochen 李抱忱6, both of whom were members of the Union Hymnal Committee in charge of the compilation of Hymns of Universal Praise.

Undoubtedly, western missionaries initially took charge of the compilation and publication of Chinese Christian hymnals before the 20th century. However, as the subsequent century unfolded, the responsibility gradually shifted to Chinese believers and local cultural figures. During this period, the compilation and publication of Chinese Christian hymnals reflected a growing trend towards unity, as evidenced by various discussions and initiatives. For instance, at a conference in Guangzhou, there was a pressing debate on selecting the standard Chinese versions of 100 English hymns. In Hankou, a request was made for the compilation of a comprehensive hymnal, involving individuals and institutions from both Chinese and foreign backgrounds, as well as representatives from different denominations. Similarly, in Shanghai, there was a demand for a hymnal with bilingual Chinese and English columns with the hymns already selected.

The idea of a unified hymnal was also raised at a national conference, leading to the China Christian Continuation Committee 中華續行委辦會 being entrusted with the task of selecting a standardized hymnal and promoting its use in churches. One hymnal that epitomized this effort was Putian Songzan (《普天頌贊》 Hymns of Universal Praise). The hymnal not only incorporated elements of both Chinese and Western music cultures but also represented the diverse identities, nationalities, and denominations of the authors. They featured a harmonious blend of Chinese and foreign melodies, showcasing the rich diversity within the hymnal. Overall, the hymnal symbolized the fusion of Chinese and Western music cultures, serving as a testament to the inclusive nature of Chinese Christian worship. They celebrate the diverse backgrounds and traditions of the writers or translators of the hymns, while embracing both Chinese and foreign musical influences.

4.2. Case Study

4.2.1. Hymns of Universal Praise

Hymns of Universal Praise was compiled by a Union Hymnal Committee composed of representatives of the six churches: the Chung Hwa Sheng Kung Hwei 中華聖公會; the Church of Christ in China 中華基督教會; the East China Baptist Convention 華東浸禮會; the Methodist Episcopal Church North 美以美會; the Methodist Episcopal Church South 监理会; North China Kung Li Hui 華北公理會. It took the committee four years to complete the compilation of the hymnal, which was initially published in 1936. The selection of songs and tunes was agreed upon by all six churches. As claimed by The Union Hymnal Committee ([1936] 1948, pp. 8–9) in the preface to the hymnal, the aim of compiling such a hymnal was to “express praise and the loftiest aspirations of the whole Christian Church in China”. The committee strove to make the hymnal as comprehensive as possible so that it would “comprehend the characteristic features of each Church group” and be “adequate for the use of each denomination”. Therefore, it can be concluded that this exceptional project embodies the growing unity among churches in China.

The 1936 version of Hymns of Universal Praise contains 512 hymns, of which 452 are translations and 62 are Chinese original hymns. Out of the 548 tunes included in the hymnal, 474 were sourced from various Western origins, two originated from Japan, and 72 were original Chinese compositions. As the hymnal’s selection of hymns and tunes encompasses the entire country, defines the identity of the Chinese Church, and leaves a profound impact on churches in China and overseas, Leung (2007) hailed it as a Chinese national hymnody (pp. 5, 117, 119). Recognizing the aesthetic value of the hymnbook, the theologist Zhu Weizhi 朱維之 (1905–1999) lauded its compilation and publication as Christianity’s greatest contribution to Chinese literature since 1912, comparable to the publication of the official language (Mandarin) and union versions of the New and Old Testaments 官話和合譯本 in 1919 (Zhu [1941] 2010, pp. 121–22).

Hymns of Universal Praise stands as a remarkable collaborative endeavor, bringing together writers, religious scholars, musicians, and believers to contribute to its collection. Throughout the compilation process, valuable input and feedback were sought from hymn writers across the nation, ensuring a comprehensive representation of perspectives. Furthermore, each hymn underwent thorough evaluation through trial performances by vocalists. Since its inception in 1936, Hymns of Universal Praise has garnered significant attention and has been published in multiple versions, including versions with only verses, versions with verses and simplified notation, and versions with verses and staff notation. The impact of the hymn book on Chinese churches worldwide has been profound, evident in the remarkable distribution of over 572,000 copies between 1936 and 1947 (Lin 2009, p. 18).

Hymns of Universal Praise, as commented by Yang Yinliu 楊蔭瀏, is an exceptional hymnal that features a diverse collection of hymns spanning from different eras. This remarkable book offers a wide range of hymns suitable for various occasions, including church activities, national prayers, sacraments, children’s gatherings, and preaching sessions. The book encompasses a broad spectrum of theological perspectives, fostering unity among believers across different denominations. As more churches embrace Hymns of Universal Praise, its extensive repertoire of hymns becomes accessible for collective singing during joint assemblies, strengthening the sense of community (Taylor 1936, pp. 447–56).

In essence, Hymns of Universal Praise represents a historic gathering of diverse talents in Chinese Christian hymnody. Over time, revisions and additions have been made, including revisions conducted in Hong Kong in 1977 and 2006, which introduced new hymns. In 1981, an English version and an English-Chinese bilingual edition were published specifically for overseas Chinese churches. Notably, various denominations worldwide, including the Presbyterian Church and the Methodist Church in the U.S.A., the United Church of Canada, and the English Methodist Church, have incorporated the original Chinese Christian hymns from Hymns of Universal Praise into their hymnals (Leung 2007, p. 113). The hymnal’s profound impact has contributed significantly to the development of global hymnody.

4.2.2. Textual Analysis of Rise to Greet the Sun

In the 1936 edition of Hymns of Universal Praise, among the 62 original Chinese hymns, the most widely known is Qingchen Ge (《清晨歌》 Rise to Greet the Sun). The hymn was composed by the renowned Chinese theologian and poet, Chao Tzu-ch’en 趙紫宸 (1888–1979), in 1931.7 It was then set to music in 1934 by Hu De’ai 胡德愛, a music student at Yenching University, who based it on a folk song tune. In 1936, Bliss Wiant 範天祥 (1895–1975), an American music missionary of the Methodist Episcopal Church, added harmonies to it and included it in Hymns of Universal Praise as the music editor of this edition. In 1946, Bliss Wiant’s wife, Mildred Wiant (1898–2001), translated it into English and published it in Pagoda, a collection of 25 original Chinese hymns, thus capturing the attention of Western Christians. In 1964, Rise to Greet the Sun was included in The United Methodist Church Hymnal, making it the first hymn written and composed by Chinese people to be included in an American hymnal. A comprehensive analysis of this hymn can offer valuable insights into its thematic content and the emotions and ideas it conveys:

The Original Chinese version:

清早起來看，紅日出東方；

雄壯像勇士，美好像新郎；

天高鳥飛過，地闊野花香；

促我勤工作，天父有恩光。

懇求聖天父，時刻靠耶穌；

行為能良善，顏色會和溫；

虛心教小輩，克己敬年尊；

常常勤服務，表明天父恩。

但願今天好，時刻靠耶穌,

頭上青天在，心中惡念無；

樂得布衣暖，不嫌麥飯粗；

千千萬萬事，樣樣主幫扶。

(The Union Hymnal Committee [1936] 1948, p. 425)

The English version by Mildred Wiant:

Rise to greet the sun, reddening in the sky,

Warrior-like and strong, comely as a groom.

Birds pass high in flight, Fragrant flowers now bloom;

With the gracious light, my toil resume.

Father, I implore, Safely keep this child,

Make my conduct good, Actions calm and mild

Venerating age, humbly teaching youth.

Always serving Thee, Sharing Thy rich Truth.

May this day be blest; Trusting Jesus’ love.

My heart’s freed from ill, Fair blue sky’s above.

Glad for a cotton coat, Plain food satisfies;

All my countless needs, Thy kind hand supplies.

(United Methodist Church 1989, p. 678)

The hymn was penned by Chao Tzu-ch’en in 1931, during a period of civil unrest in China and the onset of the Japanese invasion. The hardworking farmers in China toiled tirelessly in the field day and night throughout the year, yet struggled to make ends meet. Chao intended this hymn to be used by farmers to express their devotion, gratitude, and reverence to God. The hymn vividly portrays typical scenes of the countryside, such as the sun rising from the east, birds soaring in the sky, expansive fields, and fragrant wildflowers—scenes familiar to farmers. It also reflects the farmers’ simple aspirations, hoping to earn a modest living through diligent labor (Glad for a cotton coat, Plain food satisfies). Additionally, the hymn implores farmers to lead a virtuous life, to have a mild temperament, to exercise self-restraint, to teach children humbly, and to show respect to the elderly—values inherent to Chinese culture.

In a letter to his friend in November 1951, Bliss Wiant expressed his viewpoint on indigenous Chinese hymns:

Indigenous Christian hymns have come into their own at this particular time, when nationalism runs high and demands that life should conform more and more to Chinese patterns. The essential beauty and richness of these hymns give proof of the universality of the Christian message. Because of this, Americans display a keen love and appreciation for them and find their own lives enriched and their attitudes towards Chinese music enlarged.

(Wiant 2003, pp. 184–85)

The widespread popularity of the hymn Rising to the Sun in churches in the United States stands as a testament to the validity of Bliss Wiant’s statement. The collaboration between Chao Tzu-ch’en, a Chinese theologian, and Bliss and Mildred Wiant, an American missionary couple, enabled the hymn Rising to the Sun to transcend its origins in China and become a shared cultural heritage in the musical exchange between China and the United States.

5. Conclusions

In modern Chinese history, Christianity has thrived as a singing religion, with hymn singing serving as a powerful tool used by both Western and Chinese missionaries. This practice has played a crucial role in disseminating Christian doctrines and cultivating a profound manifestation of faith among believers, encouraging them to channel their deepest emotions and goodwill. Chinese Christian hymns, being alien to traditional Chinese culture, are products of cultural exchanges between China and the West. The development of Chinese Christian hymns in modern history demonstrates a trend of glocalization, as there has been a dynamic interplay between Western hymns and Chinese singing, poetic, and cultural traditions within the Chinese historical and social contexts.

This paper has explored the evolution of Chinese Christian hymnals from 1807 to 1949 from the perspective of glocalization. The study has divided the evolution into three distinct periods: emergence (1807–1840), flourishing (1840–1911), and prosperity (1911–1949). By examining the general characteristics of each period and conducting case studies on representative hymnals, the paper has provided a relatively comprehensive analysis of the development of Chinese Christian hymnody within the framework of glocalization.

During the first period, hymnals were compiled by Western missionaries, directly drawing from English rhymed verses, psalms, and hymns. The themes of these hymnals closely reflected biblical teachings and scenes. Western missionaries initially translated English verses into prose texts, which were then collaboratively transformed into rhymed verses in classical Chinese with the help of Chinese Christians. In their pursuit of ensuring acceptance of Christian teachings, the missionaries and their Chinese collaborators made adaptations to suit the linguistic and cultural contexts of the Chinese audience. To establish connections between the Christian faith and pre-existing Chinese religious and philosophical traditions, elements from Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist teachings were incorporated into the hymns. Simultaneously, meticulous attention was paid to adhering to Chinese poetic conventions while maintaining faithfulness and accuracy to the original English hymns. Given that hymns combine verses and tunes, the missionaries and their assistants faced the challenge of harmonizing the “words” and “phrases” in the verses with the “notes” and “beats” of the tunes.

During the second period, hymnals underwent a notable shift towards the use of vernacular Chinese. This shift resulted in hymnals that exhibited a stronger emphasis on local and regional characteristics. A significant development during this time was the emergence of hymnals written in Romanized dialects, including Ningbo dialect, Xiamen dialect, and Cantonese. These dialect-specific hymnals were specifically created to meet the linguistic needs of ordinary people in different regions. Furthermore, Chinese Christians began actively participating in the compilation of hymnals. For instance, Guo Baizhen wrote Hymns for Foochow Revival Society, becoming one of the pioneering Chinese Christians to compose hymnals in dialect. Additionally, the hymns composed by Zhang Xixin and Zhang Xiyuan were included in Blodget and Goodrich’s Hymns for Praise to the Lord, exemplifying the incorporation of Chinese cultural elements into hymnal compilation. Another notable development during this period was the introduction of hymnals accompanied by musical scores. This innovation enabled Chinese believers to not only engage with the lyrics but also learn various notation systems, develop skills in sight-singing, and deepen their understanding of music theory. Moreover, the incorporation of music in the curriculum of church schools by missionaries in this period played a crucial role in advancing music education. Students enrolled in these schools received comprehensive instruction in vocal techniques, instrument playing, as well as music theory, which greatly enhanced their overall understanding and appreciation of music.

With the awakening of national consciousness and the emergence of various social movements, Chinese Christians recognized the importance of integrating Christian doctrines with the social and cultural circumstances in China. As a result, numerous indigenous churches were established, reflecting the desire to connect their faith with their cultural identity. This period also witnessed a significant increase in the production of hymnals, which played a vital role in disseminating Western music knowledge among Chinese Christians and enhancing their musical literacy. Additionally, these hymnals contributed to the development of a talented group of professional musicians within the Chinese Christian community. However, the presence of multiple denominations and diverse interpretations of Christian doctrine necessitated the formation of a dedicated committee to compile a hymnal that could be embraced by individuals from various denominational backgrounds. This led to the creation of Hymns of Universal Praise, a hymnal that marked a significant milestone in the history of Chinese Christian hymnody. Notably, Hymns of Universal Praise stood out for its distinct emphasis on localization, as it sought to incorporate elements that resonated with Chinese social and cultural contexts. This hymnal became a unifying force, fostering a shared worship experience that honored the diverse backgrounds of Chinese Christians.

Hymns of Universe Praise exemplified localization in multiple ways. Firstly, the hymn lyrics were carefully adapted to reflect the local context. Among the 512 hymns in the 1936 edition, 62 were Chinese hymns, and 452 were translated versions of classical hymns in foreign languages. These Chinese hymns seamlessly incorporated the everyday experiences, cultural imagery, aesthetic values, and narratives of the Chinese people. Careful adjustments were made to the translated hymns to ensure a harmonious unity among text, meaning, sound, and rhyme in accordance with the principles of musical composition. Additionally, the tunes were specifically tailored to suit the local musical traditions. Among the 548 tunes featured in the hymnal, 72 were Chinese tunes. This deliberate inclusion ensured that the music resonated with the cultural sensibilities of Chinese Christians. Furthermore, significant efforts were made to localize the hymn harmonies and arrangements. Some hymns in Hymns of Universal Praise showcased the exploration by Chinese Christian musicians of using the Western system of major and minor keys to harmonize Chinese tunes. This innovative approach resulted in a unique fusion of Western and Chinese musical elements. Lastly, the impact of Hymns of Universal Praise reached far beyond the borders of China. The publication of the English version of the 1977 revised edition in 1981, followed by the bilingual Chinese-English version in 1986, significantly contributed to the promotion of Christianity among the overseas Chinese churches.8 Additionally, the translation of indigenous Chinese hymns from Hymns of Universal Praise into English facilitated their inclusion in hymnals published in English-speaking countries.9 The dissemination of the indigenous Chinese hymns expanded the global repertoire of Christian worship, highlighting the cultural diversity and valuable contributions of Chinese Christians to the broader Christian community.

In conclusion, the examination of the interconnections between Western hymns and Chinese singing, poetic, and cultural traditions within Chinese historical and social contexts highlights the glocalization trend in the evolution of Chinese Christian hymns. Initially, Western hymns were introduced to China as a means of disseminating Christianity and introducing Western ideas and religious beliefs. However, Chinese Christians embraced these hymns and creatively adapted them to fit their own social and cultural contexts. They incorporated Chinese tunes, poetic conventions, and ethical values, effectively reshaping the hymns and integrating them into the fabric of Chinese culture. As a result, Chinese hymnology emerged as a unique blend of Western influences and local Chinese features, contributing to the global repertoire of Christian hymns.